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\jU^tL^ At.U-t-»J

ON A HITHERTO UNEXAMINED MANU-
SCRIPT OF JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI.

By C. Eaymond Beazley, M.A.

{Frmn ' The Geographical Journal ' for December.)

While working lately in the Library of Corpus Cliristi College, Cam-
bridge, I came upon a manuscript (No. 181, pp. 279-321) hitherto
unknown except by the bare mention of its title in Nasmith's and other
catalogues, which seems to have a distinct interest and value. It con-
tains, in the most complete form, the text of John de Piano Carpini's
account of the Mongols, and of his journey to the Great Khan's court
(a.d. 1245-7). The last chapter of Carpini's Historia Mongalorum has
hitherto been supposed to exist only in the Leyden manuscript known
as " Petau," from its old possessor Paul Petavius ; and as this chapter
is the record of Carpini's journey to Mongolia and back, it is more
valuable than any of the eight that precede it. Now, the whole of this
final chapter is to be found in the Corpus manuscript referred to, whose
value was wholly unknown to the eminent French scholar M. d'Avezac,
when he prepared his remarkable edition of Carpini for volume iv. of
the Paris Geographical Society's Becueil de Voyages et de Memoires puhlie
par la Societe de Geographie, 1839. Its worth and content were equally
unknown to Thomas Wright, who collated in a strangely casual manner
the London manuscript of Carpini (B. Mus., Eeg. 13 A. XIV.) for this
edition of the Societe de Geographie. The aforesaid edition of 1839 is, of
course, still the standard, and, indeed, the only recognizable one of this
great Franciscan traveller, for the truncated and corrupt text printed
by Hakluy t, and generally accepted till 1839, is unworthy of comparison
with that exhibited in the manuscripts of " Petau " and " Corpus " and
in the Paris text.

2 ON A HITHERTO UNEXAMINED MANUSCRIPT

It may be added that the Corpus manuscript contains in several
places fuller and more satisfactory readings even than " Petau." M.
d'Avezac, no doubt guided by the information or want of information he
received from England about Carpini manuscripts, evidently considered
that another manuscript of the Historia Mongalorum existed in Cam-
bridge, viz. No. 61 (or rather one in No. 61) in the collection of " Bennet "
College ; but this is the very same thing as one in No. 181 in the present
numbering of the Corpus collection, 61 being the number in Edward
Bernard's catalogue, now superseded by 181 in Nasmith's. It is strange
that this simple verification seems never to have been made hitherto.
According to Bernard, moreover (Gatalogi librorum mannscriptorum Angliae
et Hibemiae, 1697; partiii., p. 133, no. 1337, referring to 61 in the list of
codices manuscnpti Collegii S. Benedicti, and to the third item in the sixty-
first manuscript), the Carpini manuscript, called Historia Monogallorwn
sive Tartarorum Pr. Omnibus fidelibus, is the third piece in the volume,
the Eubruquis manuscript being reckoned as the fifth. This reckoning
is. reproduced by d'Avezac {Recueil, as quoted above, p. 448), the great
Paris geographer evidently considering that this manuscript of Carpini
was only catalogued in Bernard. But, as a matter of fact, the Rubruquis
text follows Carpini here without any interval whatever, and the two
really form the eighth and ninth items in the volume. It is also note-
worthy that Nasmith (Catalogue librorum manuscriptorum quos Coll. Corp.
Christ, et B. M. Virg. in Acad. Cantab, legavit Matth. Parker ; 1777 ; in the
general heading to clxxxi., which is described as seculo xv. scriptus)
speaks as if all the pieces were of the fifteenth century, whereas they
are of distinctly varying date, and the two with which we are specially
concerned (Carpini and Rubruquis) cannot possibly be later than the
early fourteenth century, and were probably written before 1300.

As Carpini is in the first rank of mediaeval explorers, standing but
little below Marco Polo, the discovery of another manuscript of his
complete text, preferable in some points even to the best hitherto
collated, may not be without interest. The writing is of the latter
part of the thirteenth century, or earlier part of the fourteenth (c. 1260-
1320), and is in the same hand as the manuscript of Eubruquis known
as D, which immediately follows, and the extracts from ^Ethicus which
end the volume ; the lines are long, running over the whole breadth of
the page. The additions which *' Petau " makes to the text of the earlier
chapters (De moribus Tartarorum, etc.), a^d which are in several cases
direct and avowed additions of the author revising his work, appear in
" Corpus," e.g. the passage haec autem quse superius scripta sunt . . . possi-
debit, following the words adversarii manifesti, with which all but these
two manuscripts end. This passage contains an author's " personal note "
to the efi'ect that in the military details he has just given of the Mongol
army, and of the best manner of resisting that army, he has no inten-
tion of trespassing on soldiers' ground, but only of furnishing occasionem

OF JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI. 3

et materiam cogitandi. The whole bears the most distinct evidence of
belonging to a second revised and improved edition. The Corpus
manuscript of Carpini is not only (with Petau) the fullest, it is also
the oldest, text of the Hiatoria Mongalorum, and it seems to have been
written at latest within seventy years of the traveller's return from
Central Asia, and probably (as Michel and Wright consider of the
Kubruqnis manuscript in the same hand, which follows) even before the
end of the thirteenth century. It is, therefore, to all appearance a few
years older than "Petau;" and the years 1260-1320 (above referred
to) may be taken as an outside, 1270-1290 as an inside, date for its
transcription.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWBS AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BECCLES.

THE

TEXTS AND VERSIONS

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

AND

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS

CONTENTS.

Introduction .....

Extracts from Geoffrey of Monmouth, Lambarde, and
Bade

The Voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan .

King Edgar's Navigation

Chronicle of the Kings of Man, and shorter pieces

On the Cinque Ports, from the Perambulation of Kent

Letter of Ivo of Narbonne concerning the Tartars .

Carpini, original Latin text, wanting the last, i.e. ixth
chapter: this did not occur in the Lumley MS
[' Lond.-Lum.'], from which Hakluyt printed

Carpini, Latin text, in the abridgment of Vincent of
Beauvais ; of this chaps. I. — xvill. answer to the first
VIII. chaps, of the original text, chaps. Xix. — xxxill
answer to chap. ix. of the original ...

Carpini, Hakluyt's version of Vincent of Beauvais' abridg
ment of the text

Rubruquis, original Latin text, incomplete

Rubruquis, Hakluyt's version -

Notes on the Extracts from Geoffrey of Monmouth, etc

Notes on the Voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan

Notes on King Edgar's Navigation .

Notes on the Chronicle of Man, etc.

Notes on the Cinque Ports

Notes on Ivo of Narbonne's Letter .

Notes on Carpini, original Latin text

Notes on Carpini, Latin text, in Vincent's

Notes on Carpini, Hakluyt's version .

Notes on Rubruquis, Latin text

Notes on Rubruquis, Hakluyt's version

Additional Notes

Index

abridgment

PAGES

vii — XX

1—7

8—12
12— 18
18-33
33—39
39—42

43—74

74 — io6

107—144
144—183
184—234

235—237
237—241
241—243
244 — 246
247—248
248 — 249
249 — 264
264 — 269
269 — 295
295—304
304—334
335—338
339—345

THE

TEXTS AND VERSIONS

JOHN DE PLANO CARPINI

AND

WILLIAM DE RUBRUQUIS

AS PRINTED FOR THE FIRST TIME BY HAKLUYT IN 1598
TOGETHER WITH SOME SHORTER PIECES

EDITED BY

C RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A., F.R.G.S.

FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

M.Dcccciii. ELECTRONIC VERSION

^ AVAILABLE ^

NO. "^

CambrtDge :

PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

INTRODUCTION.

The objects of the present volume are; first, to give an exact
reprint of the texts and versions of the great xiii-century Friar
travellers, John de Piano Carpini and William de Rubruquis, as
printed, for the first time, by Richard Hakluyt in 1598 (and 1599),
[Hak. pp. 21 — 117 = pp. 43 — 234 of the present volume] ; second,
to reprint with the same exactness the shorter pieces, especially
the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, with which Hakluyt opens
the final edition of his Principal Navigations (pp. i — 21 of the
same = pp. i — 42 of the present volume); third, to furnish a
critical and explanatory commentary on the foregoing.

The text as given by Hakluyt has been always and in every
detail reproduced to the letter and the comma, to the best of
the editor's ability : no alteration has been made of Hakluyt's
mistakes, but corrections of such mistakes (where they are not
too obvious) have been offered in the notes. Where Hakluyt
is making excerpts from books already printed in his day, an
attempt has been made in each case to suggest or fix the edition
from which he probably or certainly borrowed, and the exact
place from which he took his citation. Where he is printing
from a manuscript, as in the cases of Carpini and Rubruquis,
his text has been compared afresh with all the more important
manuscripts now known. In the course of my work upon these
manuscripts I had the good fortune to make two discoveries
(i) of a hitherto unexamined manuscript of Carpini in the
Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge; (2) of the identity
of the London or British Museum manuscript of the same
traveller with that once in Lord Lumley's Library, from which
Hakluyt himself transcribed and which has been assumed to be
quite different from and independent of the former.

As to the Mss. of Carpini: These are five in number, viz.
'Corpus,' 'Petau,' 'Colbert,' ' London-Lumley,' 'Dupuy': see
p. 249. I may say a word about each in the order given above.

L 'Corpus.' This is now in codex no. 181 in the Library of

viii INTRODUCTION.

Corpus Christi College, Cambridge : the text of Carpini occupies
pp. 278 — 321 of the volume : the writing is of the later xiiith or
earliest xivth century, and is in the same hand as the ms. of
Rubruquis (known as D.) which immediately follows ; the page is
single-columned ; and the lines are long, running over the whole
breadth of the page. The present editor came upon this text
while working at the Rubruquis ms. just referred to : but hitherto
it seems to have been quite unknown except for the bare mention
of its title by d'Avezac and Wright, repeating the notice in
Nasmith and other Catalogues. It contains in the most complete
form the text of Carpini's Historia Mongalorum, including the
last chapter, usually supposed to exist only in the Leyden or
'Petau' manuscript: but its value was apparently unrealized by
M. d'Avezac, when he prepared the (standard) edition of Carpini
in 1838, reprinted next year in volume iv. of the Paris Geo-
graphical Society's Recueil de Voyages et de Memoires public par
la Societk de Gkographie (1839: this last being the form usually
quoted). For the eminent French scholar depended for in-
formation (about English manuscripts of Carpini) on Thomas
Wright; and Wright, though he examined in detail the Rubruquis
MS. next following, seems to have paid no attention to its even
more valuable predecessor, except so far as to make a bare
mention in the Introductory Notice sur Guillaume de Rubruk
{Recueil^ iv. p. 210). In general the Corpus Manuscript has the
closest agreement with 'Petau.' The additions which 'Petau'
makes to the text of the earlier chapters {De Moribus Tartarorum
etc.), and which are in several cases direct and avowed additions
of the author's, when revising his work, appear also in Corpus,
e.g. the passage haec autetn quae superius scripta sunt etc., follow-
ing the words adversarii manifesti with which Hakluyt's text
(based on the ' London-Lumley ' ms.) ends. This passage con-
tains a personal note by Carpini (before he begins the Itinerary,
or Narrative of the Journey proper) to the effect that in the
military details he has given of the Mongol army and of the
best manner of resisting that army he has no intention of tres-
passing on soldiers' ground, but only of furnishing occasionem et
materiam cogitandi. The whole bears distinct evidence of belong-
ing to a second revised and improved edition. The Corpus ms.
is not only (with ' Petau ') the fullest, it is also the oldest, text of
the Historia Mongalorum ; and it seems to have been written at
latest within seventy years of the travellers' return from Central
Asia, and probably (as Michel and Wright consider of the Ru-
bruquis MS. in the same hand which follows) even before the end

INTRODUCTION. ix

of the thirteenth century. It is therefore to all appearance a few
years older than ' Petau,' and the date of its execution may be
fixed as probably falling within the years 1270 — 1290. In several
places, moreover, Corpus contains more satisfactory readings than
the Leyden us. : but as a general rule the similarity of the two is
that of sister texts; the differences are hardly ever more than
verbal. Thus Carpini's four great name-lists— of the Mongol
princes, of the nations subdued by the Mongols, of the nations
that had successfully resisted them, and of the witnesses to the
veracity of his narrative, — the last a catalogue which includes all
the Italian merchants whom Friar John could remember as
trading at Kiev on his return in 1247, — are identical in both texts.

There are in all thirty-two passages, longer and shorter, which
are only to be found in the Cambridge and Leyden mss. ; which
are to be found, in their entirety, with occasional slight variants,
in both these mss. ; and which may all be considered to fall under
the head of author's additions, inserted to supplement and correct
the imperfect forms of his work already in circulation. These
passages are the following :

(r) At the end of the Prologue, where Carpini declares his
veracity and warns his readers against the incredulity which
springs only from ignorance or surprise. Corpus adds with Petau :
— seti SI aliqua scribinius propter noticiam legentium quae in vestris
partibus \^partibiis vestris in Petau] nesciuntur, non debetis propter
hoc rios appellare mendaces qui vobis rejerimus ilia [alia in Pet.]
quae ipsi vidimus vel ab aliis pro certo audivimus quos esse credimus
fide dignos. Immo est valde crudele ut homo propter bonum quod
facit ab aliis infametur {Recueil, p. 605 : supply after 1. 32, p. 43
of this vol.). (2) At the end of the list of chapters, into which
the main work is to be divided, following the Prologue, a heading
is given for the last chapter as follows, both in Corpus and Petau :
— ultimo de via quam fecimus et curia Imperatoris et testihus qui
in terra Tartarorutn nos invenerufit {Recueil, p. 606: supply in
1. 8, p. 44 of this vol.). (3) In chapter i. § 2, both mss. add the
name of the one and only Tartar settlement which could be
called a town, qjiae Caracaron nominatur {Recueil, p. 608 : supply
in 1. 26, p. 44 of this vol.). (4) In chap. 11. §2, various details
are added in reference to the personal appearance of the Tartars,
tiasum habent planum et modiciim; oculos habent parvos, et palpe-
bras usque ad supercilia elevatas {Recueil, pp. 611 — 12: supply in
1. 20, p. 45 of this vol.). (5) In chap. in. § i, an account is given
by both MSS. of the manufacture and magico-medical use of the
Tartar idols, sed quando volunt ilia ydola facere, omnes maiores

X INTRODUCTION.

dominae conveniunt quae sunt in stationibus Hits, et atm reverentia
faciuntilla; et cum fecemtit interficiunt oveni et manducant, et ossa
eius igne comburunt. Et cum etiam puer aliquis infirmatur^ prae-
dicto modo faciunt ydolum et ligant super lectum ipsius {Recueil,
p. 619: supply in 1. 17, p. 47 of this vol.). (6) In chap. in. § i,
an exception is quoted to the rule that the Tartars forced no one
to deny his faith, and a fear is expressed that if they could win
universal dominion they would force the whole world to reverence
their 'idol,' except 0 Michaele de quo dictum est supra. Quid ulterius
faciant, ignoramus: praesumitur tamen a quibusdajn quod si mon-
archiam haberent, quod Deus advertat [avertat in Recueil text],
facerent quod omnes isti ydolo inclinarent {Recueil, p. 622: supply
in 1. 9, p. 48 of this vol.). (7) In chap. in. § 3 there is in
both Mss. a curious addition, on Tartar superstitions about the
dead, and an illustration of the same in relation to Okkodai
Khan, et ossa illius equi quern comedunt pro anima eius comburunt.
Et saepe etiam conveniunt mulieres ad comburendum ossa pro ani-
mabus hominum, ut nostris vidimus oculis et ab aliis intelleximus
ibidem. Vidimus etiam quod Occedai can [so in Corpus ; Occodai
cam in Pet., which the Recueil amends to Occodai can] dimisit
unum virgultum cresctre pro anima sua: unde prcucepit quod tiullus
incideret ibi, et quicunque incidet ibi aliquam virgam, ut ipsi vidimus,
verberabatur, expoliabatur, et male tractabatur [expoliatur. . . tractatur
in Pet.]; et cum nos multum indigeremus ad equum percutiendum,
non fuimus ibi ausi incidere unam virgam {Recueil, p. 629: supply
after 1. 38, p. 49 of this vol.). (8) In chap. iv. § 3, Corpus, like
Patau, adds the Tartar saying in defence of their lice-eating habits,
dicebant enim Numquid eos debeo manducare cum mei filii carnes
manducent et ipsius sanguinem bibant {Recueil, p. 639: supply in
1. 12, p. 52 of this vol.). (9) In chap. v. § i, on the wild men of
the desert. Corpus makes the same addition in essential, as the
Petau and Colbert mss., as well as Vincent of Beauvais, about
these savages making camels-hair-garments; but for the final clause
ponunt gramina in vulneribus...{yi\\Qn wounded by the Tartars)
Corpus agrees with Petau in reading ponunt gramina in manus
{Recueil, p. 649: supply in 1. 36, p. 54 of this vol.). (10) In
chap. V. § I, Corpus, like Petau, adds the passage expressing the
contempt of the Tartars for threats of coming ruin at the hands
of any other nation. Unde adhuc quando aliquis eos minatur etc.
Here however Corpus in the last clause reads non teneremur for
Petau's vero teneremur and the Recueil's non terremur {Recueil,
p. 650: supply in 1. i, p. 55 of this vol.). (11) In chap. v. § i,
Corpus, like Petau, gives a fuller account of the discomfiture of

INTRODUCTION. xi

the Tartar army by Prester John with the aid of Greek Fire. Unde
factum est quod ex igne graeco, etc. Precisely as in Petau, the word
homines is needlessly repeated in Corpus, after this ; — homines com-
burehantur homines et equi {Recueil, p. 656: supply in 1. 21, p. 56 of
this vol.). (12) In chap. v. § i, Corpus quotes the proverb current
among the Tartars about their enemies the ' dogs,' et de hoc adhuc
est proverbium inter eos: pater tuus vel frater a canibus fuit occisus:
mulieres autem eorum quas ceperant dixerunt [so Corpus ; duxerunt
in Paris Recueil text p. 658, professedly following Petau] in terram
eorum, et usque ad diem mortis earum ibidetn fuerunt {^Recueil,
p. 658: supply in 1. 40, p. 56). (13) In chap. v. § i, the fable
about the race shut up within the ' Caspian ' mts. occurs in its
complete form in Corpus, as in Petau, and (to a less degree) in
Vincent of Beauvais, in ea parte ad quam aplicuerunt [so Corpus ;
attraxerunt in '^Q.l\..conclusi clamorem exercitus . . .montem inve-
nirent \invenerunt in Recueil text, p. 659, professedly following
Pet.] confractum . . .attemptassent . . .nubes . . illi autem ex adverso...
statim cum [ut'xn Recueil text, amending the non of V^t.]... propter
causam praetaxatam {Recueil, pp. 659 — 660: supply in 11. 8 — 12,
p. 57). (14) In chap. V. § i. Corpus gives the passage describing
the terror of a fabulous Oriental people at hearing the sound of
the sun-rising, videntes quod nichil profiterent . . Ammo eo tempore
quo sol oriebatur . . .vocaverunt \necarentur in the emendation of
the Recueil text, p. 662]. Corpus here agrees exactly with Petau,
and in substance with Vincent of Beauvais {Recueil, pp. 661 — 2:
supply in 1. 28, p. 57). (15) In ch. v. § i. Corpus supplies the
passage describing the Tartars' belief in their own future, and
ultimate overthrow by another race, quadraginta duobus siquidem
afinis pugnaverunt et ante decern et octo annis, etc. . . .devinci . . .
Corpus here agrees with Petau exactly {Recueil, p. 664: supply
in 1. 8, p. 58). {16) In ch. v. § 2, Corpus supplies the passage
referring to Chirpodan's expedition against various Moslem
countries, soldanos quosdam terrae Sarracenorum et alios qui sunt
ultra mare {Recueil, p. 667: supply in 1. 31, p. 58 \soldanum
Damasci, in other mss., only]). Corpus here exactly agrees with
Petau. (17) Corpus also supplies the passage describing, in
chap. v. § 3, the ruin of Kiev more precisely, unde quando per
terram illam ibamus . . .nunc quasi in nichilum redacta est\reducta
in Recueil, professedly following Petau], vix enim \enim not in
Recueil, professedly following Petau] ducentae damns sunt ibi...
maxima servitute {Recueil, p. 675: supply in 1. 23, p. 60). Corpus
here exhibits some verbal variations from Petau. (18) Corpus
also supplies the passage, in chap. v. § 3, describing more fully the

xii INTRODUCTION.

dog-headed monsters of the far North, et humanum caput habebant
sed facienty etc. {Recueil, p. 678: supply in 1. 7, p. 61). Corpus
here agrees exactly with Petau. (19) Corpus also supplies the
passage, in chap. v. § 3, describing the Cyclopedes more fully
revolvendo se quasi in circulo: istos autem Isidorus Cyclopedes ap~
pellavit {Recueil, p. 679: supply in 1. 25, p. 61). Corpus here agrees
exactly with Petau. (20) Corpus also supplies the passage, in
chap. VI. § I, describing the rigour of Mongol military discipline,
adding one detail, et si otnnes decern fugiunt nisi fugiuiit alii centum
omnes occiduntur {Hecueil, p. 684: supply in 1. 16, p. 62). Here
Corpus agrees exactly with Petau. (21) Corpus also supplies
the passage, in chap. vi. § 2, prefatory' to Carpini's enumeration
of the weapons necessary for action against the Tartars, arma
autem ista... habere {Recueil, p. 684: supply in 1. 20, p. 62). Here
Corpus agrees exactly with Petau. (22) Corpus also supplies
the passage, in chap. vi. § 2, adding one or two details about
Mongol armour, loricas et . . .co-operturam equorum...corrigias de
b<n>e vel alio animali {Recueil, p. 685: supply in 1. 25, p. 62), Here
Corpus agrees exactly with Petau. (23) Corpus also supplies
the passage, in chap. vi. § 2, adding a detail about the defensive
armour of the Mongols, quae duplicatur ex utraque parte... cor-
rigiola {Reateil, p. 687: supply in 1. 20, p. 63). Here Corpus
agrees exactly with Petau. (24) Corpus also supplies the passage,
in chap. vi. §3, describing the Mongol 'heralds,' spies or scouts,
nichilominus tamen principes . . . homines et munenta . . . querendum
{Recueil, p. 690: supply after 1. 3, p. 64). Here Corpus reads
apparently munenta for munita of the Recueil text, which pro-
fessedly follows Petau. (25) Corpus also supplies the passage,
in chap. vi. § 3, describing more fully the Mongol devices of
wearing out their foes with arrow-wounds, and then closing, et
cum iam homines et equi sunt debilitati sagittis, tunc congrediuntur
cum eis {Recueil, p. 694: supply in 1. 12, p. 65). Here Corpus
agrees exactly with Petau. (26) Corpus also supplies the passage,
in chap. vi. § 4, describing how the Tartars may be frustrated in
their efforts to set towns on fire, extingui tamen potest, ut dicitur,
cum vino ..confricatione palmae magnus \s\c\ potest extingui {Recueil,
p. 696: supply after 1. 21, p. 65). Here Corpus agrees exactly
with Petau, even in reading magnus for manus. (27) Corpus
also supplies the passage, in chap. vii. § i, detailing more fully
the oppressions and extortions of the Mongol tax-gatherers, et
quantum placet, absque ulla conditione...accipiunt {Recueil, p. 704:
supply in 1. 27, p. 67). Here Corpus agrees exactly with Petau.
(28) Corpus also supplies the passage, in chap. vii. §4, detailing

INTRODUCTION. xiii

the agricultural oppressions of the Mongols more fully, dimittunt
tamen . . .seviina . . .sufficit pro expensis etc. {Recueil, p. 711: supply
in 1. 39, p. 68). Here Corpus agrees exactly with Petau, even in
reading sufficit. (29) Corpus also supplies the passage, in chap.
VIII. § I, describing more fully how the Tartars were preparing for
another attack upon Christendom, in niartio praeterito exercitum

invenimus per omnes Tartaros ad terrain Rusciae {Recueil,

p. 718: supply in 1. 26, p. 70). Here Corpus agrees exactly with
Petau. (30) Corpus also supplies the passage, in chap. viii. § i,
expressing doubt as to the exact date of the next Mongol in-
vasion, ignoramus tamen utrum...post iercia?n hyemem veniant...ex
improriso {Recueil, p. 718: supply in 1. 29, p. 70). Here Corpus
agrees exactly with Petau. (31) Corpus also supplies the passage,
in chap. viii. § 5, declaring that the author, in giving the sug-
gestions he has done, only wishes to assist the military leaders
of Christendom against the Tartars and not to dictate to them,
haec autem quae superius scripta sunt... pos si deb it {Recueil, p. 732:
supply after 1. 3, p. 74). Here Corpus has some slight verbal
difference with Petau. (32) Finally Corpus supplies the whole
of chap. IX. describing the journey, De provinciis et situ earum
per quas transivimus et de testibus qui nos invenerunt ibidem, et de
curia imperatoris Tartarorum et principum eius {Recueil, pp. 733 —
773: supply after 1. 3, p. 74). The title is exactly the same in
Corpus and in Petau, and the text of the chapter which follows
only varies in minute details, except for certain rather more
important differences of name-forms; e.g. Corpus' Lancisci for
Petau's Lantisci, the Lancisci of the Recueil, p. 734; Corpus'
Conraudum and Conradus for Petau's Conrandum and Conrandus,
the Conradum and Co?iradus of the Recueil, pp. 734 — 5 ; Corpus'
Durissa for Petau's Durisa, the Duxissa of the Recueil, p. 735 ;
Corpus' Kiovienses for Petau's Kiovenses, the Kiovienses of the
Recueil, p. 769; Corpus' Nongrot for the Mongrot of the Recueil,
p. 770, professedly following Petau; Corpus' Coligneum for the
Ugneum of the Recueil, p. 771, professedly following Petau;
Corpus' Sancopoltus for Petau's Sancopolitus, the Santopolicus of
the Recueil, p. 771; Corpus' Olaha for the Aloha of the Recueil,
p. 771, professedly following Petau; Corpus' Cherneglorie for
Petau's Gerneglorie, the Cherneglove of the Recueil, p. 771;
Corpus' Polonai for the Polonia of the Recueil, p. 772, professedly
following Petau. Especially interesting is the concluding note
{Recueil, p. 773) identical in Corpus and Petau: — Rogamus
cunctos qui legunt praedicta ut nichil immutent...Sed quia illi per
quos transitum fecivius, qui sunt in Polonia, Boemia, et Teutonia,

xiv INTRODUCTION.

et in Leodio et Campania^ suprascriptatn historiatn libenter habe-
bant, idcirco earn rescripserunt aniequam esset cotnpleta et etiam
plem contrada, quia nondum tempus habiieramus quietis ut earn
possemus complere plene. Ideo tiemo miretur quod in ista plura
sint et melius correcta quam sint in ilia : quoniam istatn, postquam
habuimus qualecunque otiuni, correximus ad plenum, et perfecimus
ilia quae nondum erant completa.

The Chapter Headings in Corpus differ both from the Petau
MS. and the Recueil text in several details, though bearing the same
general resemblance to Petau that has been already noticed.
Thus, at the commencement Corpus has Jncipit ystoria Mongal-
orum for the Incipit historia etc. of the Remeil, p. 603, professedly
following Petau. For the heading to chapter i. Corpus has De
terra Tartarorum et situ etc. for the De terrae Tartaroruni situ etc.
of the Recueil, p. 606, professedly following Petau. Similarly in
the headings to chapters 11., in., vii., viii. there are variations of
like character and extent.

M. d'Avezac {Recueil, p. 448) evidently considered that an-
other MS. of the Historia Mongaloruvi existed at Cambridge —
viz. one in a volume numbered 61 in the collection of 'Bennet'
College: but this is the very same as the text in no. 181 in the
present numbering of the Corpus collection, 61 being the number
in Edward Bernard's catalogue, which, for Corpus or 'Bennet'
College, is now superseded by Nasmith's. According to Bernard
{Catalogi librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Hibemiae, 1697 ;
part iii. p. 133, no. 1337, referring to 61 in the list of Codices
manuscripti Collegii S. Benedicti, and to the third item in this
manuscript no. 61) the Carpini MS., called Historia Monogallorum
sive Tartarorum Pr. Omnibus fidelibus, is the third piece in the
volume, the Rubruquis ms. being reckoned as the fifth. This
reckoning is reproduced by d'Avezac {Recueil, p. 448), the great
Paris geographer evidently supposing that this ms. of Carpini
was only noticed in Bernard and had been lost sight of since.
But as a matter of fact, in Corpus 181, the Rubruquis text follows
Carpini without any interval whatever, and the two form the
eighth and ninth items (on the lowest reckoning) in the aforesaid
volume. It is also noteworthy that Nasmith {Catalogus librorum
manuscriptorum quos Coll. Corp. Christ, et B.M. Virg. in Acad.
Cantab, legavit Matth. Parker; 1777; in the general heading to
clxxxi) speaks as if all the pieces were of one date, the whole
volume being seailo xv scriptus, whereas they are of distinctly
varying periods, and the two with which we are especially con-
cerned, Carpini and Rubruquis, cannot possibly be later than
the early xivth century, and were probably written before 1 300.

INTRODUCTION. xv

II. The Petau ms., on which d'Avezac's 1838 edition is
based (reprinted in the Paris Recueil, 1839), is now the property of
the University Library at Leyden, and is in the codex numbered
104 in the MS. collection of that library. It bears the signature
Fa. Petavius, and the printed note ex bibliotheca viri illustris Isaaci
Vossii. Paul Petau, Andr^ Duchesne, and Isaac Vossius, all
owned it at different times before it passed to Leyden University
(cf. Bergeron, Traicte des Tartares, p. 73; Edw. Bernard, Catalogus
librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Hiberniae, part iii. p. 65, no.
2429; Casimir Oudin, Commentarius de scriptoribus Ecdesiae an-
tiquis, vol. in. col. 182; d'Avezac, Recueil, 444). The value and
character of this MS. have been fully illustrated in the preceding
notes upon its twin-sister at Corpus, Cambridge. In date it is
probably a few years later than 'Corpus,' being apparently of
the earlier xivth century : d'Avezac's remarks upon its mis-
readings apply equally well to the Cambridge ms. : ' mais nous
ne devons pas dissimuler que si I'exemplaire dont nous faisons
usage est d'une belle et elegante ^criture, il est depart par de
frequentes incorrections ' — and this in spite of its nearness to
the traveller's own time and personal redaction. It is however
incomparably the most valuable text of Carpini with the single
exception of the Corpus ms., whose worth is almost exactly
equal.

III. The Colbert ms., in ms. Lat. 2477 in the Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris, written about the middle of the xivth century,
is imperfect, like ' London-Lumley ' and 'Dupuy,' and unlike
'Corpus' and 'Petau.' It does not contain the last chapter or
the record of Carpini's journey, properly speaking; nor does it
possess the author's additions already noticed. It belongs in fact,
in some respects, to the first unrevised edition, though exhibiting
a better text than ' London-Lumley ' and one much nearer to
' Petau-Corpus ' ; but it has a special value as giving, besides
Carpini's own text, the narrative of Benedict the Pole, which
here forms a sort of introduction to, or first chapter of, the
Historia Monga/orum, as well as the letter of Kuyuk Khan
to Pope Innocent IV (fol. 67, v°, col. i). It is a closely-written
but admirably clear ms., double-columned, having 40 lines to a
column. The narrative of Benedict the Pole begins on fol. 66 r°,
col. I : the text of Carpini, proper, opens on fol. 67, v°, col. 2
{Omnibus Christi fidelibus, etc.), and ends on fol. 83, r°, col. 2
{adversarii eorum manifesti, as in 'London-Lumley,' 'Dupuy,'
and Hakluyt : followed by the peculiar terminal rubric expliciunt
gesta Tartarorum). At the beginning of Benedict's text is the

xvi INTRODUCTION.

title incipiunt gesta Tartarorum secundum fratrem lohanmm ordinis
fratrum minorum, followed by the record of Benedict : — Anno
domitii MCCXLV f rater Johannes de ordine minorum fratrum
dictus de Piano Carpini a domino papa missus ad Tartaros cum
alio fratre in pascha exiens a Lugduno Gallic ubi papa fuit pro-
fectus in Poloniam, etc. (cf. Recueil, p. 774). We may note here
the very early occurrence of the form de Piano Carpini, some-
times carelessly attributed to ' corruption ' by later writers. The
value of the Colbert ms. is thus quite peculiar; no other text
gives Benedict's narrative or Kuyuk's letter, or the rubrics for
subdivision of the chapters, followed by d'Avezac in the Recueil
edition (cf Recueil. p. 607, note 2) : but apart from these ad-
vantages Colb. occasionally supplies us with better readings
than even * Petau ' or * Corpus.'

IV. The ' London-Lumley ' ms. ['Lond.-Lum.'j, in British
Museum, mss. Reg. 13 a. xiv, is the least valuable of all the old
Mss. of Carpini (• Dupuy ' not included, being itself a copy from
Hakluyt's printed text). It was the only one known to the Eliza-
bethan compiler and forms the sole basis of the text on pp. 21 —
37 of the Principal Navigations (1598 — 9 ; = pp. 43 — 74 of this
volume). In the xvith century it was one of the treasures of Lord
Lumley's Library; in the xviith century it passed into the Royal
Library ; and in the xviiith century it came into the possession
of the British Museum. On the flyleaf, fol. i, r°, are the names
of 'Arundel ' and * Lumley' written in a stiff hand at the foot
of the page. The writing is close, difficult, crabbed, and of very
peculiar character: the scribe was probably not an Englishman:
the text is single-columned, has 28 lines to the page, and begins
on fol. 198, r°, ending on fol. 213, r°. By a remarkable oversight
two MSS. have been made out of one, at the same time that one
of the two most important copies was passed by altogether. For
while the Corpus ms, was never examined or collated, * London '
has been treated as a different text from 'Lumley'; and readings
from 'both' appear together, in agreement or opposition, upon
many of the pages of the Recueil edition of Carpini. Yet the
'two' differ only in this: 'Lumley,' as d'Avezac refers to it
(doubtless misled by Thomas Wright), is the text with Hakluyt's
mis-readings; 'London,' in the Recueil, is the same text as more
accurately read by xixth century scholars. The copy once 'in
Lord Lumley his stately library' is no other than the identical
MS. Reg. 13 A. XI V. The date of execution has been variously
estimated, from c. 1270 to 1330; it probably belongs to the last
decade of the xiiith century, being a copy of the earliest (imper-

INTRODUCTION. xvii

feet) form of the Historia Mo/igalorutn ; this form, as we have
seen, Carpini formally complains of and repudiates in his complete,
authorized, edition, represented by Corpus and Petau.

V. The 'Dupuy' ms. [D.] is only a copy made from Hak-
luyt's printed text in the xviith century. It is in no. 686 of
the collection bequeathed to the Royal Library of France (now
'Bibliotheque Nationale') by Jacques Dupuy. The frontispiece
of the vol. bears the date MDCXLVII and the signature 'P.
Dupuy.' The fuller text of Carpini (first eight chapters) occupies
pp. I — 19 (^Omnibus Christi fidelibus...adversarii manifesti): the
abridgment of Vincent of Beauvais follows on pp. 19 — 38, exactly
as in Hakluyt.

In the critical notes to Carpini, given in this volume, where
H. [Hakluyt] stands alone as supporting any reading, it is to be
assumed that 'Lond.-Lum,' and 'Dupuy' read the same. Dif-
ferences between Hakluyt's readings and those of 'London-
Lumley' (and ' Dupuy') are always indicated. D.[upuy] of course,
being a transcript of Hakluyt's text, should always agree with the
latter, but here and there occurs a slight difference.

In the same way where A. [= d'Avezac's Recueil text] stands
alone in support of any reading, it is understood that ' Petau,'
'Corpus,' and 'Colbert' have the same. 'A. with Pet.,' without
mention of ' Corpus ' and ' Colb.' carries the implication that
both the latter agree with the Recueil. Where not otherwise
stated. Corpus agrees with ' Petau,' even where ' Petau ' differs
from Colbert and d'Avezac ; but normally the Recueil text [A.]
which is based on 'Petau,' and therefore has a close agreement
with 'Corpus,' will be found to have the support of 'Colbert'
also, not infrequently preferring the readings of the latter, where
they differ from 'Petau.' On the 'Petau' ms., and to a less extent
on the 'Colbert' and 'Dupuy' mss., d'Avezac did excellent work:
but 'London-Lumley' was very badly collated for him by Thomas
Wright, and the error of ' seeing double ' in this case vitiated a
great part of the critical commentary of the Recueil edition. It
is obvious moreover that no edition of Carpini could be regarded
as exhaustive which took no account of ' Corpus.' The present
editor has attempted to examine with the greatest care in his
power all the mss. above described, except 'Petau,' which has
already been adequately overhauled. No trace has been forth-
coming of the Tournai ms. of Carpini mentioned in the xviith
century by Antoine Sander in his Bibliotheca Belgica Matiuscripta
(Insulis, 1641, part i. p. 130) and said to be then known as G. 6
in the Library of St Martin of Tournai.

xviii INTRODUCTION.

No Carpini ms. has any illustrations.

The MSS. of Rubruquis, whose whereabouts are ascertainable,
are five; viz. one in London, three in Cambridge (all at Corpus),
and one in Leyden, quoted in the critical notes of this volume
as A, B, C, D, E. The same letters are used for the same copies
in the Recueil edition of 1839 (ed. Michel and Wright, whose
critical notes are referred to by the letters MW in the present vol.).
A word may be said about each.

I. The London ms. (A) in the British Museum, Reg. 14 c.
XIII. occupies fols. 225 (r^) — 236 (r°). It is single-columned,
written in a close and difficult hand, and has 50 lines to a page.
It is truncated, ending abruptly [like ms. C] et inter, after the
author has begun to describe the Chinese or Seres {Recueil, p. 291
= Hak. p. 117 = p. 234 of this volume). Hakluyt's text is based
upon this manuscript. Its date seems to be of the middle of the
xivth century.

II. The first Cambridge ms. of Rubruquis (B) is in no. 66
in the Library of Corpus Christi College. It is of the first third
of the xivth century, is double columned, has 39 lines to a page,
and extends from fol. 67 v° to fol. no v" containing the whole of
Rubruquis as far as known (down to copiosas expensas). The
handwriting is fairly large, but close and rather difficult. There
are no proper chapter headings, but some of these are added in
the margin in a later hand in a small niggling script. Other
marginal headings are occasionally added, e.g. limt ad incredulos,
Sarthac, De viari non profunda, De terris tributariis Tartariis.
This MS. has the well-known illustration in the first folio (67) in
the initial E {Exceilentissinto), which is filled up with two roughly
coloured pictures, (i) of the two monks, William de Rubruquis
and Bartholomew of Cremona, presenting their report to the
Saint-king of France, Louis IX, (2) of the same two monks
on their journey. This is very fairly reproduced in the RecueiVs
facsimile sheet inserted after p. 212 {Rec. vol. iv., 1839). The
volume formerly belonged to Bury St Edmunds monastery and is
well described by Nasmith, Catalogus lihr. manuscr. quos Coll. Corp.
Christ.... legavit M. Parker, 1777, pp. 44 — 6. The next MS. (C)
apparently refers to B as containing the full text of Rubruquis.

III. The second Cambridge MS. of Rubruquis (C) is in
no. 407 in the Corpus collection. It is of the earliest xvth
century, is written in a small, close, and difficult late-mediaeval
hand, abounding in abbreviations, and extends from fol. 37, r*'
to fol. 67, r°. Like A, which it closely resembles in orthography.

INTRODUCTION. xix

errors, omissions and peculiarities, C gives us only an imperfect
text, ending et inter (as Hakluyt) : a ms. of Friar Odoric's travel-
narrative immediately follows. At the close of the Rubruquis
text is the note Hie deficit vit4ltum: vide apud Sancttwi Edmutidum
residuum, an apparently clear reference to B. We may note that
many of the misreadings of C, found also in A, do not exist in
any other ms. : further, the initial letter is closely similar in these
two sister-texts, while they alone give the full title printed in the
Recueil, p. 213, Itinerarium fratris Wilh. de Rubruk de ordine
fratrum minortim anno gratie MCCLIII ad partes orientals. No
MS. reads Ga/ii after minorum, as Hakluyt does, but the compiler's
addition is perfectly accurate in fact.

IV. The third Cambridge ms. of Rubruquis (D) is in no. 181
in the Corpus collection. It is of the last quarter of the xiiith
century, is single columned, extends from p. 321 to p. 398, and
is written in an admirably clear good hand, the same as that of
the Carpini ms. ('Corpus') which immediately precedes it. This
is the basis of the standard {Recueil) text, edited by Michel and
Wright, 1839: it contains (like B) the whole of Rubruquis, but
its value is clearly superior to B's, or indeed to that of any other
MS. of the Itinerarium... de Rubruc. Michel and Wright, like
Nasmith, describe D as forming the last item in the vol. (no. 181);
this is practically but not literally true; for after the Rubruquis
text ends on p. 398, a letter of Pope Martin is added on the
same page, and the lower half of p. 398, with the upper half of
p. 399, is occupied by extracts from ^thicus of Istria, with
which the book closes: ut ait Ethicus...gentes ad aquilonetn . . .ubi
Tanais exoritur frigore undique circumvallari inter Occeanum et
Tanaim gens itiquieta .. .incognita monstriiosa ydolatria fornicaria
in cunctis stupris et lupanariis truculenta a quibus et nomen accepit
de stirpe Gog et Magog. Gens ista...sal et frumentiwt ignorat:
comedit universa abhominabilia... Alexander Magnus .. .erexit portas
et limina mire magnitiidinis et induxit eas . . .bitumine incognito...
Caspias portas. No one appears hitherto to have noticed the
occurrence of these passages in this MS.

V. The Leyden ms. of Rubruquis (E), written in the xivth.
century, is to be found under no. 77 in the Leyden University
Library. It was formerly in the Collection of Isaac Vossius, and
was bought, after the death of that scholar, on Feb. 21, 1689, by
Leyden University. Its agreement with D is very close, so close
indeed that it has probably been copied from that ms. The text
of Rubruquis is single-columned : the whole volume contains 191
leaves, on the first of which is the signature/^ Petavius.

INTRODUCTION.

Another ms. of Rubruquis-of the xvth century-is men-
tioned by Michel and Wright as existing in 1839 m the hbrary
of Sir Thomas Phillipps, of Middle Hill, Worcestershire, pre-
viously the property of John Cochran and entitled Rescr^pt^o
unius Cordigeri qui abiU in regionem Tartrorum [sic] ex precepto
papc et regis Francie. guonwdo se habuit inter Tartaros et ettamm
itimre. Of this the present editor knows nothing more. He
has however re-examined, as carefully as possible the first four
Mss. above noticed, viz. A, B. C, D, and he has found ^e
collations of the Recucil editors leave much to be desired. He
has noticed all the mis-readings of Michel and Wright, as far as
he has been able to observe them, and he has compared every
line of the London and the three Cambridge mss. with the text o
Hakluyt, just as he has compared every sentence of (the fuller)
Carpini as printed in the Principal Navigations, with the Corpus,
♦Petau,' 'Colbert,' ' London-Lumley' and 'Dupuy' mss

On p 209 of the Recueil, it may be noticed, Michel and Wnght
speak of a London and a Lumley ms. of Rubruquis. As in the
case of Carpini, they are one and the same, viz. Reg. 14 c xiii.

In the critical notes to Rubruquis, given in this volume, where
H r= Hakluyt] stands alone in support of any reading, it is under-
stood that A (the London ms.) and C (the second Cambridge
MS.) have the same; where P [= Paris text, i.e. i\.. Recuetl edition
of 1839] or MW [= Michel and Wright] are similarly quoted
Without' further note, D, B, and E (the first and third Cam-
bridge MSS. and the Leyden ms.) may be assumed to be in
airreement with the Recueil. ,

The pages numbered in the margins of the text, m heavy type,
are those of the original Hakluyt of 1598: in the .otes these page-
numbe" are inserted in the middle of the Une-space, and in the
margin the pages and lines of the present edition are marked.

C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY.

21, Staverton Road,
Oxford.

/uly, 1903-

THE FIRST VOLVME OF THE [p.i]

principal! Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques,

and Discoueries of the English nation, made to

the North and Northeast quarters of the World,

with the directions, letters, priuiledges, discourses,

and obseruations incident to the same.

Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his

conquests of the North regions, taken out of the

historie of the Kings of Britaine, written by Galfridus

Monumetensis, and newly printed at Heidelberge,

Anno 1587.

Lib. 9. cap. 10.

,Nno Christi, 517. Arthurus, secundo regni sui anno,

' subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus, classem suam

direxit in Islandiam, eamque debellato populo

subiugauit. Exin diuulgato per caeteras insulas

rumore, qu6d ei nulla Prouincia resistere poterat,

Doldauius rex Gotlandiae, & Gunfacius rex Orcadum

vltrd venerunt, promissdque vectigali subiectionem

2ofecerunt. Emensa deinde hyeme, reuersus est in Britanniam,

statumque regni in firmam pacem renouans, moram duodecim

annis ibidem fecit.

The same in English.

IN the yere of Christ, 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of
his reigne, hauing subdued all parts of Ireland, sailed with his
fleet mto Island, and brought it and the people thereof vnder his
subiection. The rumour afterwards being spread thorowout all

2 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

the other Islands, that no countrey was able to withstand him
Doldauius the king of Gotland, and Gunfacius the king of Orkney,
came voluntarily vnto him, and yeelded him their obedience,
promising to pay him tribute. The Winter being spent, he re-
turned into Britaine, and establishing his kingdome in perfect 5
peace, he continued there for the space of twelue yeres.

Lib. 9 cap. 12.

Missis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis, inuitantur tam ex
Gallijs, qukm ex collateralibus Insulis Oceani, qui ad
curiam venire deberent, &c. Et paul6 post : Ex collateralibus 10
autem Insulis, Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae, Maluasius rex
Islandiae, Doldauius rex Gotlandiae, Gunnasius rex Orchadum
Lot rex Noruegiae, Aschilius rex Danorum.

The same in English.

AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into diuers 15
±\. kingdomes, he summoned such as were to come to his
Court, aswell out of France, as out of the adiacent Islands of the
sea, &c. and a little after : From those adiacent Islands came
Guillaumurius king of Ireland, Maluasius king of Island, Doldauius
king of Gotland, Gunnasius king of Orkney, Lot the king of 20
Norway, and Aschilius the king of Denmarke.

Lib. 9 cap. 19.

AT reges cseterarum Insularum, quoniam non duxerant in morem
]r\. equites habere, pedites quot quisque debebat, promittunt,
ita vt ex sex Insulis, videlicet, Hyberniae, Islandiae, Gotlandiae, 25
Orcadum, Noruegiae, atque Daciae, sexies viginti milia essent
annumerata. f

[p. 2] I The same in English.

But the kings of the other Islands, because it was not their I
custome to breed vp horses, promised the king as many 3
footmen, as euery man was bound to send : so that out of the six
Islands, namely, of Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway,
and Denmarke, the king had sixe score thousand souldiers sent
him.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 3

A testimonie of the right and appendances of the

crovvne of the kingdome of Britaine, taken out of

M. Lambardhxs 'ApKaiovofiia, fol. 137 pag. 2.

A Rthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Britonum, vir
5 jLjL magnus fuit & animosus, & miles illustris. Parum fuit ei
regnum istud, non fuit animus eius contentus regno Britanniae.
Subiugauit igitur sibi strenue Scantiam totam, quae modo Norweia
vocatur, & omnes insulas vltra Scantiam, scz. Islandiam, & Gren-
landiam, quae sunt de appendicijs Norweise, & Suechordam, &

10 Hyberniam, & Gutlandiam, & Daciam, Semelandiam, Winlandiam,
Curlandiam, Roe, Femelandiam, Wirelandiam, Flandriam, Chere-
1am, Lappam, & omnes alias terras & insulas Orientalis Oceani
vsque Russiam (in Lappa scilicet posuit Orientalem metam regni
Britanniae) & multas insulas vltra Scantiam, vsque dum sub Sep-

15 tentrione, quae sunt de appendicibus Scantia;, quae modo Norweia
vocatur. Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occulte. Arthurus autem
Christianus optimus fuit, & fecit eos baptizari, & vnum Deum
per totam Norweiam venerari, & vnam fidem Christi semper in-
uiolatam custodire, & suscipere. Ceperunt vniuersi proceres

20 Norweiae vxores suas de nobili gente Britonum tempore illo, vnde
Norwegienses dicunt se exijsse de gente & sanguine regni huius.
Impetrauit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex k domino Papa,
Sc k Curia Romana, quod confirmata sit Norweia, in perpetuum
coronae Britanniae in augmentum regni huius, vocauitque illam

25 dictus Arthurus Cameram Britannig, Hac ver6 de causa dicunt
Norwegienses, se debere in regno isto cohabitare & dicunt se esse
de corpore regni huius, scilicet de corona Britannig. Maluerunt
enim manere in regno isto, quam in terra eorum propria. Terra
enim eorum arida est, & montuosa, & sterilis, & non sunt ibi

30 segetes nisi per loca. Ista ver5 opulenta est, & fertilis, & crescunt
hie segetes, & caetera vniuersa. Qua ex causa saepius per vices
gesta sunt bella atrocissima inter Anglos & Norwegienses, & inter-
fecti sunt innumerabiles. Occupauerunt ver6 Norwegienses terras
multas & insulas regni huius, quas adhuc detinent occupatas, nee

35 potuerunt vnquam postea penitus euelli. Tandem mod5 con-
federati sunt nobis fide, & sacramento, & per vxores suas, quas
postea ceperunt de sanguine nostro, & per affinitates, & coniugia.
Ita demum constituit, & eis concessit bonus rex Edouardus pro-
pinquus noster (qui fuit optimus filius pacis) per commune con-

40 silium totius regni. Qua de causa possent, & debent predicti de
caetero nobiscum cohabitare, & remanere in regno, sicut coniurati
fratres nostri.

4 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

The same in English.

ARthur which was sometimes the most renowmed king of the
J\ Britains, was a mightie, and valiant man, and a famous
warriour This kingdome was too litle for him, & his mmde was
not contented with it. He therefore valiantly subdued all Scantia, 5
which is now called Norway, and all the Islands beyond Norway,
to wit Island and Greenland, which are apperteinmg vnto Norway,
Sweueland, Ireland, Gotland, Denmarke, Semeland, Wmdland,
Curland Roe, Femeland, Wireland, Flanders, Chenlland, Lap-
land and all the other lands & Islands of the East sea, euen vnto 10
Russia (in which Lapland he placed the Easterly bounds of his
Brittish Empire) and many other Islands beyond Norway, euen
vnder the North pole, which are appendances of Scantia, now
called Norway. These people were wild and sauage, and had not
in them the loue of God nor of their neighbors, because all euiU 15
commeth from the North, yet there were among them certeine
Christians liuing in secret. But king Arthur was an exceeding
good Christian, and caused them to be baptized, and thorowout
all Norway to worship one God, and to receiue and keepe in-
uiolably for euer, faith in Christ onely. At that time all the noble 20
men of Norway tooke wiues of the noble nation of the Britaines,
whereupon the Norses say, that they are descended of the race
and blood of this kingdome. The aforesayd king Arthur obteined
also in those dayes of the Pope & court of Rome, that Norway
should be for euer annexed to the crowne of Bntaine for the 25
inlargement of this kingdome, and he called it the chamber of
Britaine. For this cause the Norses say, that they ought to dwell
with vs in this kingdome, to wit, that they belong to the crowne of
Britaine : for they had rather dwell here then in their owne natiue
fp. 31 countrey, which is drie and full of | mountaines, and barren, and 30
no graine growing there, but in certeine places. But this countrey
of Britaine is fruitfull, wherein come and all other good things do
grow and increase : for which cause many cruell battels haue bene
oftentimes fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of
Norway, and infinite numbers of people haue bene slaine, & the 35
Norses haue possessed many lands and Islands of this Empire,
which vnto this day they doe possesse, neither could they euer after-
wards be fully expelled. But now at length they are incorporated
with vs by the receiuing of our religion and sacraments, and by
taking wiues of our nation, and by affinitie, and mariages. For 40
so the good king Edward (who was a notable mainteiner of peace)
ordeined and granted vnto them by the generall consent of the

NAVIGATIONS, etc. S

whole kingdome, so that the people may, and ought from hence-
foorth dwell and remaine in this kingdome with vs as our louing
sworne brethren.

A testimonie out of the foresayd Galfridus Monu-
5 victensis, concerning the conquests of Malgo, king
of England. Lib. ii. cap. 7.

lOrtiporio successit Malgo, omnium fere Britanniae
pulcherrimus, multorum tyrannorum depulsor, ro-
bustus armis, largior cseteris, & vltra modum
probitate praeclarus. Hie etiam totam Insulam
obtinuit, & sex conprouinciales Oceani Insulas :
Hyberniam videlicet, atque Islandiam, Gotlandiam,
Orcades, Noruegiam, Daciam, adiecit dirissimis
prselijs potestati suae.

15 The same in English.

MAlgo succeeded Vortiporius which was the goodliest man
in person of all Britaine, a prince that expulsed many
tyrants. He was strong and valiant in warre, taller then most
men that then liued, and exceeding famous for his vertues. This
20 king also obteined the gouernment of the whole Island of Britaine,
and by most sharpe battailes he recouered to his Empire the sixe
Islands of the Ocean sea, which before had bene made tributaries
by king Arthur, namely Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway,
and Denmarke.

25 The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by
Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland written
in the second Booke and fift Chapter of Beda his
Ecclesiasticall historic of the English nation.

Duinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis, id est, eius quae
ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat,
maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt,
Anglorum pariter & Britonum populis praefuit,
praster Cantuarios tantiim, necn6n & Menauias
Britonum insulas, quae inter Hiberniam & Britan-
niam sitae sunt, Anglorum subiecit potestati.

6 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

The same in English.

EDwin king of the people of Northumberland, that is to say,
of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber,
being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole
Isle of Britaine, bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British 5
nation, except onely the people of Kent : who also brought in
subiection vnder the English, the Isles of Man and Anglesey, and
the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons, which are situate
betweene Britaine and Ireland.

Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same lo
purpose. Lib. 2. cap. 9.

ANno ab incamatione Domini sexcentesimo vicesimo quarto,
±\. gens Nordanhumbrorum, hoc est, ea natio Anglorum quae
ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat, cum rege suo
Eduino, verbum fidei (praedicante Paulino, cuius supra memini- 15
mus) suscepit : cui videlicet regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei,
& regni coelestis potestas, & terreni creuerat imperij : ita vt (quod
nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit) omnes Britanniae fines, qua vel
ipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur, sub ditione acce-
perit. Quin & Menauias insulas (sicut & supra docuimus) imperio 20
subiugauit Anglorum. Quarum prior quae ad austrum est, & situ
amplior, & frugum prouentu atque vbertate foilicior, nongentarum
sexaginta familiarum mensuram, iuxta aestimationem Anglorum,
secunda trecentarum & vltrk spatium tenet.

[p. 4] I The same in English. 25

IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord, sixe hundreth
twentie and foure, the people of Northumberland, to wit, those
English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of
Humber, together with their king Edwin, at the Christian preach-
ing and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned, embraced the 30
Gospel. Under which king, after he had once accepted of the
Christian faith, the power both of the heauenly & of his earthly
kingdome was inlarged ; insomuch, that he (which no English
king had done before him) brought vnder his subiection all the
prouinces of Britaine, which were inhabited either by the English 35
men themselues, or by the Britons. Moreouer, he subdued vnto

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 7

the crowne of England (as we haue aboue signified) the Hebrides,
commonly called the Westerne Islands. The principall wherof
being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the
South, and more abounding with corne then the rest, conteineth
5 according to the estimation of the English, roome enough for 960.
families, and the second for 300. and aboue.

The voyage of Bertus, generall of an armie sent into

Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland, in the

yere of our Lord 684, out of the 4. Booke and

26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall

Hystorie.

Nno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octo-
gesimo quarto, Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum,
misso Hiberniam cum exercitu duce Berto,
vastauit misere gentem innoxiam, & nationi
Anglorum semper amicissimam, ita vt nee
ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret
hostilis. At insulani & quantum valuere armis

arma repellebant, & inuocantes diuinse auxilium pietatis coelitus se
20 vindicari continuis diu imprecationibus postulabant. Et quamuis

maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint, creditum tamen est,

qu6d hi qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur, ocyCis Domino

vindice, poenas sui reatus luerent.

The same in English.

25 T N the yeere of our Lord 684, Ecfrid the king of Northumber-
X. land sent captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie, which
Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most
friendly vnto the people of England, insomuch that the fury of the
enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries. Howbeit the

30 Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes, and crauing
Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses,
they pleaded for reuenge. And albeit cursed speakers can by no
meanes inherit the kingdome of God, it was thought notwith-
standing, that they which were accursed for their impiety did

35 not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

The voyage of Oct her made to the Northeast parts

beyond Norway, reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the

famous king of England^ about the yere 890.

Fynnes Hue
by hunting
& fishing.

The place

whither the
whale
hunters
traueile.

[p-5]

The riuer of
Duina of
likelihood.

Cther said, that the countrey wherein he dwelt was
called Helgoland. Octher tolde his lord king 5
Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other
Norman. He sayd that he dwelt towards the
North part of the land toward the West coast :
and affirmed that the land, notwithstanding it
stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North, 10
yet it is all desert and not inhabited, vnlesse it be very few places,
here and there, where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast, who
Hue by hunting all the Winter, and by fishing in Summer. He
said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to
prooue and know how farre that land stretched Northward, and 15
whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the
desert. Whereupon he tooke his voyage directly North along the
coast, hauing vpon his steereboord alwayes the desert land, and
vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean : and continued his course
for the space of 3. dayes. In which space he was come as far 20
towards the North, as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell.
Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so
farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes. At the end
whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East, or
els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land, he knew not 25
how farre. Well he wist and remembred, that he was faine to
stay till he had a Westeme winde, and somewhat Northerly : and
thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was
able in the space of 4. dayes. At the end of which time he | was
compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde, forso-
much as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South, or at
least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how
farre : so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full
South, so farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes ; and at the fifth
dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre
into the land. At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course,
and in conclusion turned backe againe, for he durst not enter
thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land : perceiuing that
on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited :
which was the first peopled land that he had found since his 40
departure from his owne dwelling : whereas continually thorowout

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 9

all his voyage, he had euermore on his steereboord, a wildernesse

and desert countrey, except that in some places, he saw a few a Desert

1 • 1 11 T> JUL countrey.

fishers, fowlers, and hunters, which were all Wynnes : and all the Fynnes.
way vpon his leereboord was the maine ocean. The Biarmes had Biarmia.
S inhabited and tilled their countrey indifferent well, notwithstanding
he was afrayed to go vpon shore. But the countrey of the Ter- Terfynnes.
fynnes lay all waste, and not inhabited, except it were, as we haue
sayd, whereas dwelled certeine hunters, fowlers, and fishers. The
Biarmes tolde him a number of stories both of their owne countrey,

lo and of the countreyes adioyning. Howbeit, he knew not, nor
could affirme any thing for certeine trueth : forsomuch as he was
not vpon land, nor saw any himselfe. This onely he iudged, that The Fynnes
the Fynnes and Biarmes speake but one language. The principall speake^one"
purpose of his traueile this way, was to encrease the knowledge ia"suage.

IS and discouerie of these coasts and countreyes, for the more com-
moditie of fishing of *horsewhales, which haue in their teeth bones
of great price and excellencie : whereof he brought some at his
returne vnto the king. Their skinnes are also very good to make Use of ye

, . . Morsses

cables for shippes, and so vsed. This kinde of whale is much skinnefor

2o lesse in quantitie then other kindes, hauing not in length aboue
seuen elles. And as for the common kind of whales, the place of
most and best hunting of them is in his owne countrey : whereof
some be 48. elles of length, and some 50. of which sort he affirmed
that he himselfe was one of the sixe, which in the space of 3, dayes

25 killed threescore. He was a man of exceeding wealth in such
riches, wherein the wealth of that countrey doth consist. At the
same time that he came to the king, he had of his owne breed
600. tame Deere, of that kinde which they call Rane Deere : of the Sixe
which number 6. were stall Rane Deere, a beast of great value, tame Deere.

30 and marueilously esteemed among the Fynnes, for that with them
they catch the wilde Rane Deere. He was among the chiefe men
of his countrey one : and yet he had but 20. kine, and 20. swine,
and that little which he tilled, he tilled it all with horses. Their
principall wealth consisteth in the tribute which the Fynnes pay The Fynnes

35 them, which is all in skinnes of wilde beasts, feathers of birds,
whale bones, and cables, and tacklings for shippes made of Whales
or Seales skinnes. Euery man payeth according to his abilitie. Note.
The richest pay ordinarily 15. cases of Marternes, 5. Rane Deere
skinnes, and one Beare, ten bushels of feathers, a coat of a Beares

40 skinne, two cables threescore elles long apiece, the one made of caWes of
Whales skin, the other of Seales. Srskfns.

* Or, morsses, their teeth comended.

lo THE ENGLISH VOYAGES.

^description He sayd, that the countrey of Norway was very long and small.

So much of it as either beareth any good pasture, or may be tilled,

lieth vpon the Sea coast, which notwithstanding in some places is

very rockie and stonie : and all Eastward, all along against the

inhabited land, lie wilde and huge hilles and mountaines, which are 5

in some places inhabited by the Fynnes. The inhabited land is

broadest toward the South, & the further it stretcheth towards

the North, it groweth euermore smaller and smaller. Towards

the South it is peraduenture threescore miles in bredth or broader

in some places : about the middest, 30. miles or aboue, and to- 10

wards the North where it is smallest, he affirmeth that it proueth

The bredth not three miles from the Sea to the mountaines. The mountaines

mofluines of be in breadth of such quantitie, as a man is able to traueile ouer

Norway. jj^ ^ fortnight, and in some places no more then may be traueiled

in sixe dayes. Right ouer against this land, in the other side of 15
Swethiand. the mountaines, somewhat towards the South, lieth Swethland,
QueeneUnd. and against the same towards the North, lieth Queeneland. The
Queenes sometimes passing the mountaines, inuade and spoile the
Normans : and on the contrary part, the Normans likewise some-
times spoile their countrey. Among the mountaines be many and 20
great lakes in sundry places of fresh water, into the which the
Boau caried Queenes vse to carie their boats vpon their backs ouer land, and
back? thereby inuade and spoile the countrey of the Normans. These
boats of theirs be very little and very light.

The voyage of Octher out of his countrey of Halgo- 25
land into the sound of Denmarke vnto a port called
Hetha, which seemeth to be Wismer or Rostorke,

I Cther sayd that the countrey wherein he dwelled, was called

Halgoland : and affirmed that there was no man dwelling

towards the North from him. From this countrey towards the 30

[p. 6] I South, there is a certeine *port called Scirings hall, whither, he

sayth, that a man was not able to saile in a moneths space, if he

lay still by night, although he had euery day a full winde. And

he shall saile all the way along the coast, hauing on his steere-

boord, first Jutland and the Islands which lie betwixt this countrey 35

& lutland, still along the coast of this countrey, till he come to

Thedescrip. Scirings hall, hauing it on his larboord. At Scirings hall there

wund of ' entreth into the land a maine gulfe of the Sea, which is so broad,

Denmarke.

* Or, streight. It seemeth to be about Elsenborg.

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

that a man cannot see ouer it : and on the other side against the
same, is Gotland, and then Silland. This sea stretcheth many Gotland
hundreth miles vp into the land. From Scirings hall he sayd that
he sailed in 5. dayes to the port which is called Hetha, which lieth

5 betwixt the countries of * Wendels, Saxons, and Angles, whereunto
it is subiect. And as he sailed thitherward from Scirings hall, he had
vpon his steereboord Denmarke, and on his leereboord the maine
sea, for the space of 3. dayes : and 2. dayes before, he arriued in
Hetha, he had Gotland on leerboord, and Silland, with diuers

10 other Islands. In that countrey dwelt English men, before they
came into this land. And these 2. dayes he had vpon his leer-
boord the Islands that are subiect to Denmarke.

Hetha but
two dayes
sayling from
Seland.
It seemethto
be Wismer
or Rostocke.

VVolstans nauigation in the fEast sea, from Hetha
to Trusco, which is about Dantzig.

'Olstan sayd, that he departed from Hetha, and
arriued at Trusco, in the space of 7. dayes, and
7. nights : during which time, his shippe kept
her course continually vnder saile. All this
voyage Wenedland was still vpon his steerboord,
and on his leerboord was Langland, Layland,
Falster, and Sconie : all which countreyes are
subiect to Denmarke. Upon his leerboord also, was Bargenland, Bargeniand,
which hath a priuate king, vnto whom it is subiect. Hauing left holme.
Bargenland, he passed by Blekingie, Meere, Eland and Gotland,
25 hauing them on his leerboord : all which countreys are subiect to
Sweden : and Wenedland was all the way vpon his steerboord,
vntil he came to Wixel mouth. Wixel is a very great riuer which wixei is the
runneth along betwixt Witland and Wenedland. Witland is fauYthinto
apperteining to the Easterlings : and the riuer of Wixel runneth jofnutg!*^
30 out of \ Wenedland into Eastmeere, which Eastmeere is at the
least 15. miles in breadth. There runneth also another riuer
called Using from the East, and falleth into Eastmeere, out of
another lake vpon the banke, whereupon is situated Fruso. So Fmso.
that Using comming out of || Eastland, and Wixel out of Wened-
35 land, fall both together into Eastmeere, and there Wixel depriueth
Using of his name, and runneth thence West & North into the
sea ; whereof the place is called Wixelmouth.

Vandals.
Or, Prussia.

t Within the sound of Denmarke.
II Or, Lituania.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

The descrip-
tion of East-
land.

Mares milke
a chiefe
drioke.

Eastland is a very large land, and there be many cities and
townes within it, and in euery one of them is a king : whereby
there is continually among them great strife and contention.
There is great plentie of hony and fish.

The wealthiest men drinke commonly Mares milke, and the 5
poore people and slaues meade. There is no ale brewed among
the Easterlings, but of mead there is plentie.

[p. 7]

The nauigation of King Edgar, taken out of
Florentius Wigorniensis, Houeden, and M. Dee his

discourse of the Brittish Monarchic, pag. 54, 55, &c. 10

Haue often times (sayd he) and many wayes
looked into the state of earthly kingdomes,
generally the whole world ouer (as farre as it
may be yet knowen to Christian men commonly)
being a studie of no great difficultie, but rather 15
a purpose somewhat answerable to a perfect
Cosmographer, to finde himselfe Cosmopolites, a
citizen and member of the whole and onely one mysticall citie
vniuersall, and so consequently to meditate of the Cosmopoliticall
gouernment thereof, vnder the King almightie, passing on very 20
swiftly toward the most dreadfull and most comfortable terme pre-
fixed.

And I finde (sayd he) that if this Brittish Monarchic would
heretofore haue followed the aduantages which they haue had
onward, they might very well, yer this, haue surpassed by iustice, 25
and godly sort, any particular Monarchic els, that euer was on
earth since mans creation : and that to all such purposes as to
God are most acceptable, and to all perfect common wealths, most
honorable, profitable, and comfortable.

But yet (sayd he) there is a little locke of Lady Occasion 30
flickering in the aire, by our hands to catch hold on, wherby we
may yet once more (before all be vtterly past, and for euer) dis-
creetly and valiantly recouer and enioy, if not all our ancient
& due appurtenances to this Imperiall Brittish monarchic, yet at
the least some such notable portion thereof, as (al circumstances 35
duely and iustly | appertaining to peace & amitie with forrein
princes being offred & vsed) this may become the most peaceable,
most rich, most puissant, & most florishing monarchic of al els
(this day) in christendome. Peaceable, I say, euen with the most

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 13

part of the selfe same respects that good king Edgar had (being
but a Saxon) and by sundry such meanes, as he chiefly in this
Empire did put in proofe and vre triumphantly, whereupon his
simame was Pacificus, most aptly and iustly. This peaceable
5 king Edgar had in his minde about six hundred yeeres past, the
representation of a great part of the selfe same Idaea, which from
aboue onely, & by no mans deuise hath streamed downe into my
imagination, being as it becommeth a subiect carefuU for the godly
prosperitie of this British Empire vnder our most peaceable

10 Queene Elizabeth.

For, iEdgarus pacificus, Regni sui prospiciens vtilitati, pariter Fiores His-
& quieti, quatuor millia octingentas sibi robustas cogregauit naues ^°"*'"°''
e quibus mille ducentas, in plaga Anglise Orientali, mille ducentas
in Occidentali, mille ducentas in Australi, mille ducentas in

15 Septentrionali pelago costituit, vt ad defensionem regni sui, contra
exteras nationes, belloru discrimina sustinerent.

O wisedome imperiall, most diligently to be imitated, videlicet,
prospicere, to foresee. O charitable kingly parent, that was
touched with ardent zeale, for procuring the publike profite of his

20 kingdome, yea and also the peaceable enioying therof. O, of an
incredible masse of treasure, a kingly portion, yet, in his coffers
remayning : if then he had, (or late before) any warres, seeing no
notable taxe, or contribution publike is historically mentioned to
haue bene for the charges leuied : if in peace he himselfe flourished

25 so wealthily : O marueilous politicall, & princely prudencie, in
time of peace to foresee, and preuent, (and that most puissantly,
and inuincibly) all possible malice, fraude, force, and mischiefe
forrain. O most discreet liberalitie to such excellent vses, powring
out his treasure so abundantly. O faithfull English people (then,)

30 and worthy subiects, of such an Imperiall and godly Gouernour.
O your true, and willing hearts, and blessed ready hands (then,)
so to impart such abundance of victuals for those huge Nauies
maintenance : so (I say) as neither dearth of famine, seemed
(fondly) to be feared of you, for any intolerable want likely to

35 ensue thereby, nor prices of victuals complained of to be vn-
reasonable enhaunsed by you, finding for their great sales so good,
and rare opportunitie.

This peaceable king Edgar, was one of the perfect Imperiall
Monarches of this British Empire, and therefore thus his fame

40 remaineth (for euer) recorded.

Anglici orbis Basileus, flos, & Decus ^dgarus, non mintis Charta
memorabilis Anglis, quam Cyrus Persis, Romulus Romanis, Henrici

secundi.

14 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Alexander Macedonibus, Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Francis,
Anno vitae 37. Regni sui cum fratre, & post 21. Idibus
lulij obijt, & apud Glascon sepelitur.

O Glastonbury, Glastonbury, the treasurie of the carcases of
so famous, and so many persons (Quae olim mater sane- 5
torum dicta es, & ab alijs, tumulus sanctorum, quam ab ipsis
discipulis Domini, aedificatam fuisse venerabilis habet Antiquorum
authoritas) how lamentable is thy case nowe ! howe hath hypocrisie
and pride wrought thy desolation ! though I omit here the names
of very many other, both excellent holy men, and mighty princes, 10
whose carcases are committed to thy custody, yet that Apostolike
Joseph, that triumphant British Arthur, and nowe this peaceable
and prouident Saxon king Edgar, doe force me with a certaine
sorowful reuerence, here to celebrate thy memorie.

This peaceable king Edgar (as by ancient Recordes may 15
appeare) his Sommer progresses, and yerely chiefe pastimes were,
the sailing round about this whole Isle of Albion, garded with his
grand nauie of 4000. saile at the least, parted into 4. equall parts
of petie Nauies, eche one being of 1000. ships, for so it is anciently
recorded. 20

Ranuiphus Idem quoque ^dgarus, 4000. naues congregauit, ex quibus

omni anno, post festum Paschale, 1000. naues ad quam-
libet Angliae partem statuit, sic, aestate Insulam circum-
nauigauit : hyeme ver6, iudicia in Prouincia exercuit :
& haec omnia ad sui exercitium, & ad hostium fecit 25
terrorem.

COuld, and would that peaceable & wise king Edgar, before
need, as being in peace and quiet with all nations about
him, and notwithstanding mistrusting his possible enemies, make
his pastimes so roially, politically, and triumphantly, with so many 30
thousand ships, and at the least with ten times so many men as
ships, and that yerely ! and shall we being not assured of such
neighbors friendship, as may become to vs as cruel and tyrannicall
enemies as neuer king Edgar needed to dread the like, and they
as many and mighty princes, as neuer king Edgar coped with the 35
like, shall we (said he) not iudge it some part of wisdome, to
imitate carefully in some litle proportion (though not with so
many thousands) the prosperous pastimes of peaceable king
Edgar, that Saxonicall Alexander ? yea, prosperous pastimes these
may bee iustly counted, by which he also made euident to the 40
whole world, that as he wisely knew the ancient bounds and

NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 15

limits of this British Empire, | so that he could and would royally, [p. 8]
iustly, and triumphantly enioy the same, spite of the deuil, and
maugre the force of any forreine potentate. And al that, so highly
and faithfully to the glory of God finally intended and brought to

5 passe, as the wisest and godliest Prelates and counsellors of those
dayes (so counted of and recorded) coulde best aduise and direct
him, or perchance, but sincerely commend and duetifully in-
courage him in, he being of himselfe so bent, as purposing first
inuincibly to fortifie the chiefe and vttermost walles of his Islandish

10 Monarchie, against all forreine encombrance possible. And in
that fortification furthering and assuring to trust best his owne
ouersight and iudgement, in yeerely viewing the same in euery
quarter thereof, and that as it were for his pastime Imperiall, also
in Sommer time, to the ende that afterward in all securitie, hee

15 might in Winter time (vacare) be at conuenient leisure on land,
chiefly to set foorth Gods due honour, and secondly to vnder-
stand, and diligently to listen to the causes and complaints of his
commons. For as Matthseus Westmonasteriensis of him to his
Imperiall commendation hath left vs a remembrance.

20 Habebat autem praeterea consuetudinem, per omnes Regni
prouincias transire, vt intelligeret quomodo legum iura,
& suorum statuta decretorum, a principibus obseruarentur,
& ne pauperes a potentibus prseiudicium passi, opprime-
rentur, diligenter inuestigare solebat : in vno fortitudini, in

25 altero lustitise studens, & Reipub. regnique vtilitati con-

sulens in vtroque. Hinc hostibus circumquaque timor,
& amor omnium erga eum excreuerat subditorum.

Thus we see how in opportunitie, this peaceable Edgar pro-
cured to this Empire such prosperous securitie, that his true and

30 faithfuU subiects, all maner of wayes (that is at home and also at
sea, both outward and inward) might peaceably, safely and securely
employ their wits and trauels for the marueilous enriching of this
kingdome, and pleasuring very many other, carying forth the
naturall commodities of this land, abounding here aboue our

35 necessary vses (and due store reserued) and likewise againe
furnishing the same with all necessary and not superfluous forreine
commodities, fet from farre or forrein countreys. This was in
deed (as before is recorded) a kingly prouidence, Reipub. Regniq;
vtilitati consulens, &c. besides with great vtilitie and profite

40 publique foreseene, and by his meanes enioyeji, he himselfe vsed
most gladly the aduantage of that securitie, in ministring of iustice,
or causing the same to be executed all his kingdome ouer, not

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

squemishly, frowningly or skornefully shunning the ragged and
tattered sleeue of any suppliant, holding vp to him a simple soiled
bill of complaint or petition, and that homely contriued, or afrayde
at, and timerously hasting from the sickly pale face or feeble
limmed suter, extreemely constrained so to speake for himselfe, 5
nor parcially smoothering his owne conscience, to fauour or main-
teine the foule fault and trespasse vnlawfuU of any his subiects,
how mightie or necessary soeuer, they (els) were, but diligently
made search, least Pauperes k potentibus prgiudicium passi,
opprimerentur. 10

Thus did publique securitie fro forrein foe abroad, and true
loue of his owne subiects, garding him at home, and the heauenly
spirit directing all his good purposes, cause iustice and equitie in
all quarters of this Albion to flourish. For which his peaceable
and prosperous benefits at the eternall king his hand obteined, 15
bee became not insolent or declined to tyrannicall regiment (as
some princes in other countreis haue made their Hues Comico-
tragical) but with all his foresaide inuincible Seaforce, aboundant
wealth, triumphant peace, with securitie and Iustice ouer all his
Monarchic preuailing, his heart was continually, and most zealously 20
bent to set foorth the glory, laude and honour of the Almightie
Creator, the heauenly and euerlasting king, by such principall and
princely meanes, as (then) were deemed to God most acceptable,
as many monuments yet to our dayes remaining, do of him
vndoubtedly testifie : As this, for one. 25

Ex charta

fundationis

Ecclesbe

Cathedralis

Wigomiz.

Altitonantis Dei largiflua dementia, qui est rex Regum, Ego
y^i^dgarus Anglorum Basileus omniilmq; Regum, Insularum,
Oceanfq; Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctariimq; nationum
qu? infra eam includuntur, Imperator, & Uominus, gratias
ago ipsi Deo omnipotenti, Regi meo, qui meum Imperium 30
sic ampliauit, & exaltauit super regnum patru meorum :
qui licet Monarchiam totius Angliae adepti sunt k tempore
Athelstani (qui primus regnum Anglorum, & omnes
Nationes, qu? Britanniam incolunt, sibi Armis subegit)
nullus tamen eorfl vltra eius fines imperium suum dilatare 35
aggressus est. Mihi autem concessit propitia Diuinitas,
cum Anglorum Imperio, omnia regna Insularum Oceani,
cum suis ferocissimis Regibus, vsq; Noruegiam, maximdmq;
partem Hyberniae, cum sua nobilissima Ciuitate Dublinia,
Anglorum regno subiugare : Quos etiam omnes, meis 40
Imperijs colla subdere (Dei fauente gratia) coegi. Qua-
propter & ego Christi gloriam, & laudem exaltare, & eius

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

seruitium amplificare deuotus disposui, & per meos fideles
Fautores, Dunstanum viz. Archiepiscopum, Athelwoldum,
& Oswaldum episcopos (quos mihi patres spirituales, &
Consiliatores elegi) magna ex parte, secundum quod dis-
posui, effeci, &c.

And againe this in another Monument.

[p-9]

OMnipotentis Dei, &c. Ipsius nutu & gratia suffultus. Ego Fundatio
^dgarus Basileus dilectae Insulg Albionis, subditis nobis Cathedraiis
sceptris Scotorum, Cumbrorum, ac Brytonum, & omnium circum-
10 circa Regionum, quieta pace perfruens, studiosus sollicite de
laudibus creatoris omnium occupor addendis : Ne nunc inertia,
nostrisq; diebus (plus fquo) seruitus eius tepescere videatur, &c.
18. mei terreni Imperij anno, &c. Anno Incarnationis Dominicae,

973-
15 Ego ^dgarus totius Albionis Basileus hoc priuilegium (tanta

roboratum authoritate) crucis Thaumate confirmaui.

So that by all these rehearsed Records, it is most euident that
the peaceable king Edgar, was one of those Monarchs, in whose
handes (if life had suffised) the incredible value and priuiledge

20 granted by God and nature vnto this British monarchie, might
haue bene peaceably purchased in such sort, as the very blessing
and fauour of the diuine Trinitie hath laid meanes for our industrie
to attaine to, and enioye the same by.

And though sundry other valiant princes and kings of this land

25 I could recite, which in times past haue either by intent gone
about, or by wise and valiant exploit, haue meetely well prospered
towards this Islandish appropriate supremacie attaining, yet neuer
any other reasonable meanes was vsed, or by humane wit, or
industrie can be contriued, to al purposes sufficient, but only by

30 our sea forces preuailing, and so by our inuincible enioying al
within the sea limites of our British royaltie contained.

To which incredible political mysterie attaining, no easier,
readier, or perfecter plat and introduction, is (as yet) come to my
imagination, then is the present and continuall seruice of threescore

35 good and tall warlike ships, with twentie smaller barkes, and those
80. ships (great and smal) with 6660. apt men furnished, and all
singularly well appointed for seruice both on sea and land, faith-
fully and diligently to be done in such circumspect and discreet
order, as partly I haue in other places declared, and further (vpon

40 good occasion offered) may declare.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Note the
Queenes
Maiesties
royaltie ouer
the British
Ocean sea,
round about
the British
Empire.

This grand nauie of peaceable king Edgar, of so many thousand
ships, and they furnished with an hundred thousand men at the
least, with all the finall intents of those sea forces, so inuincible,
continually mainteined, the order of the execution of their seruice,
the godly and Imperial successe thereof, are in a maner kingly 5
lessons and prophetical incouragements to vs left, euen now to
bee as prouident for publique securitie as he was, to be as skilful
of our sea right and royal limits, and wisely to finde our selues as
able to recouer and enioy the same as he was, who could not
chuse, but with the passing and yeerely sayling about this Brittish lo
Albion, with all the lesser Isles next adiacent round about it, he
could not chuse I say, but by such ful and peaceable possession,
find himselfe (according to right, and his hearts desire) the true
and soueraigne Monarch of all the British Ocean, enuironing any
way his empire of Albion and Ireland, with the lesser Islands 15
next adiacent : with memorial whereof, as with one very precious
iewel Imperial, hee adorned the title and crowne of his regalitie,
as with the testimonie annexed of the states and nobles of his
Empire, to commit to perpetuall memorie, the stile of his chiefe
worldly dignitie, in this very tenor of words before also re- 20
membred.

Ego yEdgarus Anglorum Basileus, omnidmque Regum,
Insularum, Oceanique Britanniam circumiacentis, cuncta-
riimq; nationum, quae infra eam includuntur, Imperator,
& Dominus. 25

The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes

of King Edmund Ironside into Htingarie^ Anno D.

1017. Recorded by Florentius Wigorniensis pag. 391.

An. Dom.
X017.

[Edit consilium Edricus Canuto regi, vt clitunculos
Eadwardum & Eadmundum regis Eadmundi filios 30
necaret. Sed quia magnum dedecus sibi vide-
batur, vt in Anglia perimerentur, paruo elapso
tempore, ad regem Suauorum occidendos misit.
Qui, licet fcedus esset inter eos, precibus illius
nuUatenus voluit acquiescere, sed illos ad regem 35
Hungarorum Salomonem nomine misit nutriendos vitaeque re-
seruandos. Quorum vnus scilicet Eadmundus processu temporis
ibidem vitam finiuit. Eadwardus ver6 Agatham filiam Germani
Imperatoris Henrici in matrimonium accepit, ex qua Margaretam

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 19

Scotorum reginam, & Christinam Sanctimonialem, & Clitonem
Eadgarum suscepit.

I The same in English. [p. 10]

EDric counselled king Kanutus to murther the yong princes
Edward and Edmund the sonnes of King Edmund. But
because it seemed a thing very dishonourable vnto him to haue
them put to death in England, hee sent them, after a short space,
vnto the king of Sweden to be slaine. Who, albeit there was a
league betweene them, would in no case condescend vnto Canutus

10 his bloody request, but sent them vnto Salomon the king of
Hungarie to be nourished and preserued aliue. The one whereof
namely Edmund in processe of time there deceased. But Edward
receiued to wife Agatha daughter vnto the Germane Emperour
Henry, of whom he begot Margaret the Queene of the Scots, and

15 Christina a Nunne, and Clito Edgar.

A Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out
of M. Camdens Chorographie.

N the yeere of our Lord 1066. Edward King of
England, of famous memory deceased, whom
Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his king-
dome; against which Harald the king of Norwaie
called Harald Harfager fought a battel at Stain-
ford bridge, where the English winning the fielde
put all the Noruegians to flight : out of which
25 flight one Godredus sirnamed Crouan (the sonne of Harald the
blacke, who had before time fled out of Island) repaired vnto
Godred sonne of Syrric, who then reigned in Man, and was right
friendly and honourably enterteined by him.

In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subdued
30 England, and Godred the sonne of Syrric, king of Man, deceased,

after whom succeeded his sonne Fingal. Fingai.

In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships,
and sailed vnto Man, and giuing battell vnto the people of the
countrey, was vanquished and put to flight. The second time
35 also hauing gathered his armie and ships together, hee came vnto
Man, fought with the inhabitants, lost the victorie, and was chaced
away. Yea, the third time he assembled a great multitude, and
comming by night vnto the port which is called Ramsa, hid 300.

20 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

of his men in a wood standing vpon the side of the hill called
Scacafel. The Sunne was no sooner vp, but the Mannians
arranged themselues and with great furie set vpon Godred. And
in the midst of the skirmish, the foresaid 300. men 1-ising out of
their ambush, and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians, 5
molested them so sore, that they were enforced to flie. But when
they saw y' they were ouercome and had no place of refuge to
retire vnto (for the tide of the sea had filled the chanel of the
riuer of Ramsa) and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them
on the other side, they which remained, with lamentable outcries 10
beseeched Godred to spare their Hues. Then hee being mooued
with compassion, and pitying their extreme calamitie, because hee
had bene of late sustained and nourished among them, sounded
a retreat and forbad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit.
The day following Godred put his souldiers to their choice, 15
whether they would diuide Man among themselues and inhabite
it, or whether they would take the wealth of the countrey, and so
returne vnto their owne home. Howbeit, it pleased them better
to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselues with the
commodities thereof, and so to returne from whence they came. 20
Nowe Godred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained
with him, tooke possession of the South part of the Island, and
vnto the remnant of the Mannians he granted the North part
thereof, vpon condition, that none of them should at any time
afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of the said ground 25
by title of inheritance. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that
vnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple, and
that all the reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him. Also Godredus
subdued Dublin vnto himselfe & a great part of I^inestir. And
he so tamed the Scots, that none of them durst build a ship or 30
Boats hauing a boate, With abouc three yron nailes in it. Hee reigned 16.
^n^li'ies** yeeres and died in the Island called Yle. He left behinde him
in them. three sonnes, Lagman, Harald, and Olauus. Lagman being the
eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres. How-
beit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time, but 35
being at length taken by Lagman, hee was gelt and had his eyes
put out. Afterward I.agman repenting him that he had put out
the eyes of his brother, did of his owne accord relinquish his
kingdome, and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse, he went
on pilgrimage to lerusalem, in which iourney also he died. 40

In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing
intelligence of the death of Lagman, sent messengers vnto Mure-
cardus 0-Brien King of Irland, requesting him that hee would

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 21

send some wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood
royall, vntill Olauus sonne of | Godred were come to full age. The [p. II]
king most willingly condescended vnto their request, and sent
vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade, charging and com-
5 maunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie, hee should
gouerne that kingdome, which of right belonged not vnto him.
Howbeit he, after he had once attained vnto the kingdome,
neglecting the commaundement of his lord, vsurped the gouern-
ment with great tyrannic, committing many heinous crimes, and

10 so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three yeeres. Then
all the princes of the Islands making a general! conspiracie,
banded themselues against him, and expelled him out of their
dominions. And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto
them.

15 In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king
of Norway, to take possession of the kingdome of the Islands.
And being come vnto the Island of Leodus, hee sent messengers Lewis,
vnto all the princes of the Islands to come vnto him, commaund-
ing them to assemble themselues, and to appoint him to be their

20 King. In the meane season he and his companions spent their
time in robbing and rioting, rauished women and virgines, and
addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the
flesh. And when these things were reported vnto the princes of
the Islands, who had assembled themselues to chuse him king,

25 being mightely incensed thereat, they made haste towards him,
and comming vpon him in the night, they burnt the house wherein
hee was, and slue both him and the rest of his company, partly
with sword, and partly with fire.

In the yeere 1098. the abbey of S. Maries at Cistertium was

30 founded. In the same yeere also Antiochia was taken by the
Christians, and a Comet appeared.

Moreouer, the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene
the inhabitants of Man, at Santwat, and they of the North obtained
the victory. In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and Mac-

35 Maras, chieftaines of both parts.

The same yeere Magnus king of Norway, sonne of Olauus,
sonne of Harald Harfagre, being desirous to view the corps of
S. Olauus king and Martyr, gaue commaundement that his monu-
ment should be opened. But the Bishop and the Clergie with-

40 standing this his attempt, the king went very boldly and by his
kingly authoritie, caused the cophin to be opened. . And when
hee had scene with his eyes, and handled with his hands the
incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr, a sudden feare

22 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

came vpon him, and he departed with great haste. The night
following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him in a vision,
saying: Chuse (I say) vnto your selfe one of these two, either
within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome, or else to
depart from Norway and neuer to see it againe. The King so 5
soone as he was awaked out of sleepe, called his Princes and
Senatours, and expounded the foresaide vision vnto them. And
they also being astonished thereat gaue him this counsell, that
with all speed he should depart out of Norway. Then he without
any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided, 10
and so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney, which hee presently
subdued, and passing along through all the Islands and conquer-
ing them, at length he came vnto the Isle of Man, where he was
no sooner arriued, but he went vnto the Isle of S. Patric to see
the place of battell, where the inhabitants of Man had of late 15
fought, because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied.
And seeing that it was a most beautifuU Island, it pleased him
exceeding well, and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein
his owne selfe, and built forts there which are at this day called
by his owne name. He had the people of Galway in such awe, 20
that he constrained them to cut downe their owne timber, and to
bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes. Hee sailed
on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales, and finding
two Earles therein (either of them being called by the name of
Hugo) he slue the one, and the other hee put to flight, and so 25
subdued the Island. But the Welshmen presented many gifts
vnto him, and so bidding them farewell he returned vnto Man.
Unto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes, commaunding
him that he should cary them on his shoulders, vpon the birth-
day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace, in the sight of 30
his Embassadours, that thereby it might appeare vnto them, that
he was subiect vnto king Magnus. Which when the Irishmen
heard, they tooke it grieuously and disdeined much thereat. But
the King being better aduised, I had rather (said he) not only
beare his shooes, but eate his shooes, then that king Magnus 35
should destroy any one prouince in Irland. Wherefore he fulfilled
his comrfiaundement, and honourably enterteined his Embassa-
dours. Many gifts also he sent vnto king Magnus by them, and
concluded a league. But the messengers returning vnto their
lord, tolde him of the situation of Irland, of the beautie thereof, 40
of the fruitfulnesse of the soile, and of the holesomnesse of the
aire. Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to conquer
all Irland vnto himselfe. And for the same purpose he com-

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 23

maunded that a Fleet should be made ready. But he taking his
voyage with sixteene ships, & being desirous to view the land,
when he had vndiscreetly departed from his Nauie, he was
suddenly inuironed by the Irish, and was himselfe slaine, together
5 with all that were with him almost. Hee was interred neere vnto
the Church of S. Patric in Armagh. Hee reigned | sixe yeeres. [p- 12]
After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the
Sonne of Godredus Crouan, who liued in the Court of Henry
King of England son vnto William the Conquerour.

10 In the yeere 1102. Olauus sonne of Godredus Crouan beganne
his reigne and reigned fourtie yeeres : he was a peaceable man
being in league with all the Kings of Scotland and Irland in his
time. He tooke to wife Affrica the daughter of Fergusius of
Galway, of whom he begat Godredus. Of his concubines he

15 begat Regnaldus, Lagmannus, and Haraldus, and many daughters,
whereof one married vnto Sumerledus king of * Herergaidel, which
afterward occasioned the ouerthrow of the whole kingdome of the
Islands. He begat foure sonnes by her, namely Dulgallus, Raig-
naldus, Engus, and Olauus.

20 In the yeere 1 134. Olauus gaue vnto Yuo the Abbat of Furnes
a portion of his owne ground in Man to build an Abbey in the
place which is called Russin. Also hee inriched with reuenues
and indued with priuiledges al places of religion within his
Islands.

25 In the yere 1142. Godredus y^ son of Olauus sailed vnto the
K. of Norway called Hinge, and doing his homage vnto him he
remained with him, & was by him honorably enterteined. The
same yere the 3. sonnes of Harald brother vnto Olauus, who were
brought vp at the citie of Dublin, gathering together a great

30 multitude of people, and all the fugitiues and vagabonds of the
kingdome resorted vnto Man, and demaunded of the said king
the one halfe of al the kingdome of the Islands. Which thing
when the king heard, being desirous to pacific them, he answered
that he would consult about that matter. And a day and place

35 being appointed, where the consultation should bee kept, in the
meane time those miscreants cospired together, about the murther-
ing of the King. And when the day appointed was come, both
companies assembled themselues vnto the hauen towne called
Ramsa, and they sate in order, the king with his nobilitie on the

40 one side, and they with their confederates on the other side.
Howbeit Regnaldus who had an intention to slay the king, stoode

* Argile.

24 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

a-side in the midst of the house talking with one of the Princes
of the lande. And being called to come vnto the king he turned
himselfe about as if hee would haue saluted him, and lifting vp
his glittering axe, he chopt the kings head quite off at a blow.
»M3- Nowe hauing committed this outragious vilanie, within a short 5
space they diuided the Island betweene themselues, and gathering
an armie together sailed vnto Galway, intending to subdue that
also; howbeit the people of Galway assembled themselues, and
with great furie encountred with them. Then they immediately
turning their backs with great confusion fled vnto Man. And as 10
touching all the Galwedians which inhabited in the said Island,
some of them they slue, and the residue they banished.

In the yeere 1143. Godredus sonne of Olauus returning out
of Norway was created king of Man ; who in reuenge of his fathers
death, put out the eyes of two of Haralds sonnes and slue the 15
thirde.

In the yeere 1144. Godredus began his reigne, and hee reigned
thirtie yeeres. In the thirde yeere of his reigne the citizens of
Dublin sent for him and created him king of Dublin, against
whom Murecardus king of Irland made warre, and encamping 20
himselfe at the citie called Coridelis, he sent his brother Osibel
with 3000. horsemen vnto Dublin, who was slaine by (iodred and
the Dubliners, the rest of his company being put to flight. These
things being thus finished, Godredus returned vnto Man, and
b^an to exercise tyrannie, disinheriting certaine of his nobles, 25
of whom one called Thorfinus the sonne of Oter, being mightiex
then the rest, went vnto Sumerledus, and named Dubgal the
sonne of Sumerledus, king of the Islands, and subdued many of
the said Islands on his behalfe. Whereof when Godred had
intelligence by one Paulus, prouiding a Nauie, hee went to meete 30
Sumerledus comming against him with 80. ships : and in the
H56. yeere 11 56. vpon the night of the feast of Epiphanie, there was
a Sea-battell fought, and many being slaine on both parts, the day
folowing they were pacified, and diuided the kingdome of the
Islands among themselues, and it continued two kingdomes from 35
that day vnto this present time. And this was the cause of the
ruine of the monarchic of the Islands, from which time the sonnes
of Sumerled inioyed the one halfe thereof.

In the yeere 1158. Sumerled came vnto Man with 53. ships,
putting Godred to flight and wasting the Island : and Godred 40
sailed vnto Norway to seeke for aide against Sumerled. In the
yere 1164. Sumerled gathered a fleete of 160. ships together; and
arriued at Rhinfrin, intending to subdue all Scotland vnto him-

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 25

selfe : howbeit, by Gods iust iudgement being ouercome by a few,
together with his sonne, and an innumerable multitude of people,
he was slaine. The very same yere there was a battel fought at
Ramsa, betweene Reginald the brother of Godred, and the in-
5 habitants of Man, but by the stratageme of a certaine Earle the
Mannians were put to flight. Then began Reginald to vsurpe the
kingly authoritie. Howbeit his brother Godred within foure dayes
after, comming out of Norway with a great power of armed men,
apprehended his brother Reginald, gelt him, and put out his eyes.

10 The same yeere deceased Malcolme the king of Scots, and | his [p- 13]
brother William succeeded in the kingdome.

In the yeere 1166. two Comets appeared in the moneth of
August, before the rising of the Sunne, one to the South and
another to the North.

15 In the yeere 1171. Richard earle of Penbroke sailed into
Irland, and subdued Dublin with a great part of Irland.

In the yere 1176. lohn Curcy conquered Vlster vnto himselfe.
And at the same time also Viuianus legate fro the sea of Rome
came into Man, & caused king Godred to bee lawfully wedded

20 vnto his wife Phingola, daughter of Maclotlen son of Murkartac
king of Irlad, mother of Olauus, who was then 3. yeeres old.
Siluanus the abbat married them, vnto whom the very same day,
king Godred gaue a portion of ground in Mirescoge, where he
built a Monastery : howbeit, in processe of time, the said land with

25 the monkes, was granted vnto the abbey of Russin.

In the yere 11 72. Reginaldus the son of Eacmarcat (a man
descended of the blood royal) comming into Man with a great
multitude of people, in the absence of the king, at the first con-
flict hee put to flight certaine watchmen which kept the shoare,

30 and slue about 30. persons. Whereupon the very same day the
Mannians arranging themselues put him, & almost al his folowers
to the sword.

In the yere 1 1 83. 0-Fogolt was vicount of Man.

In the yere 1185. the Sunne was ecclipsed vpon the feast of

35 S. Philip and lacob.

In the yere 1187. deceased Godred king of the Islands, vpo
the 4. of the Ides of Nouember, and the next sommer his body
was translated vnto the island of Hy. He left 3. sonnes behinde
him, Reginaldus, Olauus, and Yuarus. In his life time he

40 ordeined his sonne Olauus to be his heire apparant, because he
onely was borne legitimate. But the Mannians, when Olauus was
scarce ten yeeres olde, sent vnto the islands for Reginald and
created him king.

26 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

In the yeere 1187. began Reginald the sonne of Godred to
reigne ouer the islands : and Murchardus a man of great power
throughout all the kingdome of the islands was put to death.

In the yere 1192. there was a battel fought betweene Reginald
and Engus the two sonnes of Sumerled : but Engus obtained the 5
victory. The same yere was the abbey of Russin remooued vnto
Dufglas, howbeit within foure yeeres after the monkes returned
vnto Russin.

In the yere 1203. Michael bishop of the islands deceased at
Fontanas, and Nicholas succeeded in his roome. 10

In the yere 1 204. Hugo de I^cy inuaded Vlster with an armie
and encountered with lohn de Curcy, tooke him prisoner & sub-
dued Vlster vnto himselfe. Afterward he permitted the said John
■ to goe at libertie, who comming vnto king Reginald was honourably
enterteined by him, because he was his sonne in lawe, for John de 15
Curcy had taken to wife AfTrica the daughter of Godredus, which
founded the abbey of S. Mary de iugo domini, and was there
buried.

In the yeere 1205. lohn de Curcy & Reginald king of the
islands inuading Vlster with a hundreth ships at the port which is 20
called Stranfeord did negligently besiege the castle of Rath : but
Walter de Lacy coming vpo them with his armie, put them to
flight, & from that time Curcy neuer recouered his land. In the
yere 12 10. Engus the son of Sumerled & his 3. sonnes were
slaine. 25

KingTohn At the Same time lohn king of England conducted a fleet of

Kumd with 500. ships into Irland, and subdued it vnto himselfe : and sending
'°°' *** "■ a certaine earle named Fulco, vnto the isle of Man, his souldiers
almost vtterly wasted it in the space of 15. dayes, and hauing
taken pledges they returned home into their owne countrey. 30
King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man.

In the yere 12 17. deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands, and
was buried in Vlster, in the house of Benchor, whom Reginald
succeeded.

I thinke it not amisse to report somewhat more 35
concerning the two foresaid brethren Reginaldus
and Olauus.

REginald gaue vnto his brother Olauus, the island called
Lodhus or Lewes, which is saide to be larger then the rest
of the islands, but almost destitute of inhabitants, because it is 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 27

so ful of mountaines & quarrels, being almost no where fit for
tillage. Howbeit the inhabitants thereof do Hue for the most part
vpon hunting and fishing. Olauus therefore went to take posses-
sion of this Island, and dwelt therein leading a poore life : and
5 when he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the sustentation
of himselfe & his folowers, hee went boldly vnto his brother
Reginald, who as then remained in the islands, & spake on this
wise vnto him. My brother (said he) and my lord and king, you
know that the kingdom of the islands pertained vnto me by right

10 of inheritance, howbeit because the Lord had chosen you to beare
the scepter, I doe not enuie that honour vnto you, neither doeth
it any whit grieue mee that you are exalted vnto this royall
dignitie. Nowe therefore I beseech you to prouide mee some
portion of land in the islands, whereby I may honestly Hue. | For [p. 14]

15 the Island of Lewis which you gaue me is not sufficient for my
maintenance. Which his brother Reginald hearing said that he
would consult about the premisses. And on the morow, when
Olauus was sent for to parle, Reginald comanded him to be
attached, and to be caried vnto William king of Scotland, and with

20 him to remaine prisoner : and Olauus remained in prison almost
for the space of 7. yeres. But at the 7. yeres end William king of
Scots deceased, and Alexander his sonne reigned in his stead.
The foresaid William, before his death, commanded that all
prisoners should be set at libertie. Olauus therefore being at

25 libertie came vnto Man, and immediately with a great company of
nobles tooke his iourney vnto S. lames : and his brother Reginald
caused the said Olauus to take vnto wife, the daughter of a
certaine noble man of Kentyre, cousine german vnto his owne
wife, & by name being called Lauon, and he granted vnto him

30 the possession of Lewis. After a few dayes Reginald the bishop
of the Islands hauing gathered a Synod, separated Olauus and
Godred his sonne, and Lauon his wife, namely because shee was
cousin german vnto his former wife. Afterward Olauus maried
Scristina daughter vnto Ferkarus earle of Rosse.

35 Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands being
incensed, sent letters vnto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his
name to her sonne Godred willing him to take Olauus. Which
comandement Godred putting in practise, & entring the isle of
Lewis for y* same purpose, Olauus fled in a litle skiffe vnto his

40 father in law the earle of Rosse, & in the meane time Godred
wasted the isle of Lewis. At the very same time Pol the son of
Boke vicount of Sky, being a man of power in al the Islands,
because he would not consent vnto Godred, fled, & dwelt together

28 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

with Olauus in the dominions of the earle of Rosse, & making
a league with Olauus, they went both in a ship vnto Sky. To be
short, sending certaine spies, they were informed that Godred
remained secure with a smal company in a certaine Isle called
y* isle of S. Columba. And vniting vnto themselues their friends s
and acquaintance, & others that would goe voluntarily with them,
in the dead of the night, hauing lanched 5. ships from the next
sea-shore, which was distant about the space of 2. furlongs from
the foresaid Island, they enuironed the said Island on all sides.
Now Godred and his company rising early in the morning, and 10
seeing themselues beset with their enemies on all sides, they were
vtterly astonied. Howbeit arming themselues they began stoutly
to make resistance, but altogether in vaine. For about 9. of the
clocke in the morning, Olauus and the foresaid vicount Pol, with
al their souldiers, entred the Island, and hauing slaine all whom 15
they found without the precincts of the Church, they apprehended
Godred, gelding him, and putting out his eyes. Unto which
action Olauus gaue not his cosent, neither could he withstand it,
by reason of the forenamed vicount the son of Boke. This was
done in the yere of Christ 1223. The next sommer folowing 20
The Isle Olauus hauing receiued pledges from all the chiefe men of the
uaunced to Islands, with a fleet of 32. ships sailed vnto Man, and arriued at
a ingdome. Rognolfwaht. At the same time Reginald and Olauus diuided
the kingdome of the Islands betweene themselues, Man being
granted vnto Reginald, & besides his portion the name of a king 25
also. Olauus hauing receiued certaine victuals of the people of
Man, returned, together with his company, vnto his owne portion
of Islands. The yeere folowing Reginald taking vnto him Alanus
lord of Galway, together with his subiects of Man, sailed vnto the
Islands, that hee might take away that portion of ground from his 30
brother Olauus, which he had granted vnto him, and subdue it
vnto himselfe. Howbeit, by reason that the people of Man had
no list to fight against Olauus or the Islanders, because they bare
good will towards them, Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway
being defeated of their purpose, returned home vnto their owne. 35
Within a short space after Reginald, vnder pretense of going vnto
the Court of his lord the king of England, receiued an 100. markes
of the people of Man, and tooke his iourney vnto Alanus lord of
Galway. Which the people of Man hearing tooke great indigna-
tion thereat, insomuch that they sent for Olauus, and appointed 40
him to be their king.

In the yeere 1226. Olauus recouered his inheritance, that is to
say the kingdome of Man and of the Islands, which Reginald his

NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 29

brother had gouerned for the space of 38. yeeres, and he reigned
two yeeres in safetie.

In the yeere 1228. Olauus with all his nobles of Man, and the
stronger part of his people, sailed vnto the Islands. A short
5 space after Alanus lord of Galway, Thomas earle of Athol, & king
Reginald came vnto Man with a mightie army, and wasted all the
South part of Man, spoiled the Churches, and slue all the men
whom they coulde take, insomuch, that the South part of the saide
Island was brought almost into desolation. And then Alanus

10 returned with his army into his owne land, leauing behind him
bailiffes and substitutes in Man, which should gather vp and
render vnto him the tribute of the countrey. Howbeit king
Olauus came suddenly vpon them, chaced them away and re-
couered his kingdome. And the Mannians which of late were

15 dispersed and scattered abroad, began to vnite themselues, and to
inhabite without feare. The same yeere, in the time of Winter,
vpon the sudden, and in the very dead of the night came king
Reginald out of Galway | with fiue ships, and burnt all the ships [p. 15]
of his brother Olauus, and of the nobles of Man, at the Isle of

20 S. Patric, & concluding a peace with his brother, remained at the
port of Ragnolwath 40. dayes : in the meane while hee allured
vnto himselfe all the Islanders vpon the South part of Man, who
sware, that they would aduenture their liues, vntill hee had gotten
the one halfe of his kingdome : contrarywise Olauus ioyned vnto

25 himselfe them of the North part, & vpon the 14. of February in
the place called Tingualla, a field was fought betweene the two
brothers, wherein Olauus got the victory, and Reginald the king
was by certaine souldiers slaine without the knowledge of his
brother. Also certaine pirates comming to the south part of

30 Man, wasted & spoiled it. The monkes of Russin conueyed
the body of K. Reginald, vnto the abbey of S. Mary of Fournes,
& there he was interred in the place, which his owne selfe had
chosen for the purpose. After these things Olauus traueiled vnto
the king of Norway, but before he was arriued there, Haco king of

35 Norway appointed a certaine noble man named Husbac the son
of Owmund, to be king of the Islands of the Hebrides & called
his name Haco. Then came the said Haco with Olauus &
Godred Don the son of Reginald, and a multitude of Noruegians,
vnto the islands : and while they were giuing an assault vnto

40 a castle in the island of Both, Haco being hit with a stone died,
and was buried in lona.

In the yere 1230. came Olauus, with Godredus Don, & certeine
Noruegians vnto Man, and they parted the kingdome among

30 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

themselues, Olauus stil reteining Man. Godred as he was going
vnto the islands, was slaine in the isle of Lewis, & Olauus inioyed
the kingdome of the islands also.

In the yere 1237. vpon the 12. of the Kalends of lune,
Olauus Sonne of Godred king of Man deceased in the isle of 5
S. Patric, and was interred in the abbey of Russin. He reigned
II. yeres, two while his brother was aliue, and nine after his
death.

Haraldus his sonne being of the age of 14. yeres, succeeded,
and he reigned 12. yeeres. The first yere of his reigne taking his 10
ioumey vnto the islands, he appointed one Loglen his kinsman to
be his deputie in Man. The Autumne folowing Haraldus sent the
three sonnes of Nel, namely Dufgaldus, Torquellus, & Molmore,
and his friend loseph vnto Man, that they might enter into c6-
sultation together. Wherfore the 25. day they assembled them- 15
selues at Tingualla : and malice growing betweene the sonnes of
Nel, and Loglen, they fel to blowes and skirmished sore on both
parts, Molmore, Dufgald, and the foresaid loseph being all slaine
in the fray. The Spring folowing, king Harald came into the isle
of Man, and Loglen fleeing into Wales, was himselfe, together with 20
Godred the sonne of Olauus his pupil, and 40. others, drowned by
shipwracke.

In the yere 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist sonne of Mac-
Kerthac came from the king of Norway vnto Man, expelling
Harald out of the said island, and taking tribute on the behalfe of 25
the Noruegian king, because the said Harald refused to come vnto
his Court.

In the yere 1 240. Gospatricius deceased and was buried in the
abbey of Russin.

In the yere 1239. Haraldus went vnto the king of Norway, 30
who within two yeres confirmed vnto him, his heires and suc-
cessors, vnder seale, all the islands which his predecessors
enioyed.

In the yeere 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway vnto
Man, and being honourably receiued by the inhabitants, he liued 35
in peace with the kings of England and Scotland.

In the yeere 1247. Haraldus (like as his father also before
him) was knighted by the king of England, and so being rewarded
with many gifts, he returned home. The same yere he was sent
for by the king of Norway, and he maried his daughter. And in 40
the yere 1249. as he was returning home with his wife, with
Laurence the elect of Man, and with many other nobles, neere
vnto the confines of Radland, he was drowned in a tempest.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 31

In the yere 1 249. Reginald the sonne of Olauus, and brother
vnto Harald began to reigne the day next before the Nones of
May : and vpon the 30. day of the same moneth he was slaine by
Yuarus a souldier, and other of his complices, in the South part of
5 a certaine medow, neere vnto the Church of the holy Trinitie, and
he was buried at the Church of S. Marie at Russin.

The same yere Alexander king of Scots prouided a great nauie
of ships, that he might conquere the islands vnto himselfe : how-
beit falling into an ague at the isle of Kerwary, he deceased.
10 Then Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don vsurped the name
of a king ouer the islands, hee banished also all the princes of
Harald the sonne of Olauus, and ordeined his fugitiues to bee
princes and nobles in their stead.

In the yere 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don being
15 summoned by letters went vnto the king of Norway, who deteined
him in prison because he had vniustly possessed the kingdome.
The same yeere Magnus the sonne of Olauus, and lohn the sonne
of Dugalt arriued at Roghalwaht, which lohn named himselfe king,
but the Mannians taking it grieuously, that Magnus was not
20 nominated, draue them from their shoare, and many of the
company perished by shipwracke.

In the yeere 1252. came Magnus the sonne of Olauus vnto
Man, and was ordeined king. The yere folowing he tooke his
ioumey vnto the king of Norway, & there he remained one whole
25 yere.

I In the yeere 1254. Haco king of Norway ordeined Magnus [p. 16]
the sonne of Olauus king of the Islands, confirming them to him
and to his heires, and by name vnto Harald his brother.

In the yere 1256. Magnus tooke his iourney into England, and
30 was by the king of England created knight.

In y^ yere 1257. the Church of S. Maries of Russin was dedi-
cated by Richard bishop of Soder.

In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of
Scotland, and without atchieuing ought, turning his course towards
35 the Orcades he there deceased at Kirwas, and was buried at
Bergen.

In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of Man
and of the Islands died at the castle of Russin, and was buried at
the Church of S. Mary at Russin.
40 In the yere 1266. the kingdome of the Islands was translated
vnto Alexander king of Scots.

32 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

That which followeth was written in a new character
or letter, and of a diuers kinde from the former.

IN the yeere 1270. vpon the seuenth day of October the Fleete
of Alexander king of Scots arriued at Roghalwath, and the
next day before the Sunne rising there was a battell fought be- 5
tweene the Mannians and the Scots, in the which conflict there
were slaine 535. Mannians : whereupon a certaine versifier writeth
to this effect :

Fiue hundreth fourtie men are slaine :

against ill haps, 10

Yee Mannians arme your selues, for feare
of afterclaps.
In the yeere 1313. Robert king of Scots besieged the castle of
Russin, which Dingawy Dowil held against him, howbeit at the
last the king tooke the castle. 15

In the yeere 13 16. vpon the feast of Ascension, Richard le
Mandeuile and his brethren, with diuers great personages of
Irland arriued at Ramaldwath, demaunding to haue victuals and
money ministred vnto them, because they had bene spoyled by
their enemies, which made continuall warre vpon them. But 20
when the whole company of the Mannians answered that they
would giue nothing, they proceeded against them in warlike maner
with two bands, till they were come vnder the side of the hill
called Warthfel, in the fielde where lohn Mandeuile remained,
and there hauing fought a battell, the Irish ouercame the people 25
of Man, and spoiled the Island and the Abbey of Russin also :
and when they had reueled a whole moneth in the Island, lading
their ships they returned home.

The mariage of the daughter of Harald, slaine by

William the Conquerour, vnto leruslaus duke of 30

Russia, taken out of the 9. Booke of the Danish

historie written by Saxo Grammaticus.

An. D. 1067.

1067- ^^f^^^^f^ Araldo caeso, filij eius duo confestlm in Daniam

cum sorore migrarunt. Quos Sweno, paterni 35
illorum meriti oblitus consanguineae pietatis more
accepit, puellamque Ruthenorum regi Walde-
maro, (qui & ipse larislaus a suis est appellatus)
nuptum dedit. Eidem postmodCim nostri tem-

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 33

poris dux, vt sanguinis, ita & nominis haeres, ex filia nepos
obuenit. Itaque hinc Britannicus, inde Eous sanguis in salu-
tarem nostri principis ortum confluens communem stirpem duarum
gentium ornamentum effecit.

5 The same in English.

HArald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister sped
themselues immediatly into Denmarke. Whom Sweno
forgetting their fathers deserts receiued in most kinde and friendly
maner, and bestowed the yong damosell in mariage vpon Walde-

10 marus king of Russia who was also called by his subiects larislaus.
Afterward the said Waldemarus had by his daughter a nephew
being duke at this present, who succeeded his predecessour both
in lineal descent and in name also. Wherefore the English blood
on the one side and the Russian on the other side concurring to

15 the ioyfull birth of our prince, caused that mutual kinred to be an
ornament vnto both nations.

The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports [p. 17]

from Edward the Confessour and William the

Conquerour, and so downe to Edward the first,

faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman

M. William Lambert in his Perambulation

of Kent, out of the most ancient

Records of England.

Finde in the booke of the generall suruey of the The
Realme, which William the Conquerour caused the Ports,
to bee made in the fourth yeere of his reigne,
and to be called Domesday, because (as Matthew 1070.
Parise saith) it spared no man but iudged all men
indifferently, as the Lord in that great day wil do,
that Douer, Sandwich, and Rumney, were in the
time of K. Edward the Confessour, discharged almost of all maner
of impositions and burdens (which other townes did beare) in
consideration of such seruice to bee done by them vpon the Sea,
as in their special titles shall hereafter appeare.
35 Whereupon, although I might ground reasonable coniecture,
that the immunitie of the hauen Townes (which we nowe call by
a certaine number, the Cinque Ports) might take their beginning
from the same Edward : yet for as much as I read in the Chartre

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Which be
the Fiue
Port*.

1*50.

Citizens
were called
Barons in
old time.

Contention
bctweene

of K. Edward the first after the conquest (which is reported in our
booke of Entries) A recitall of the graunts of sundry kings to the
Fiue Ports, the same reaching no higher then to ^^'illiam the
Conquerour, I will leaue my coniecture, and leane to his Chartre :
contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour, the thankes of 5
other mens benefits, seeing those which were benefited, were
wisely contented (as the case then stood) to like better of his
confirmation (or second gift) then of K. Edwards first graunt, and
endowment.

And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of array, 10
I will first shewe, which Townes were at the beginning taken for
the Fiue Ports, and what others be now reputed in the same
number : secondly, what seruice they ought, and did in times
passed : and lastly, what priuiledges they haue therefore, and by
what persons they haue bene gouemed. 15

If I should iudge by the common, and rude verse,
Doutr, Sandwicus, fiy, A'uni, Frigmare vetttus,

I must say, that Douer, Sandwich, Rie, Rumney, and Win-
chelsey, (for that is, Frigmare ventus) be the Fiue Ports : Againe,
if I should be ruled by the RoUe which reciteth the Ports that send 20
Barons to the Parliament, I must then adde to these, Hastings
and Hyde, for they also haue their Barons as well as the other :
and so should I not onely, not shew which were the first Fiue, but
also (by addition of two others) increase both the number, and
doubtfulnesse. Leauing the verse therefore, for ignorance of the 25
authour and suspition of his authoritie, and forsaking the RoUe
(as not assured of the antiquitie) I will flee to Henry Bracton,
a man both ancient, learned, and credible, which liued vnder
K. Henry the thirde, and wrote (aboue three hundreth yeeres since)
learnedly of the lawes of this Realme. 30

He (I say) in the third booke of his worke, and treatise of the
Crowne, taking in hand to shewe the articles inquirable before the
lustice in Eire, (or Itinerent, as we called them, because they vsed
to ride from place to place throughout the Realme, for administra-
tion of iustice) setteth forth a special fourme of writs, to be directed 35
seuerally to the Bailifes of Hastings, Hithe, Rumney, Douer, and
Sandwich, commanding them, that they should cause twentie &
foure of their Barons (for so their Burgesses, or townesmen, and
the citizens of London likewise, were wont to be termed) to appeare
before the Kings lustices at Shipwey in Kent (as they accustomed 4a
to do) there to enquire of such points, as should be giuen in charge.
Which done, hee addeth moreouer, that forsomuch as there was
oftentimes cotention betweene them of the Fiue Ports, & the in-

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

habitants of Yarmouth in Norfolke and Donwich in Suffolke, there
should be seuerall writs directed to them also, returnable before
the same Justices at the same day and place, reciting, that where
the King had by his former writs sommoned the Pleas of the Fiue

5 Ports to bee holden at Shipwey, if any of the same townes had
cause to complaine of any (being within the liberties of the said
Ports) he should be at Shipwey to propound against him, and
there to receiue according to law and Justice.

Thus much I recite out of Bracton, partly to shew that Ship-

lo wey was before K. Edward the firsts time, the place of assembly
for the Plees of the Fiue Ports : partly to notifie the difference,
and controuersie that long time since was betweene these Ports,
and those other townes : But purposely, and chiefly, to proue, that
Hastings, and Hithe, Doner, Rumney, and Sandwich, were in

15 Bractons time accompted the Fiue principall hauens or Ports,
which were endowed with priuiledge, and had the same ratified
by the great Chartre of England.

Neither yet will I deny, but that soone after, Winchelsey and
Rie might be added to the num]ber. For I find in an old recorde,

20 that king Henry the third tooke into his owne hands (for the better
defence of the Realme) the townes of Winchelsey, and Rie, which
belonged before to the Monasterie of Fescampe in Normandie, and
gaue therefore in exchange, the Manor of Chiltham in Gloucester-
shire, & diuers other lands in Lincolneshire. This he did, partly

25 to conceale from the Priors Aliens the intelligence of the secret
affaires of his Realme, and partly because of a great disobedience
& excesse, that was committed by the inhabitants of Wincelsey,
against Prince Edward his eldest sonne. And therefore, although
I can easily be led to thinke, that he submitted them for their

30 correction to the order, and gouernance of the Fiue ports, yet
I stand doubtfull whether hee made them partners of their priui-
ledges, or no, for that had bene a preferment, and no punishment
vnto them : but I suspect rather, that his sonne king Edward the
first, (by whose encouragement and aide, olde Winchelsey was

35 afterward abandoned, and the newe towne builded) was the first
that apparelled them with that preeminence.

By this therefore let it appeare, that Hastings, Doner, Hithe,
Rumney, and Sandwich, were the first Ports of priuiledge : which
(because they were 5. in number) both at the first gaue, and yet

40 continue, to all the residue, the name of Cinque Ports, although
not onely Winchelsey and Rie, be (since that time) incorporated
with them as principals, but diuers other places also (for the ease of
their charge) be crept in, as partes, lims, and members of the same.

Yarmouth,
and the
Fiue Ports.

1250.

Antiquitie of

Yarmouth

fishing.

1268.
[p. 18]

Winchelsey
first builded.
1277.

3—2

36 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Now therefore, somewhat shalbe said, as touching the seruices
that these Ports of duetie owe, and in deed haue done, to the
Princes : whereof the one (I meane with what number of vessels,
in what maner of furniture, and for how long season, they ought
to wait on the king at the Sea, vpon their owne charges) shall S
partly appeare by that which we shall presently say, and partly by
that which shall followe in Sandwich, and Rumney : The other
shall bee made manifest by examples, drawne out of good histories :
and they both shall be testified by the words of king Edward the
first in his owne Chartre. lo

The booke of Domesday before remembred, chargeth Douer
with twentie vessels at the sea, whereof eche to be furnished with
one and twentie men for fifteene dayes together : and saith further,
that Rumney and Sandwich answered the like seruice. But now
whether this (like) ought to be vnderstoode of the like altogether, 15
both in respect of the number and seruice, or of the (like) in
respect of seruice, according to the proportion of their abilitie
onely, I may not hereby take vpon me to determine. For on the
one side, if Rumney, Sandwich, and the residue, should likewise
finde twentie vessels a piece, then (as you shall anone see) the 20
fiue Ports were subiect to a greater charge at that time, then King
Edward the first layd vpon them : And on the other side, if they
were onely chargeable after their proportion, then know I not how
farre to burthen them, seeing the Record of Domesday it selfe,
bindeth them to no certeintie. And therefore leauing this as 25
I find it, I must elsewhere make inquisition for more lightsome
proofe. And first I will haue recourse to king Edward the first
his Chartre in which I read, that At ech time that the King
passeth ouer the sea, the Ports ought to rigge vp fiftie and seuen
ships, (whereof euery one to haue twentie armed souldiers) and to 30
mainteine them at their owne costes, by the space of fifteene dayes
together.
1078. And thus it stoode with the Ports for their generall charge, in

the sixt yeere of his reigne, for then was this Chartre sealed. But
as touching the particular burthen of ech one, I haue scene two 35
diuers testimonies, of which the first is a note in French (bearing
the countenance of a Record) and is intituled, to haue bene
renued in the two and twentie yeere of the Reigne of the same
king, by Stephan Penchester, then Constable of Douer Castle, in
which the particular charge is set downe in this maner. 40

The Port of Hastings ought to finde three ships.
The lowie of Peuensey, one.
Buluerhithe and Petit lahn, one.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 37

Bekesborne in Kent, seuen.

Grenche at Gillingham in Kent, two men and armour, with

the ships of Hastings.
The towne of Rie, fiue.
5 To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King Henrie

the sixt.
The towne of Winchelsey, tenne.
The Port of Rumney, foure.
Lydde, seuen.
10 The Port of Hythe, fiue.

The Port of Douer, nineteene.
The towne of Folkestone, seuen.
The towne of Feuersham, seuen.

The Port of Sandwich, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale, &c.
15 fiue.

I These ships they ought to finde vpon fortie dayes summons, [p. I9]
armed and arrayed at their owne charge, and in ech of them
twentie men, besides the Master of the Mariners : all which they
shall likewise mainteine fiue dayes together at their owne costs,
20 giuing to the Maister sixe pence by the day, to the Constable sixe
pence, and to ech other Mariner three pence. And after those
fiue dayes ended, the King shall defray the charges.

The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of Hyde, the
which although it pretend not so great antiquity as the first, yet
25 seemeth it to me to import as much or more likelihood and credit :
It standeth thus.

These be the Five Ports of our soueraigne Lord the King
hauing liberties, which other Ports haue not : Hasting,
Romenal, Heth, Douer, Sandwich, the chiefe Townes.
30 The seruices due by the same.

Hasting shall finde 21. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a

Garcion, or Boy, which is called a Gromet. To it perteine (as

the members of one towne) the Seashore in Seford, Peuenshey,

Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rie, Ihame, Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie,

35 Bulwerheth.

Romenal 5. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a Garcion: To
it perteine, as members thereof, Promhell, Lede, Eastwestone,
Dengemareys, olde Rumney.

Hethe 5. ships, as Romenal before. To it perteineth the
40 Westhethe.

Douer 21. ships, as Hasting before. To it perteine, Folkstane,
Feuersham, and S. Margarets, not concerning the land, but for the
goods and cattels.

38 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Sandwich 5 ships, as Romenal, and Hethe. To it perteine
Fordwich, Reculuer, Serre, and Dele, not for the soile, but for
the goods.

Summe of ships 57.

Summe of the men 1187. and 57. Garcions. 5

This seruice, the Barons of the Fiue Ports doe acknowledge
to owe to the King, vpon summons yerely (if it happen) by the
space of 15. dayes together, at their owne costs and charges, ac-
counting that for the first day of the 15. in which they shall spread
their sailes to goe towards those parts that the King intendeth : 10
and to seme so long after 15. dayes, as the King will, at his owne
pay and wages.

Thus much out of these ancient notes, whereby your selfe may
easily disceme the difference : but whether the one or the other,
or (by reason of some latter dispensation) neither of these, haue 15
place at this day, I must referre it to them that be priuie, and of
counsell with the Ports : and so leauing this also vndecided, holde
on the way, wherein I am entred.

This duetie of attendance therefore (being deuised for the
honourable transportation, and safe conduct of the Kings owne 20
person or his armie ouer the narrow Seas) the Ports haue not
onely most diligently euer since that time performed, but further-
more also valiantly behaued themselues against the enemie from
time to time, in sundrie exploits by water, as occasion hath bene
profered, or the necessitie of the Realme required. 25

Thegood And amongst other feats not vnwoorthy perpetuall remem-

leniiceorthe °. .,,r«T- i

fiue Ports, brancc, after such time as Lewes (the eldest sonne of the French
King) had entred the Realme to aide Stephan Langton the Arch-
bishop, and the Nobilitie, in the life of King lohn, and had sent
into France for new supply of souldiers after his death, Hubert 30

x«i7. of Borough (then captaine of Douer) following the opinion of

Themistocles in the exposition of the oracle of the woodden
walles, by the aide of the Port townes, armed fortie tall ships, and
meeting with eightie saile of Frenchmen vpon the high seas, gaue
them a most couragious encounter, in which he tooke some, sunke 35
others, and discomfited the rest.

King Henrie the third also, after that he came to riper age,
had great benefit by the seruice of the Cinque Ports : And king
Edward the first in his Chartre, maketh their continuall faithfuU

1978. seruice (and especially their good endeuour, then lately shewed 40

against the Welshmen) the principall cause, and motiue of that his
liberall grant.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 39

Furthermore, about the midst of the reigne of the same king,
an hundreth saile of the Nauie of the Ports fought at the Sea with
a fleet of 200. French men, all which (notwithstanding the great 1293-
oddes of the number) they tooke, and slew, and sunke so many of
5 the Mariners, that France was thereby (for a long season after) in
maner destitute, both of Seamen, and shipping.

Finally, and to conclude this part, in the dayes of king Henrie 1406.
the fourth, the nauie of the Fiue Ports, vnder the conduct of one
Henrie Paye, surprised one hundreth and twentie French ships,
lo all laden with Salt, Iron, Oile, and no woorse merchandize.

The priuiledges of these Ports, being first granted by Edward Thepriui-
the Confessour, and William the Conquerour, and then confirmed <fue^ports! *
and increased by William Rufus, Henrie the second, Richard | the [p. 20]
first, Henrie the third, and king Edward the first, be very great,
15 considering either the honour and ease, or the freedome and
exemption, that the inhabitants haue by reason of the same.

Part of an Epistle written by one Yzio of Nai'-
bona vnto the Archbishop of Burdeaiix, conteining
the confession of an Englishman as touching the barbarous
20 demeanour of the Tartars, which had liued long among

them, and was drawen along perforce with them in their
expedition against Hungarie : Recorded by Mathew Paris
in the yere of our Lord 1243.

THe Lord therefore being prouoked to indignation, by reason
of this and other sinnes committed among vs Christians, is
become, as it were, a destroying enemie, and a dreadfull auenger.
This I may iustly aflfirme to be true, because an huge nation, and
a barbarous and inhumane people, whose law is lawlesse, whose
wrath is furious, euen the rod of Gods anger, ouerrunneth, and

30 vtterly wasteth infinite countreyes, cruelly abolishing all things
where they come, with fire and sword. And this present Summer,
the foresayd nation, being called Tartars, departing out of Hun-
garie, which they had surprised by treason, layd siege vnto the
very same * towne, wherein I my selfe abode, with many thousands

35 of souldiers : neither were there in the sayd towne on our part
aboue 50. men of warre, whom, together with 20. crosbowes, the
captaine had left in garrison. All these, out of certeine high

* Neustat.

40 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES.

places, beholding the enemies vaste armie, and abhorring the
beastly crueltie of Antichrist his complices, signified foorthwith
vnto their gouernour, the hideous lamentations of his Christian
subiects, who suddenly being surprised in all the prouince ad-
ioyning, vvithout any difference or respect of condition, fortune, 5
sexe, or age, were by manifolde cruelties, all of them destroyed :
with whose carkeises, the Tartarian chieftains, and their brutish
and sauage followers, glutting themselues, as with delicious cates,
left nothing for vultures but the bare bones. And a strange thing
it is to consider, that the greedie and rauenous vultures disdeined 10
to praye vpon any of the reliques, which remained. Olde, and
deformed women they gaue, as it were, for dayly sustenance, vnto
their Canibals : the beautifull deuoured they not, but smothered
them lamenting and scritching, with forced and vnnaturall rauish-
ments. Like barbarous miscreants, they quelled virgins vnto 15
death, and cutting off their tender paps to present for deinties
vnto their magistrates, they engorged themselues with their
bodies.

Howbeit, their spials in the meane time discrying from the
top of an high mountaine the Duke of Austria, the King of 20
Bohemia, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Duke of Carinthia, and
(as some report) the Earle of Baden, with a mightie power, and
in battell aray, approching towards them, that accursed crew
immediatly vanished, and all those Tartarian vagabonds retired
themselues into the distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie ; 25
who as they came suddenly, so they departed also on the sudden :
which their celeritie caused all men to stand in horrour and
astonishment of them. But of the sayd fugitiues, the prince
of Dalmatia tooke eight : one of which number the Duke of
Austria knew to be an English man, who was perpetually banished 30
out of the Realme of England, in regard of certaine notorious
crimes by him committed. This fellow, on the behalfe of the
most tyrannical king of the Tartars, had bene twise, as a messenger
and interpreter, with the king of Hungarie, menacing and plainely
foretelling those mischiefes which afterward happened, vnlesse he 35
would submit himselfe and his kingdome vnto the Tartars yoke.
Well, being allured by our Princes to confesse the trueth, he made
such oathes and protestations, as (I thinke) the deuill himselfe
would haue beene trusted for. First therefore he reported of
himselfe, that presently after the time of his banishment, namely 40
about the 30. yere of his age, hauing lost all that he had in the
citie of Aeon at dice, euen in the midst of Winter, being compelled
by ignominious hunger, wearing nothing about him but a shirt of

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 41

sacke, a paire of shooes, and a haire cappe onely, being shauen
like a foole, and vttering an vncoth noise as if he had bene dumbe,
he tooke his iourney, and so traueiling many countreyes, and find-
ing in diuers places friendly enterteinment, he prolonged his life
5 in this maner for a season, albeit euery day by rashnesse of speech,
and inconstancie of heart, he endangered himselfe to the deuill.
At length, by reason of extreame trauaile, and continuall change
of aire and of meats in Caldea, he fell into a grieuous sickenesse,
insomuch that he was wearie of his life. Not being able therefore

10 to go forward or backeward, and staying there a while to refresh
himselfe, he began (being somewhat learned) to commend to
writing those wordes which hee heard spoken, and within a short
space, so aptly to pronounce, and to vtter them himselfe, that he
was reputed for a natiue member of that countrey : and by the

15 same dexteritie he attained to manie languages. This man the
Tartars hauing intelligence of by their spies, drew him perforce
into their societie : and being admonished by an oracle or vision,
to challenge dominion ouer | the whole earth, they allured him by [p. 21]
many rewards to their faithfull seruice, by reason that they wanted

20 Interpreters. But concerning their maners and superstitions, of
the disposition and stature of their bodies, of their countrey and
maner of fighting &c., he protested the particulars following to be
true : namely, that they were aboue all men, couetous, hasty,
deceitful!, and mercilesse : notwithstanding, by reason of the

25 rigour and extremitie of punishments to be inflicted vpon them
by their superiours, they are restreined from brawlings, and from
mutuall strife and contention. The ancient founders and fathers
of their tribes, they call by the name of gods, and at certaine set
times they doe celebrate solemne feasts unto them, many of them

30 being particular, & but foure onely generall. They thinke that all
things are created for themselues alone. They esteeme it none
offence to exercise cruelty against rebels. They be hardie and
strong in the breast, leane and pale-faced, rough and huf-shouldred,
hauing flatte and short noses, long and sharpe chinnes, their vpper

35 iawes are low and declining, their teeth long and thinne, their eye-
browes extending from their fore-heads downe to their noses, their
eies inconstant and blacke, their countenances writhen and terrible,
their extreame ioynts strong with bones and sinewes, hauing thicke
and great thighes, and short legs, and yet being equall vnto vs in

40 stature : for that length which is wanting in their legs, is supplied
in the vpper parts of their bodies. Their countrey in olde time
was a land vtterly desert and waste, situated far beyond Chaldea,
from whence they haue expelled Lions, Beares, and such like

42 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

vntamed beasts, with their bowes, and other engines. Of the
hides of beasts being tanned, they vse to shape for themselues
light, but yet impenetrable armour. They ride fast bound vnto
their horses, which are not very great in stature, but exceedingly
strong, and mainteined with little prouender. They vse to fight 5
constantly and valiantly with iauelins, maces, battle-axes, and
swords. But specially they are excellent archers, and cunning
warriers with their bowes. Their backs are slightly armed, that
they may not flee. They withdraw not themselues from the
combate, till they see the chiefe Standerd of their Generall giue 10
backe. Vanquished, they aske no fauour, and vanquishing, they
shew no compassion. They all persist in their purpose of sub-
duing the whole world vnder their owne subiection, as if they were
but one man, and yet they are moe then millions in number.
They haue 60000. Courriers, who being sent before vpon light 15
horses to prepare a place for the armie to incampe in, will in the
space of one night gallop three dayes iourney. And suddenly
diffusing themselues ouer an whole prouince, and surprising all
the people thereof vnarmed, vnprouided, dispersed, they make
such horrible slaughters, that the king or prince of the land 20
inuaded, cannot finde people sufficient to wage battell against
them, and to withstand them. They delude all people and
princes of regions in time of peace, pretending that for a cause,
which indeed is no cause. Sometimes they say, that they will
make a voyage to Colen, to fetch home the three wise kings into 25
their owne countrey ; sometimes to punish the auarice and pride
of the Romans, who oppressed them in times past ; sometimes
to conquere barbarous and Northren nations ; sometimes to
moderate the furie of the Germans with their owne meeke mild-
nesse ; sometimes to learne warlike feats and stratagems of the 30
French ; sometimes for the finding out of fertile ground to suffice
their huge multitudes ; sometimes againe in derision they say, that
they intend to goe on pilgrimage to S. lames of Galicia. In regard
of which sleights and collusions certaine vndiscreet gouernors
concluding a league with them, haue granted them free passage 35
thorow their territories, which leagues notwithstanding being
violated, were an occasion of ruine and destruction vnto the
foresayd gouernours &c.

NAVIGATIONS, etc 43

Libellus historicus loannis de Piano Carpini, qui

missus est Legatus ad Tartaros anno Domini 1246.

ab Innocentio quarto Pontifice maximo.

Incipit P^'ologus t?i librimi Tartarorum.

5 /'^mnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum per-
V_y uenerit, frater loannes de Piano Carpini ordinis fratrum
minorum, Apostolicae sedis Legatus, nuncius ad Tartaros &
nationes alias Orientis, Dei gratiam in praesenti, «Sr gloriam in
futuro, & de inimicis suis gloriam triumphalem. Cum ex mandato

10 sedis Apostolice iremus ad Tartaros & nationes alias Orientis, &
sciremus Domini Papse & venerabilium Cardinalium voluntatem,
elegimus prius ad Tartaros proficisci. Timebamus enim ne per
eos in proximo ecclesise Dei periculum immineret. Et quamuis a
Tartaris & alijs nationibus timeremus occidi, vel perpetuo capti-

15 uari, vel fame, siti, | algore, sestu, contumelia, & laboribus nimijs, [p- 22]
& quasi vltra vires affligi (quae omnia multo plusquam prius credi-
dimus, excepta morte vel captiuitate perpetua nobis multipliciter
euenerunt) non tamen pepercimus nobis ipsis, vt voluntatem Dei
secundum Domini papae mandatum adimplere possemus, & vt

20 proficeremus in aliquo Christianis, vt saltem scita veraciter volun-
tate «&: intentione ipsorum, possemus illam patefacere Christianis,
ne forte subito irruentes inuenirent eos imparatos, sicut peccatis
hominum exigentibus alia vice contigit : & fecerunt magnam
stragem in populo Christiano. Vnde qusecunque pro vestra vtili-

25 tate vobis scribimus ad cautelam, tanto securius credere debetis,

quanto nos cuncta vel ipsi vidimus oculis nostris, qui per annum Annus & 4.

^ 1 , • • o • • menses &

& quatuor menses & amplms ambulauimus per ipsos & cum ipsis, ampiius.
ac fuimus inter eos, vel audiuimus a Christianis qui sunt inter eos
captiui, & vt credimus fide dignis. Mandatum etiam a supremo Frater Bene-
30 pontifice habebamus, vt cuncta perscrutaremur & videremus omnia nus comes
diligenter. Quod tam nos quam frater Benedictus eiusdem ordinis p^no'ci
qui nostrse tribulationis fuit socius & interpres fecimus studiose. p'"'-

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

Oceanus ab

Aquilone.

Syn orda,
curia maior
imperatoris.

Maximae
niues in
sestate in
Tartaria.

De terra Tartarorunt, situ, qualitate et
dispositione aeris in eadem. Cap. i.

Volentes igitur facta scribere Tartarorum, vt lectores facilius
valeant inuenire, hoc niodo per capitula describemus.
Primo quidem dicemus de terra. Secundo de hominibus. Tertio 5
de ritu. Quarto de moribus. Quinto de ipsorum imperio. Sexto
de bellis. Septimo de terris quas eorum dominio subiugauerunt.
Octauo quomodo Bello occurratur eisdem. De terra possumus
hoc modo tractare. In principio quidem dicemus de situ ipsius :
secundo de qualitate: tertio de dispositione aeris in eadem. Terra 10
vero praedicta est in ea posita parte Orientis in qua oriens sicut
credimus coniungitur Aquiloni. Ab Oriente autem est terra
posita Kytaiorum & etiam *Solangor(i: a meridie sunt terrae
Saracenorum : inter Occidentem & Meridiem Huyrorum. Ab
Occidente prouincia Naymanorum ; ab Aquilone mari oceano 15
circundatur. Haec vero in parte aliqua est nimium montuosa, &
in aliqua est campestris, sed fere tota admixta glarea, raro argillosa,
plurimum est arenosa. In aliqua parte terne sunt aliquae modicae
sylu£e : alia vero est sine lignis omnino. Cibaria autem sua
decoquunt & sedent tam imperator quam principes & alij ad 20
ignem factum de boum stercoribus & equorum. Terra autem
prsedicta non est in parte centesima fructuosa : nee etiam protest
fructum portare nisi aquis fluuialibus irrigetur. Sed aqua & riui
ibidem sunt pauci : flumina vero rarissima vnde ibidem villae sunt
paucae ; nee aliquae ciuitates excepta vna, quae esse dicitur satis 25
bona ; nos autem non vidimus illam, sed fuimus prope ad dimi-
dium diem, cum apud Syram ordam essemus, quae curia est maior
imperatoris eorum. Et licet alias infructuosa sit, quamuis non
multum, tamen competenter est alendis pecoribus apta. Aer in
ipsa est mirabiliter inordinatus. In media etiam gstate quando in 30
alijs partibus solet calor maximus abundare ; ibi sunt tonitrua
magna & fulgura, ex quibus homines qu^m plurimi occiduntur.
Cadunt etiam ibi eodem tempore maximae niues. Ibi sunt etiam
frigidissimorum ventorum tam maximae tempestates, quod cum
labore vix possunt homines aliquando equitare. Vnde cum 35
essemus apud ordam (sic enim stationes imperatoris apud eos &
principum appellantur) iacebamus in terra prae magnitudine venti
prostrati, & propter pulueris multitudinem videre minime pote-
ramus. In ea etiam in hyeme nusquam pluit, sed in gstate : &

Al. Sclangorum.

laxima
inundatio
ex subita

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 45

tam modicum, quod vix potest aliquando puluerem & radices
graminum madidare. Grando etiam ibi saepe maxima cadit. Grando
Vnde eo tempore quando fuit electus, & in sede regni poni debuit """"""*■
imperator, nobis in curia existentibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod
5 ex subita resolutione, sicut plenius intelleximus, plusquam centum Ma
& quadraginta homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res
autem & habitacula plura deducta fuerunt. Ibi est etiam in gstate fe^iuu"*
subito magnus calor, & repente maximum frigus. In hyeme vero
in aliqua parte cadunt maximae niues, in alia autem paruae. Et vt
10 breuiter de terra concludam, magna est, sed aliter, sicut vidimus

oculis nostris, (quia per ipsam circuendam quinque mensibus & iterquinq;
dimidium ambulauimus) multo vilior est, quam dicere valeamus. dl^dij!"

De formis Tartaroruni, de coniugio, vestibus
et habitaculis eorum. Cap. 2.

15 l~\icto de terra, de hominibus est dicendum. Primb quidem
I J formas describemus personarum. Secund6 de ipsorum
coniugio supponemus. Tertio de vestibus. Quarto de habi-
taculis. Quinto de rebus eorum. Forma personarum ab hominibus
alijs est remota. Inter ocu|los enim & genas plusquam alij [p. 23]

20 homines sunt lati. Gense etiam satis prominent a maxillis. Gra-
ciles sunt generaliter in cingulo exceptis quibusdam paucis. Pene
omnes sunt mediocris staturae. Barba fere omnibus minime
crescit. Aliqui tamen in inferiori labio & in barba modicos habent
crines, quos minime tondent. Super verticem capitis in modum

25 clericorum habent coronas, & ab aure vna vsque ad aliam, ad
latitudinem trium digitorum similiter omnes radunt. Quae rasurg
coronae predictae iunguntur. Super frontem etiam ad latitudinem
duorum digitorum similiter omnes radunt. Illos autem capillos
qui sunt inter coronam & praetaxatam rasuram crescere vsque ad

30 supercilia sinunt. Et ex vtraque parte frontis tondendo plusquam
in medio crines faciunt longos : reliquos vero crines permittunt
crescere vt mulieres. De quibus faciunt duas cordas, & ligant
vnamquamque post aurem. Pedes etiam modicos habent. Vxores
vero habet vnusquisque quot potest tenere. Aliquis centum,

35 aliquis quinquaginta, aliquis decem, aliquis plures vel pauciores :
& omnibus parentibus generaliter iunguntur, excepta matre, filia,
vel sorore ex eadem matre, sororibus etiam ex patre : tamen &
vxores patris post mortem ducere possunt. Vxorem etiam fratris
alter frater iunior post mortem vel alius de parentela iunior ducere

40 tenetur. Reliquas mulieres omnes sine vlla differentia ducunt in

46 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

vxores, & emunt eas valde pretiose a parentibus suis. Post mortem
maritorum de facili ad secunda coniugia non migrant, nisi quis

Vestes. velit suam nouercam ducere in vxorem. Vestes autem tarn
vircrum qukm mulierum sunt vno modo formatas. Pallijs, cappis
vel capputijs vel pellibus non vtuntur. Tunicas vero portant de s
Bukeramo, purpura, vel Baldaquino in hunc modum formatas. A
supremo vsque deorsum sunt scissas, quia ante pectus duplicantur.
A latere vero sinistro vna, & in dextris tribus ligaturis nectuntur,
& in latere & in sinistro vsque ad brachiale sunt scissae. Pellicia
cuiuscunque sunt generis in eundem modum formantur : superius lo
tamen pellicium exterius habet pilum, sed a posterioribus est
apertum. Habet autem caudulam vnam vsque ad genua retro.
Mulieres vero quae sunt maritatae habent tunicam valde amplam &
vsq; ad terram ante scissam. Super caput vero habent vnum
quid rotundum de viminibus vel de cortice factum, quod in longu 15
protenditur ad vnam vlnam, & in summitate desinit in quadrum :
& ab imo vsque ad summum in amplitudine semper crescit, & in
summitate habet virgulam vnam longam & gracilem de auro vel
de argento seu de ligno, vel etiam pennam : & est assutum super
vnum pileolum, quod protenditur vsque ad humeros. Instru- 20
mentum predictum est tectum de buccaramo, siue purpura vel
baldaquino : sine quo instrumento coram hominibus nunquam
vadunt, & per hoc ab alijs mulieribus cognoscuntur. Virgines
autem & iuuenes mulieres cum magna difficultate a viris suis
possunt discerni : quum per omnia vestiuntur ut viri. Pileola 25
habent alia quim aliae nationes, quorum formam intelligibiliter

Tabernacu- describcre non valemus. Stationes rotundas habent in modum

la. .. ...

tentorij praeparata.s, de virgis & baculis subtiliter factas. Supra
vero in medio rotundam habent fenestra vnde lumen ingreditur, &
ut f)ossit fumus exire : quia semper in medio ignem faciunt. 30
Parietes autem & tecta filtro sunt cooperta, Ostia etiam de filtro
sunt facta. Quasdam stationes sunt magnae, quaedam paruae, se-
cundum dignitatem & hominum paruitatem, Quaedam soluuntur
subito & reparantur, & super somarios deferuntur. Quaedam dis-
solui non possunt, sed in curribus deferuntur. Minoribus autem 35
in curru ad deferendum vnus bos ; maioribus tres vel quatuor, vel
etiam plures, vel quod est magis, sufficiunt ad portandum. Quo-
cunque vadunt siue ad bellum, siue aliks, semper illas deferunt
Opes in secum. In animalibus sunt diuites valde : in camelis, bobus,

ouibus, capris, & equis. lumentorum tantam habent multitudi- 40
nem, quantam non credimus habere totum mundum. Porcos &
alias bestias minime habent.

pecore.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 47

De cultu & de hijs quae credunt esse peccata,

& de diuinationibus & ritu funeris eorum, & de

purgationibus s«orum peccatorum. Cap. 3.

Dicto de hominibus, dicendum est de ritu : de quo tractabimus
in hunc modum. Primo de cultu : secundo de hijs quae credunt
esse peccata : tertio de diuinationibus, & purgationibus peccatorum :
quarto de ritu funeris. Vnum Deum credunt, quern credunt esse
factorem omnium visibilium & inuisibilium. Et credunt eum tarn
bonorum in hoc mundo quam pcenarum esse factorem : non tamen

10 orationibus vel laudibus, aut ritu aliquo ipsum colunt. Nihilominus
habent idola qugedam de filtro ad imaginem hominis facta ; & ilia
ponunt ex vtraque parte ostij stationis, & subtus ilia ponunt quid-
dam de filtro in modum vberis factum, & ilia credunt esse pecorum
custodes, & eis beneficium lactis & puUorum praestare. Alia vero

15 faciunt de pannis sericis, & ilia multum honorant. Quidam ponunt
ilia in pulchro curru tecto ante ostium stationis : & quicunq ;
aliquid de illo curru furatur, sine vUa miseratione occiditur. | Duces, [p. 24]
millenarij, & centenarij vnum semper habent in medio stationis.
Praedictis idolis offerunt primum lac omnis pecoris & iumenti.

20 Et cum primo comedere & bibere incipiunt, primo offerunt eis de
cibarijs & potu. Et cum bestiam aliquam occidunt, offerunt cor
Idolo quod est in curru in aliquo cypho, & dimittunt vsque mane,
& tunc auferunt de praesentia eius, & decoquunt & manducant.
Primo etiam imperatori faciunt idolum, quod ponunt in curru,

25 ante quam stationem honorifice, sicut vidimus ante ordam impera-
toris istius, offerunt munera multa. Equos etiam offerunt ei, quos
nuUus audet ascendere vsque ad mortem. Alia etiam animalia
eidem offerunt. Quae vero occidunt ad manducandum, nullum os
ex eis confringunt, sed igni comburunt. Et etiam ad meridiem

30 tanquam Deo inclinant, & inclinare faciunt alios nobiles, qui se
reddunt eisdem. Vnde nuper contigit quod Michael, qui fuit
vnus de magnis ducibus Russiae, cum iuisset ad se reddendum
Bati, fecerunt eum prius inter duos ignes transire : Post hoc
dixerunt, quod ad meridiem Cyngis can inclinaret. Qui re-

35 spondit, quod Bati & seruis suis inclinaret libenter, sed imagini
hominis mortui non inclinaret, quia non licet hoc facere
Christianis. Et cum saepe diceretur, quod inclinaret, & noUet,
mandauit ei praedictus per filium leroslai, quod occideretur si
non inclinaret. Qui respondit, quod potius vellet mori, quam Martynum

40 hoc faceret, quia non liceret. At ille satellitem vnum misit, qui duds

tam diu contra cor eum in ventre calce percussit, quousque

Russiae.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

De super-
stitiosis tra-
ditionibus
eorum.

UMrifi.

deficeret. Tunc quidam de suis militibus qui astabat confortans
eum dixit : Esto robustos quia haec poena non diu tibi durabit, &
statim sequetur gaudium sempiternum : post hoc fuit caput eius
cultello praecisum. Militi vero praedicto fuit caput etiam cultello
amputatura. Solem igitur lumina & ignem venerantur &: adorant, 5
& aquam & terrain, eis ciborum & potus primitias offerentes,
& mane potissime antequam comedant & bibant : quia de cultu
Dei nuUam legem obseruant. Neminem cogunt suam fidem vel
legem negare. Accidit tamen dum adhuc nuper essemus in terra
quod Andreas dux de *Saruogle quae est in Russia fuit apud Bati 10
accusatus, quod educeret equos Tartarorum de terra & venderet
aliks. Et cum tamen non esset probatum fuit occisus : quod
audiens iunior frater eius, venit cum vxore occisi ad ducem
prsedictum Bati, volens supplicare, ne terra toUeretur eisdem.
Qui dixit par esse, quod vxorem fratis carnalis praedicti duceret 15
in vxore : & mulieri pnecepit ducere ilium in virum secundum
consuetudinem Tartarorum. Qui respondit, quod prius vellet
occidi, quam faceret contra legem. At ille nihilominus tradidit
earn illi, quamuis renuerat quantum posset : & duxerunt ambo in
lecto, & posuerunt puerum super illam plorantem & clamantem, 20
& cogerunt eos commisceri coactione non conditionali, sed ab-
soluta. Quamuis de iustitia facienda, vel peccato cauendo nullam
habeant legem, nihilominus tamen habent aliquas traditiones, quas
dicunt esse f>eccata : quas confinxerunt ipsi & patres eorum.
Vnum est, cultellum figere in igne, vel etiam quocunque modo 25
tangere cum cultello : vel cum cultello extrahere carnes de caldario :
iuxta ignem etiam incidere cum securi. Credunt etiam quod sic
auferri caput debeat igni. Item appodiare se ad flagellum, cum
quo percutitur equus : Ipsi enim calcaribus non vtuntur. Item
tangere flagellis sagittas. Item iuuenes aues occidere, vel accipere: 30
cum froeno equum percutere. Item os cum osse alio frangere.
Item lac vel aliquem potum vel cibum super terram effundere. In
statione mingere, sed si voluntarie facit occiditur : si autem aliter,
oportet quod pecunia soluatur incantatori, qui purificet eos : faciat
etiam stationem & ea quae in ipsa sunt inter duos ignes transire. 35
Sed antequam sic purificetur nullus audet intrare vel aliquid de
ipsa portare. Item si alicui morsus imponitur, & deglutire non
potest, & de ore suo eijcit eum, fit foramen sub statione, & extra-
hunt per illud foramen, & sine vlla misericordia occiditur. Item
si aliquis calcat limen stationis alicuius ducis interficitur eodem 40
modo. Et multa habent similia, de quibus longum est narrare.

* Vel Sciruogle. Andreas dux Russig.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 49

Sed homines occidere, aliorum terras inuadere, res aliorum ac-
cipere, quocunque iniusto modo fornicari, alijs hominibus iniuriari,
facere contra Dei prohibitiones & Dei praecepta, nullum est
peccatum apud eos. De vita gterna & damnatione perpetua,
5 nihil sciunt. Credunt tamen quod post mortem in alio seculo
viuant, greges multiplicent, comedant, bibant, & alia faciant, quae
in hoc seculo a viuentibus hominibus fiunt, Diuinationibus,
augurijs, aruspicijs, veneficijs, incantationibus multum intendunt.
Et cum a daemonibus ipsis respondetur, credunt quod Deus ipsis

10 loquatur, quem Deum vocant Itoga : sed Comani Cham, id est,
imperatorem ipsum appellant, quem mirabiliter timent & reue-
rentur : ac oblationes offerunt multas, & primitias cibi & potus.
Secundum autem responsa ipsius faciunt vniuersa. In principio CuUusiun?^
etiam lunationis vel plenilunio incipiunt quicquid noui agere

15 volunt. Vnde illam magnum imperatorem appellant, eique genua
flectunt et deprecantur. Solem dicunt esse matrem lunas, eo quod
lumen a sole recipiat. Et vt breuiter dicam per ignem credunt
omnia purificari. Vnde cum nuncij veniunt ad eos, vel principes,
vel qualescunq ; personafe, oportet ipsos & munera que portant per

20 duos ignes transire, vt purificentur. Item si cadit ignis de coelo

super pecora, vel super homines, quod ibidem | saepe contingit, siue [p. 25]
aliquid talium euenerit eis, per quod immundos seu infortunatos
se reputant, oportet similiter per incantatores mundari. Et quasi
omnem spem suam in talibus posuerunt. Quando aliquis eorum Ritus

25 infirmatur, ponitur in statione eius vna hasta, & contra illam *^'^"^''"*-
filtrum circumuoluitur nigrum : & ex tunc nuUus audet alienus
postes stationum intrare. Et quando incipit agonizare, omnes
recedunt ab eo ; quoniam nuUus de ijs qui morti eius assistunt,
potest ordam alicuius ducis vel imperatoris vsq ; ad nouam

30 lunationem intrare. Cum autem mortuus est, si est de maioribus,
sepelitur occulte in campo vbi placuerit : sepelitur autem cum
statione sedendo in medio eius, & ponunt mensam ante eum,
& alueum carnibus plenum, & cyphum lactis iumentini : Sepelitur
autem cum eo vnum iumentum cum puUo, & equus cum fraeno &

35 sella : & alium equum comedunt & stramine corium implent, &
super duo vel quatuor ligna altius ponunt, vt habeat in alio mundo
stationem vbi moretur, & iumentum de quo lac habeat, & possit
sibi equos multiplicare, & equos etiam in quibus valeat equitare.
Aurum & argentum sepeliunt eodem modo cum ipso. Currus in

40 quo ducitur frangitur, & statio sua destruitur, nee nomen proprium
eius vsque ad tertiam generationem audet aliquis nominare. Alius
etiam est modus sepeliendi quosdam maiores. Vaditur in campo
occulte, & ibi gramina remouent cum radicibus, & faciunt foueam

H. 4

so THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

magnam, & in latere illius foueoe faciunt vnam sub terra, &: ilium
seruum quern habet dilectum ponunt sub eo, qui iacet tarn diu
sub eo donee incipit agonizare, deinde extrahunt eum vt valeat
respirare, & sic faciunt ter. Et si euadet, postea est liber, & facit
quicquid ei placuerit, & est magnus in statione, ac inter parentes 5
illius. Mortuum autem ponunt in foueam, quae est in latere facta
idemmos cuHi his quae superius dicta sunt. Deinde replent foueam quae est

sepeliendi . o j • r ■

fere in. ante foueam suam, cs: desuper gramma ponunt, vt fuerant prms, ad
hoc, ne locus vlterius valeat inueniri. Alia faciunt vt dictum est.
In terra eorum sunt coemeteria duo. Vnum in quo sepeliuntur 10
imperatores, duces & nobiles omnes : & vbicunque moriuntur, si
congrue fieri potest, illuc deferuntur. Sepelitur autem cum eis
aurum & argentum multum. Aliud est in quo sepeliuntur illi qui
in Hungaria interfecti fuerunt : multi enim ibidem occisi fuerunt.
Ad ilia coemeteria nuUus audet accedere praeter custodes, qui ad 15
custodiendum positi sunt ibidem. Et si aliquis accesserit, capitur,
spoliatur & verberatur, & valde male tractatur. Vnde nos ipsi
nescientes intrauimus terminos coemeterij eorum qui in Hungaria
occisi fuerunt, & venerunt super nos sagittse volantes : sed quia
eramus nuncij consuetudinem terrae nescientes, nos liberos 20

Lustrauonis dimiscrunt abire. Parentes autem & omnes alij qui morantur
in stationibus suis oportet purificari per ignem : quae purificatio
fit hoc modo. Faciunt duos ignes, & duas hastas ponunt iuxta
ignes, & vnam cordam in summitate hastarum : & ligant super
cordam illam quasdam scissuras de buccharamo : sub qua corda 25
& ligaturis inter illos duos ignes transeunt homines, bestiae &
stationes : Et sunt duae mulieres, vna hinc, & alia inde aquam
proijcientes, & qufdam carmina recitantes. Et si aliqui currus
ibi franguntur, vel etiam res ibi cadunt aliquae, incantatores
accipiunt. Et si aliquis occiditur ^ tonitruo, omnes illos homines 30
qui morantur in stationibus illis, oportet praedicto modo ignes
transire. Statio, lectus, filtra, currus, vestes, & quicquid talium
habuerint, a nullo tanguntur, sed tanquam immunda ab omnibus
respuuntur.

ntus.

De consuetudinibus bonis & malis et cibis 35
eorum. Cap. 4.

^icto de ritu, dicendum est de moribus : de quibus tracta-

bimus hoc modo. Primo dicemus de bonis, secundo de

malis : tertio de consuetudinibus : quarto de cibis. Prgdicti

Obcdientia. homincs, scilicet Tartari sunt magis obedientes Dominis suis, 40

qukm aliqui homines in hoc mundo, siue religiosi, siue seculares :

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC.

et magis reuerentur eosdem : neq ; de facili mentiuntur eis.
Verbis ad inuicem rarb aut nunquam contendunt, factis vero
nunquam. Bella, rix£e, vulnera, homicidia inter eos non con-
tingunt. Predones & fures magnarum rerum non inueniuntur
5 inter eos. Vnde stationes & currus eorum, vbi habent thesaurum
suum seris aut vectibus non firmantur. Si aliquae bestiae perduntur,
quicunque inuenerit eas vel dimittit sic esse, vel ducit eas ad
homines illos, qui positi sunt ad hoc. Homines autem quorum
sunt bestiae apud eosdem illas requirunt, & absque vlla difficultate

10 recipiunt illas. Vnus alium satis honorat : & ad inuicem sunt
satis familiares : Et cibaria quamuis inter illos sint pauca, tamen
inter se satis competenter communicant ilia ; & satis sunt suffer-
entes. Vnde quum ieiunant vno die vel duobus diebus nihil
comedentes omnind de facili non videntur impatientes, sed

15 cantant & ludunt quasi comederunt bene. In equitando multum
sustinent frigus, & calorem nimium patiuntur. Non sunt homines
delicati. Inuidi ad inuicem non videntur. Inter eos quasi nulla
placita sunt : nuUus alium spernit, sed iuuat & promouet quantum
congrue potest. Mulieres eorum sunt castae : nee de im|pudicitia

20 earum inter eas aliquid auditur. Verba tamen quaedam ex eis in
ioco satis habent turpia & impudica. Seditiones verb inter eas
rar6 vel nunquam audiuntur. Et quamuis multum inebrientur, in
ebrietate sua tamen verbis vel facto nunquam contendunt. Nunc
de malis moribus eorum est supponendum. Superbissimi alijs

25 hominibus sunt, & despiciunt omnes : ide6 quasi pro nihilo
reputant, siue nobiles sint, siue ignobiles. Vidimus enim in
curia Imperatoris nobilem virum leroslaum, magnum Ducem
Russiae, filium etiam Regis & Reginae Georgiae, & Soldanos
multos, duces etiam Soldanorum nullum honorem debitum

30 recipere inter eos. Sed Tartari qui erant eis assignati, quantum-
cunq; erant viles, antecedebant eos, & semper primum locum
& summum tenebant : immo saepe oportebat eos post eorum
posteriora sedere. Iracundi multum & indignantis naturae sunt :
& etiam alijs hominibus plus sunt mendaces, & fere nulla Veritas

35 inuenitur in eis. In principio quidem sunt blandi, sed in sine
pungunt vt Scorpio. Subdoli sunt & fraudulenti, & si possunt
astutia circumueniunt omnes. Homines sunt immundi, sumendo
cibum & potum, & alijs factis suis. Qui cum volunt aliquid mali
facere alijs hominibus, miro modo occultant, vt prdeuidere non

40 possint, vel contra eorum astutias remedium inuenire. Ebrietas
honorabilis est apud eos : & quum multum quis bibit, ibidem
reijcit, nee propter hoc dimittit quin iterum bibat. Valde sunt
cupidi & auari, exactores maximi ad petendum : tenacissimi

Abstinentia.

Comitas.

Temperan-

[p. 26]

Castitas
mulierum.

Insolentia

aduersus

exteros.

Iracundia.
Mendadtas.

Fraudulen-
tia. Sordes.

Temulentia.

Extortio.

52 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

CrudeUtas. retcntores, & parcissimi donatores. Alionim hominum occisio
pro nihilo est apud illos. Et, vt breuiter dicam, omnes niali
mores eorum propter prolixitate in scripto redigi non possunt.

Cibi. Cibi eorum sunt omnia quae mandi possunt. Comedunt canes,

lupos, vulpes, & equos ; & in necessitate carnes humanas. Vnde 5
quando pugnauerunt contra quandam ciuitatem Kytaorum, vbi
morabatur imperator ipsorum ; earn obsederunt tarn diu, quod
defecerunt ipsis Tartaris omninb expensae. Et quia non habebant
quod manducarent omnin6, tunc accipiebatur de decern hominibus
vnus ad manducandum. Abluuiones etiam quse egrediuntur de 10
iumentis cum puUis manducant. Im6 vidimus etiam eos pedicu-
los manducare : vidimus etiam eos comedere mures. Mensalibus
& manutergijs non vtuntur: pane non habent, nee olera, nee
legumina, nee aliquid aliud nisi cames : & tam paucas habent,
qu6d aliae nationes vix inde viuere possent. Cum pinguedine 15
camium multum polluunt manus : quando ver6 comederunt, tunc
manus ad ocreas suas, vel ad gramina, vel ad aliquid talium
tergunt Solent etia honestiores habere aliquos panniculos paruos,
cum quibus vltimo tergunt manus, quando carnes manducarunt.
Cibum vnus eorum incidit, & alius accipit cum puncto cultclli 20
morsellos, & vnicuiq; prebet, quibusda plus, quibusdam minus,
secundum quod plus vel minus volunt eos honorare. Scutellas
non lauant, & si aliquando cum brodio lauant camium, iterum
cum carnibus in olla reponunt. Ollas etia vel caldaria, vel alia
vasa ad hoc deputata si abluunt, simili modo lauant. Apud eos 25
est magnum peccatum, si de cibo vel potu perire permittatur
aliquid. Vnde ossa, nisi prius extrahatur medulla, dari canibus
non permittunt. Vestes etiam non lauant, nee lauari permittunt,
& maxime quo tonitrua ab ilia hora incipiunt donee desinant.
Lac iumentinum bibunt in maxima quantitate si habent : bibunt 30
etiam ouinum, caprinum, vaccinum, & camelorum. Vinum,
ceruisiam, & medonem non habent, nisi ab alijs nationibus
mktatur, vel donetur eisdem. In hyeme, nisi diuites sint, lac
iumentinum non habent. Milliu cum aqua decoquunt, quod ta
tenue faciunt, qu6d non comedere sed bibere possunt. Et vnus 35
quisq ; ex eis bibit cyphum vnum vel duos in mane, & nil plus in
die maducant. In sero vnicuique ; parum de carnibus datur, &
brodium de carnibus bibunt. In restate autem, quia tunc habent
satis de lacte iumentino carnes rar6 maducant, nisi forte donentur

Poena eis, aut vcnatione aliquam bestiam ceperint, siue auem. Legem 40

a utenj. gj^^j^j gj^g consuctudinc habent occidendi virum & mulierem
quos in adulterio inuenerint manifeste. Similiter & virginem si
fornicata fuerit, muliere occidunt & virum. Si aliquis inuenitur

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 53

in praeda vel in furto manifesto in terra potestatis eoru sine FuhL
vlla miseratione occiditur. Item si aliquis eorum deundat co- Arcani^

. CUUlgAtl.

sihum, maxime quando volunt ire ad bellum, centu plagg dantur
super posteriora, quanto maiores dare cum baculo magno vnus

5 rusticus potest. Item quando aliqui de minoribus offendunt in
aliquo k fuis maioribus non parcitur eis, sed verberibus grauiter
affliguntur. Item inter filium concubinae & vxoris nulla est
differentia, sed dat pater vnicuiq; eorum quod vult, & si est
de genere ducum, ita est dux filius concubinae, sicut filius

10 legitimus. Et cum vnus Tartarus habet multas vxores, vnaquaeq ; noxuya^ia.
per se suam stationem, & familiam habet : & cum vna comedit, &
bibit, «Sc dormit vna die, & altera die cum alia. Vna tamen ex
ipsis maior est inter alias, & frequentius cum ilia quam cum alijs
commoratur. Et cum tam multae sint inter se tamen de facili non

15 contendunt. Viri nihil operantur omnin6 exceptis sagittis : &
etiam de gregibus aliquantulam habent curam, sed venantur, &
exercent se ad sagittandum : Omnes enim k paruo vsque ad
magnum sagittarij sunt & boni. Et statim pueri eorum, cum
sunt duorum annorum vel trium, incipiunt equitare. Equos

20 eorum regunt & currunt in eis : & dantur eis arcus secundum
suam aetatem, «& instruunt ad sagittandum. Agiles enim sunt
& audaces valde. Vir|gines & mulieres equitant, & agiliter in [p. 27]
equis currunt vt viri. Vidimus enim eas arcus & pharetras
portare. Et tam viri quam mulieres diu in equitando possunt

25 durare. Breuissimas habent strepas : equos valde custodiunt :
imo rerum omnium sunt magni conseruarores. Mulieres eorum
omnia operantur. Pellicia, vestes, calceos, ocreas, & omnia
opera quae de corio fiunt. Currus etiam ducunt & reparant, fceminae

^ ^ . . . *^ . Metj incog-

camelos onerant, & velocissimae sunt & strenuae in omnibus nitaeeodem.
30 operibus suis : foemoralibus omnes vtuntur : aliquae, sicut viri, tiuntur.

sagittant.

De ipsorum Imperio. Cap. 5.

Dicto de eorum consuetudinibus, dicendum est de eorum
imperio. Et prim6 de ipsius principio. Secund6 de
35 principibus eius. Tertio de dominio Imperatoris & principum.
Terra quaedam est in partibus Orientis, de qua dictum est supra,
quae Mongol nominatur. Hasc terra quondam quatuor populos
habuit. Et vnus Yeka-Mongol, id est, magni Mongali vocabatur.
Secundus Sumongol, id est Aquatici Mongali. Ipsi autem seipsos
40 Tartaros appellabant, a quodam fluuio, qui currit per terram Tartarix
eorum, qui Tartar nominatur. Alius appellatur Merkat, quartus

54 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, Tlu Tartars.

Tartar Mctrit. Hi] DopuU omncs vnam formam personarum, & vnam
fluuius. ,. , , , • • . . „ . .

hnguam habebant : quamuis inter se per pnncipes & proumcias

essent diuisi. In terra Yeka-Mongol fuit qui vocabatur Cyngis.

Iste incepit esse robustus venator coram Domino. Didicit enim

Cyngis ortus homines furari, rapere, praedari. Ibat autem ad alias terras, & 5
quoscunque potuit capere, & sibi associare non demittebat :
homines verb suae gentis ad se inclinabat, qui tanquam ducem
ipsum sequebantur ad omnia malefacta. Hie autem incepit
pugnare cum Sumongal, siue Tartaris, postquam homines aggre-
gauerat sibi, & interfecit ducem eorum, & multo bello omnes 10
Tartaros sibi subiugauit & in suam seruitutem redegit. Post haec
cum omnibus his pugnauit, cum Merkat, qui erant positi iuxta
terram Tartarorum, quos etiam bello sibi subiecit : Inde procedens
pugnauit contra Metritas, & etiam illos deuicit. Audientes itaque
Naymani, quod Cyngis erat taliter eleuatus, indignati fuerunt. 15
Ipsi enim habuerunt Imperatorem, qui fuerat strenuus vald^, cui

Naymani. dabant tributum omnes nationes pnedictae. Qui debitum vniuersae
carnis exsoluens, filij eius successerunt loco eius ; sed iuuenes
erant & stulti, & populum nesciebant tenere : sed inuicem diuisi

Fntres erant & scissi : vnde medio tempore Cyngis erat taliter exaltatus, 20

discordantet ...

oppr«*sL nihilommus msultum faciebant m terras supenus annotatas, viros

& mulieres, & puerQs occidebant, & capiebant praedam eorum.

Cyngis hoc audiens, omnes sibi subiectos homines aggregauit.

Kan Kitai. Naymani & Kara Kitai, id est, nigri Kitai, ex aduerso in quandam

vallem strictam inter montes duos, per quam nos euntes ad impe- 25

ratorem eorum transiuimus, similiter conueniunt : & commissum

est pnelium, in quo Naymani & Kara Kitai a Mongallis sunt

deuicti, & maior pars eorum occisa : & alij qui euadere non

potuerunt in seruitutem redacti sunt. In terra autem praedictorum

Occoday Kara Kytaorum Occaday can filius Cyngis can, postquam positus 30

*^* fuit imperator, quandam ciuitatem aedificauit, quam *Omyl appel-

lauit. Prop^ quam ad meridiem est quoddam desertum magnum,

Homines in quo syluestres homines pro certo habitare dicuntur, qui nullo

syuestres. j^q^jq loquuntur, nec in cruribus habent iuncturas : & si quando

cadunt, per se surgere sine adiutorio aliorum minimfe possunt, 35
aliquantam tamen habent discretionem. Mongali autem in terram
eorum reuertentes se contra Kytaos in praelium praeparauerunt,
De mutua qui castra mouentes terram eorum intrauerunt. Imperator autem
Mon^iorum Kytaorum hoc audiens venit contra eos cum exercitu suo ; &
Kytaorum. commissum est praelium durum ; in quo praelio Mongali fuerunt 40
Kv^ainT"" deuicti : & omnes nobiles Mongallorum qui erant in praedicto

clades.

♦ Vel Chanyl.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC 55

exercitu fuerunt occisi vsque ad septem. Cyngis ver6 & alij qui
remanserunt in terram suam fugerunt Et quum aliquantulum
quieuisset Cyngis, praeparauit se rursus ad praelium & contra
terram Huyrorum processit ad bellum. Isti homines Christiani
5 de secta Nestorianorum erant, quos etiam bello deuicit, & eorum
literas acceperunt. Nam prius scripturam aliquam non habebant. Nous
Nunc autem eandem literam Mongallorum appellant. Inde pro- ulere"*
cessit contra terram Saruiuorum, & contra terram Karauitarum, & Veisaruiur.
contra terram Voyrat, & contra terram Comana, quas terras omnes ^r!im.^""'"

10 deuicit. Inde est in terram suam reuersus. Et cum aliquantulum ^^' '^"'*"'**
quieuisset, conuocatis omnibus gentibus supradictis, contra Kytaos
ad bellum processit, & cum diu contra eos pugnasset magnam
partem terrae Kytaorum vicerunt : Imperatorem autem eorum
concluserunt in sua ciuitate maiori : quam cum tam diu obside-

15 runt, quod exercitui defecerunt expensae, & cum non haberent
quod manducarent, prsecepit illis Cyngis can, quod de decem
hominibus vnum darent ad manducandum. lUi autem de ciuitate
pugnabant viriliter contra illos sagittis & machinis : Et cum
deficerent lapides, pro lapidibus proiecerunt argentum, & maxime

20 liquefactum. Ciuitas enim haec multis diuitijs erat plena. Et Argentum

. . . loco lapidum

cum diu pugnassent, & eam bello vmcere mmime possent, fece- in hostem

, , . ... proiectum.

runt vnam magnam viam sub terra ab exercitu vsque ad mediam
ciuitatem, & aperientes subit6 ter|ram, eis nescientibus profilierunt [p. 28]
in medio ciuitatis, & pugnabant cum hominibus ciuitatis, & illi Kytaivicti.

25 qui erant extra simili modo pugnabant, & concidentes portas
intrauerunt ciuitatem : & occidentes Imperatorem & homines
plures, ciuitatem possidebant : & aurum & argentum, & omnes
diuitias abstulerunt. Et cum terrae predicts Kytaorum suos
homines praefecissent, in terram propriam sunt reuersi. Et tunc Cyngis

30 Imperatore Kytaorum deuicto factus est Imperator. Quandam imperator.
autem partem terrae Kytaorum, quae posita est in mari, vsque in in marl* ^""^
hodiernum diem nullatenus deuicerunt. Kytai autem, de quibus kytaorum
superius diximus, homines sunt Pagani, qui habent literam specia- ["fj^o*
lem ; & habent nouum & vetus Testamentum ; & habent vitas

35 patrum, & Eremitas & domos quasi Ecclesias factas, in quibus
orant temporibus suis : Et dicunt se quosdam sanctos habere.
Vnum Deum colunt : Dominum nostrum lesum Christum hono-
rant, & credunt vitam aeternam, sed minime baptizantur. Scriptu-
ram nostram honorant «&: reuerentur : Christianos diligunt, &

40 Ecclesias faciunt plures. Homines benigni & humani satis
videntur : barbam non habent, & in dispositione saciei satis
concordant cum Mongalis, non tamen sunt in facie ita lati.
Linguam propriam habent: meliores artifices non inueniuntur ^pJ^""""""

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, T/ie Tartars.

Thossuch
can Cyngis
filius
Comanos
deuicit.

India minor
debellata.

Presbyter
loannes:
eiusdem
itratagema.

Victoria de
Tartan*.

monstrosis
mulieribus
& ouiibus
moQstrosa
narrado.

Glacies.

Bunitabeth
regio.

in toto mundo in omnibus operibus, in quibus solent homines
exercitari. Terra eorum est opulenta valde in frumento, vino,
auro, argento, & serico, & omnibus rebus in quibus solet sustentari
humana natura. Et cum aliquantulum quieuissent, suos exercitus
diuiserunt. Vnum de filijs Tossuch nomine, quem etiam Can ap- c
pellabant, id est Imperatorem, misit cum exercitu contra Comanos,
quos multo bello deuicit : & postquam vicerat eos in terram suam
reuertebatur. Alium etiam filium misit cum exercitu contra Indos;
qui minorem Indiam deuicerunt. Hij autem nigri sunt Saraceni,
qui .^thiopes nuncupantur. Hie autem exercitus contra Christia- lo
nos, qui sint in India maiori in pugnam processit. Quod audiens
rex terrae illius, qui vulgb Praesbyter lohannes appellatur, venit
contra eos exercitu congregate. Et faciens imagines cupreas
hominum in sella posuit super equos, ponens ignem interius,
& posuit hominem cum folle post imaginem cupream super 15
equum : & cum multis imaginibus, & equis taliter praeparatis
venerunt contra prsedictos ad pugnandum. Et cum ad locum
praelij peruenissent, istos equos vnum iuxta vnum premiserunt.
Viri autem, qui erant retro, posuerunt nescio quid super ignem
qui erat in praedicta imagine, & cum follibus fortiter sufflauerunt. 20
Vnde factum est, quod de fumo illo aer est denigratus. Et tunc
super Tartaros iecerunt sagittas, ex quibus multi interfecti &
vulnerati fuerunt Et sic cum confusione eos de finibus suis
eiecerunt : Et nunquam audiuimus, quod vltra ad eos redierunt.
Cum autem per deserta redirent, in quandam terram venerunt in 25
qua quaedam monstra foemineas imagines habentia reperierunt.
Et cum interrogassent eas per multos interpretes vbi essent viri
terrae illius, responderunt quod in ilia terra qugcunque fceminae
nascebantur, habebant formam humanam : Masculi ver6 formam
caninam. Et dum moram protraherent in terra praedicta, Canes 30
in alia parte conuenerunt in vnum : Et dum esset hyems asperrima,
se omnes proiecerunt in aquam : & post haec incontinenti in
pulucrem mouebantur, & ita puluis admixtus aquae super eos
congelauit : & dum saepe hoc fecissent, glacies densa facta est
super eos : Vnde cum magno impetu cum Tartaris conuenerunt 35
ad pugnam. At illi quum sagittas super eos iactabant, ac si super
lapides sagitassent, retro sagittae redibant : Alia etiam arma eorum
in nullo eos laedere potuerunt. Canes ver6 insultum facientes in
eos morsibus vulnerauerunt, multos etiam occiderunt, & ita eiece-
runt eos de finibus suis. Et dum reuerteretur exercitus ille, venit 40
ad terram Burutabeth, quos bello vicerunt : qui sunt Pagani. Qui
consuetudinem mirabilem imo potius miserabilem habent. Quia
cum aliquis patrum suorum humanae naturae debitum exsoluit,

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC.

omnem congregant parentelam, & comedunt euni. Isti pilos in
barba non habent : immo quoddam ferrum in manibus portant,
cum quo barbam semper depilant, si forte aliquis crinis crescit in
ipsa : tS: multum etiam deformes sunt. Inde exercitus ille reuerte-
5 batur in terram suam. Cyngis can etiam eo tempore quo diuisit
exercitus illos, misit in expeditione contra Orientem per terram
Kergis, quos bello non vicit : & vsque ad Caspios montes per-
uenit, montes autem illi sunt de lapide adamantino. Vnde eorum
sagittas & arma ferrea ad se traxerunt. Homines inter Caspios

lo montes conclusos viderunt, qui iam montem fregerunt : sed nubes
quEedam erat posita ante ipsos, ad quam accedere non poterant
vllo modo, quia statim moriebantur, cum perueniebant ad illam.
Sed antequam peruenirent ad praedictum montem plusquam per
mensem vastam solitudinem transierunt. Inde procedentes adhuc

15 contra Orientem plusquam per mensem per magnum desertum
iuerunt. Et peruenerunt ad quandam terram, vbi viderunt vias
tritas, sed nullum hominem poterant inuenire. Sed tantum quaesi-
uerunt per terram, quod inuenerunt hominem cum vxore sua;
quos ante Cyngis can adduxerunt. Et cum interrogasset, vbi

20 essent homines terrae illius, responderunt quod in terra sub monti-
bus habitarent. At Cyngis can retenta vxore misit virum | ilium
cum nuncijs suis mandans hominibus illis vt venirent ad mandatum
ipsius. Illi ver6 euntes ad eos, narrauerunt omnia qu^e Cyngis
can mandauerat. Qui responderunt quod tali die venirent ad

25 mandatum suum faciendum. Medio vero tempore congregauerunt
se per vias occultas sub terra, & venerunt contra istos ad pugnan-
dum : & irruentes subito super eos plurimos occiderunt. At illi,
Cyngis can videlicet & sui fugam ineuntes, terram exierunt prae-
dictam. Illos tamen homines, virum scilicet & mulierem secum

30 duxerunt, qui vsque ad mortem in terra Tartarorum fuerunt.
Interrogati ver6 quare sub terra habitarent, dixerunt quod vno
tempore anni quum sol oritur, tantus sonitus est, quod homines
nulla ratione possunt sustinere. Immo etiam tunc percutiebant
in organis & tympanis, & alijs instrumentis, vt ilium sonitum non

35 audirent. Et dum Cyngis de terra ilia reuerteretur, defecerunt
ei victualia, et habebant maximam famem. Et tunc recentia
interiora vnius bestiae eos contigit inuenire : quae accipientes,
depositis tamen stercoribus decoxerunt; & coram Cyngis can
portantes cum suis ilia comedit. Et ex hoc statutum fuit ab eo,

40 vt liec sanguis, nee interiora, nee aliquid de bestia quod mandu-
cari potest, exceptis stercoribus, proijciatur. Et deinde in terram
propriam est reuersus : & ibidem leges & statuta multiplicia fecit,
quae Tartari non violabiliter obseruant. Ex quibus tantum duo

Incolarum
mores.

Terra Kergis
Orientalis.

Nota iter

duoriim

mensium

versus

Orientem.

[p-29]

Troglodytae.

Videtur hie
sonitus fieri,
& fragore
glaciei, &
niuium de
montibus.

Cyngis lex.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, Tlu Tartars.

Interitus.

Liberi.

Nepotes.

Duces.

Imperatoris
Tartarorum
seniile in
omnes iin>
perium.

dicemus. Vnum est, quod quicunque in superbia erectus, propria
authoritate sine electione principum esse voluerit imperator, sine
vlla miseratione debet occidi. Vnde ante electionem ipsius
Cuynch propter hoc vnus de principibus, nepos ipsius Cyngis
can fuit occisus. Volebat enim sine electione regnare. Aliud 5
statutum est, quod sibi debent subiugare omnem terram : nee
cum aliqua gente debent pacem habere, nisi prius eis subdatur,
quo vsque veniat tempus occisionis eorum. Debent enini occidi,
vt prophetatum est eis : Et ilH qui euadere poterunt, vt dicunt,
debent illam legem tenere quam tenent alij, qui eos bello de- 10
uincunt. Statuit etiam quod per millenarios, & centenaries &
Decanos debeat eorum exercitus ordinari. Post hoc ab ictu
tonitrui est occisus, peractis suis ordinationibus & statutis. Hie
autem habuit quatuor filios: Vnus vocabatur Occoday, secundus
Tossuch can, tertius Thaaday : & nomen quarti ignoramus. Isti 15
quatuor filij cum alijs maioribus qui tunc erant, primum filium
videlicet Occoday elegerunt imperatorem, filij autem istius Occo-
day Cuyne, qui nunc est imperator, Cocthen & Cyrenen. Et si
plures habuerit filios ignoramus. Filij autem Tossuch can Bati :
iste est ditior & potentior post imperatorem : Ordu, iste est senior 20
omnium ducum : Syban, Bora, Bercuthanth : aliorum filiorum
Tossuch can nomina ignoramus. Filij Thaaday sunt Burin &
Chadan, nomina aliorum filiorum nescimus, Alterius autem filij
Cyngis can, cuius nomen nescimus, filiorum nomina sunt hjec.
Vnus vocatur Mengu, cuius mater est Seroctan. Ista domina 25
inter omnes Tartaros, excepta matre imperatoris, est magis nomi-
nata : & potentior est omnibus excepto Bati. Alius vocatur Becas.
Alios filios habuit plures, sed eorum nomina ignoramus. Haec
sunt ducum nomina. Ordu : iste fuit in Polonia & in Hungaria :
Bati, Cathan, Syban, Bureth. Omnes isti fuerunt in Hungaria, 30
Cyrpodan, iste est adhuc vltra mare contra Soldanum Damasci.
Isti remanserunt in terra : Mangu, Cuthen, Syrennen, Hybilay,
Seremum, Synocur, Thuatamur, Cyragay, Sybedey, senex quidam
miles inter eos. Bora, Berca, Mauci, Choranca : sed iste inter alios
est minimus. Alij verb duces sunt plures, sed eorum nomina 35
ignoramus.

Imperator aute Tartarorum habet mirabile dominium super
omnes. Nullus audet in aliqua parte morari, nisi ipse assignet ei.
Ipse autem assignat vbi maneant duces : millenarij centenarijs.
Centenarij decanis. In super quicquid precipitur in quocunq ; 40
tempore, quocunq ; loco, siue ad bellum, siue ad mortem, siue ad
vitam, siue vlla contradictione obediunt. Etiam si petit filiam
virginem vel sororem, sine contradictione dant ei. Aut singulis

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, etc.

annis, aut intermissis aliquibus annis virgines colligit ex omnibus
finibus Tartarorum. Si ipse vult sibi retinere aliquas retinet :
alias dat suis hominibus, sicut videtur ei expedire. Nuncios
quoscunq;, quotcunq; & vbicunq; transmittit, oportet quod dent
5 ei sine mora equos subdititios & expensas. Vndecunq; venerint
ei tributa vel nuncij, oportet quod equi, currus, & expense similiter
dentur eis. Nuncij qui veniunt aliunde in magna miseria sunt in
victu pariter & vestitu : quia expense viles sunt & paucae : &
maxime cum veniunt ad principes, et ibi debent mora contrahere.

lo Tunc ita parum datur decern hominibus, quod inde vix possint
viuere duo. Nee etiam in curijs principum, nee in via datur eis
comedere, nisi semel in die, & satis parum. Insuper si aliquae
iniuriae sibi fiunt, conqueri de facili minime posssunt. Vnde eos
oportet ilia patienter portare. Insuper multa ta k principibus,

15 quam ab alijs nationibus & minoribus ab eis exiguntur : & si non
daretur, vili pendunt eos, immo quasi pro nihilo habent eos. Et
si k magnis viris mittuntur, nolunt ab eis modicum munus habere:
sed dicunt : A magno homine venistis, & cur modicum datis ? &
accipere dedignantur. Et si nuncij bene volunt facere facta sua,

20 oportet eos dare maiora. Idcirco magnam partem rerum, quae
nobis a fidelibus erant datae, oportuit nos de necessitate muneribus
dare. Et | sciendum, quod ita omnia sunt in manu Imperatoris
prsedicti, quod nemo audet dicere, hoc est meum vel illius ; sed
omnia sunt Imperatoris, res, iumenta, & homines. Et super hoc

25 etiam nuper emanauit Imperatoris statutum. Idem dominium per
omnia habent duces super homines suos. Diuisi enim sunt
homines Tartari, videlicet etiam alij inter duces. Nuncij etiam
ducum, quocunque eos transmittunt, & homines tarn Imperatoris
quam alij omnes equos subdititios & expensas, & qui equos cus-

30 todiant, & etiam nuncijs seruiant sine contradictione dare tenentur.
Imperatori autem iumenta vt habeat ex eis lac ad annum vel ad
duos, vel ad tres, sicut placuerit ei, tam duces qukm alij pro
redditu dare tenentur. Et homines ducum idem facere tenentur
dominis suis. Inter eos enim nuUus est liber. Et vt breuiter

35 dicam, Quicquid Imperator & Duces volunt, & quanta volunt de
rebus suis accipiunt. De personis etiam eorum disponunt per
omnia, sicut volunt. Mortuo Imperatore, sicut superius dictum
est, conuenerunt Duces & elegerunt Occoday filium Cyngis can
praedicti Imperatorem. Qui habito consilio principum diuisit

40 exercitus. Bati, qui in secundo gradu attinebat ei, misit contra
Altisoldanum, & contra terram Biserminorum. Hij erant Sara-
ceni, & Comanicum loquebantur. Et cum intrasset terram illorum
pugnauit contra eos, & bello eos sibi subiecit. Quaedam autem

Inhumanitas
erga Lega-
tos.

[P- 30]

Occoday
secundus
Imperator
Tartarorum.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

Oma super
Donfluuium.

Kiouia ciui-

Morduano-
rum terra.
Bulgaria
magna.

Hungaria
magna.

Parossitae.

ciuitas quae *Barthra dicitur, diu restitit ei, fecerant enim foueas
multas in circuitu ciuitatis & operuerant illas ; & quando illi
veniebant cadebant in foueas. Vnde non potuerunt capere ciui-
tatem, donee illas foueas replessent. Homines autem de quadam
ciuitate quae vocatur tiakint hjec audientes exierunt obuiam eis, 5
se sponte in manus eorum tradentes : vnde ciuitas eorum non erat
destructa, sed plures eorum occiderunt, & alios transtulerunt. Et
accepto spolio ciuitatis, ipsam alijs hominibus repleuerunt. Et
venerunt contra ciuitatem quae vocatur Oma. Ista ciuitas erat
nimium populosa : Christiani ibi erant plures ; Gazari videlicet, 10
Rutheni, & Alani, & alij : nee non & Saraceni. Saracenorum
enim erat dominium ciuitatis. Haec autem ciuitas erat diuitijs
multum plena. Est enim posita super fluuium qui vocatur Don,
qui intrat in mare. Vnde est quasi portus : & forum maximum
habebant de ilia ciuitate alij Saraceni. Et cum non possent aliter 15
deuincere, praeciderunt fluuium, qui currebat per ciuitatem, &
illam cum rebus omnibus submerserunt. Quo facto : postea in-
trauerunt terram Tortorum, qui similiter sunt Pagani : quam
deuincentes, iuerunt contra Russiam, &: fecerunt magnam stragem
in terra Russiae, ciuitates & castra destruxerunt, & homines occi- 20
derunt : etiam Kiouiam quae erat Metropolis Russiae obsederunt :
& cum diu obsedissent, illam ceperunt, & occiderunt homines
ciuitatis. Inde procedentes pugnando destru.xerunt totam Russiam.
De Russia autem & Comania processerunt duces praedicti, &
pugnauerunt contra Hungaros & Polonos. Ex quibus Tartaris in 25
Polonia & in Hungaria plures interfecti fuerunt. Et si non
fugissent, sed viriliter restitissent Hungari exiuissent Tartari de
finibus suis : quia tunc habuerunt timorem, quod omnes fugere
attentabant. Sed Bati vaginato gladio in faciem eis restitit, dicens:
Nolite fugere : quia si fugitis nuUus euadet : Et si debemus mori, 30
moriamur omnes : quia futurum est, vt Cyngis can praedixit, quod
interfici debeamus : Et si nunc est tempus, sustineamus. Et sic
animati sunt & remanserunt, & Hungariam destruxerunt. Inde
reuertentes iuerunt in terram Morduanorum, qui sunt Pagani, &
bello deuicerunt. Inde procedentes contra Bileros, id est, Bui- 35
gariam magnam, & ipsam destruxerunt omnino. Inde procedentes
ad Aquilonem adhuc contra Bascart, id est, Hungariam magnam,
& eos etiam deuicerunt. Inde egredientes iuerunt ad Aquilonem,
& venerunt ad Parossitas qui habent paruos stomachos & os
paruulum, nee manducant, sed decoquunt carnes : quibus decoctis 40
ponunt se inter fumum & ollam, & recipiunt fumum, & de hoc

Barthra ciuitas vel Barchin.

t Vel Sarguit.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC.

solo reficiuntur : Sed etiamsi aliquid manducant, hoc valde modi-
cum est. Inde procedentes venerunt ad Samogedos. Hij autem
homines tantCim de venationibus viuunt : tabernacula & vestes
habent tantummodo de bestiarum pellibus. Inde vltra proce-
5 denies venerunt ad quandam terram super Oceanum, vbi in-
uenerunt quaedam monstra quae per omnia formam humanam
habebant, sed pedes desinebant in pedes bouinos, & faciem per
omnia habebant vt canis : duo verba loquebantur more humano
& tertio latrabant vt canis : & sic per interualla temporum latra-

lo tum interponebant : tum ad naturam suam redibant : & sic
intelligi poterat quod dicebant: Inde redierunt in Comaniam,
& vsq; nunc quidam ex eis morantur ibidem. Cyrpodan vero
eodem tempore misit Occoday can cum exercitu ad meridiem
contra Kergis, quos etiam bello deuicit. Hij autem homines sunt

15 pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum consuetudo est
talis. Cum pater moritur alicuius, prae dolore quasi vnam cor-
rigiam in signum lamenti ab aure vsq; ad aurem de facie sua
leuant. Quibus deuictis, ad meridiem iuit contra Armenos. Sed
cum per deserta transiret, etiam quaedam monstra effigiem huma-

20 nam habentia inuenerunt : sed non nisi vnum brachium cum
manu in medio pectoris, & vnum pedem habebant : & duo sagit-
I tarunt cum vno arcu, & isti ita fortiter currebant, quod equi eos
inuestigare non poterant. Currebant enim saltando super ilium
vnum pedem, & cum essent fessi taliter eundo, ibant super manum

25 & pedem, remouendo se quasi rota ; & sic cum essent fessi iterum
currebant secundum modum priorem : aliquos tamen occidebant
ex eis. Inde procedentes venerunt in Armeniam, quam bello
vicerunt, & partem Georgiae : & alia pars venit ad mandatum
eorum; & quadraginta millia yperperorum singulis annis dederunt,

30 & adhuc faciunt idem. Inde procedentes ad terram Soldani
Deurum, qui erat satis magnus & potens, cum eo pugnauerunt &
deuicerunt. . Inde procedentes vltra debellando & vincendo vsq;
ad terram Soldani Halapiae & nunc terram illam impugnant : nee
postea vsque in hodiernum diem in terram suam fuerunt reuersi.

35 Alius exercitus iuit contra terra Calif de Baldach, quam sibi etia
subdiderunt : Et quadraginta bisantia exceptis Baldachinis & alijs
muneribus omni die dant pro tributo : Et omni anno pro Calif,
vt ad eos veniat, nuncios mittunt : qui cum tributo munera magna
mittit, rogans vt eu supportent. Ipse vero imperator munera

40 accipit, & nihilominus vt veniat mittit pro eo.

Samogedi.

Oceanus_

Septentrio-

nafis.

Similes

Frobisheri

huminibus.

Expeditio
Cyrpodan is.

Armeni.

Hij videntur

sagittasse

balistis.

[P- 31]

Georgia.

Terra Sol-
dani
Deurum.

Terra Sol-
dani
Halapis.

62 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

Qualiter Tartar! se habent in pr^lijs. Cap. 6.

DIcto de imperio, dicendum est hoc modo de bello. Primo
de ordinatione acierum. Secundo de armis. Tertio de
astutijs in congressione, quarto de crudelitate quam faciunt in
captiuos. Quinto de oppugnatione castrorum & ciuitatum. Sexto 5
de perfidia quam exercent cum hijs qui se reddunt eisdem. De
ordinatione acierum dicemus hoc modo. Cyngis can ordinauit,
vt decem hominibus pneponeretur vnus : & ille secundum nos
appellatur Decanus. Decem autem Decanis preponeretur vnus,
qui centenarius nuncupatur : Decem vero Centenarijs pneponeretur 10
vnus qui millenarius nuncupatur : decem millenarijs praeponeretur
vnus, & ille numerus vocatur tenebre apud eos. Cuncto vero
expercitui praeponuntur duo duces vel tres, ita tamen quod habeant
respectum ad vnum. Cum autem omnes sunt in bello si de decem
hominibus fugit vnus vel duo, vel tres, vel etiam plures, omnes 15
occiduntur. Et vt breuiter dicam, nisi communiter cedant, omnes
qui fugiunt occiduntur. Item si vnus vel duo aut plures audacter
ad pugnam accedunt, & decem alij non sequuntur, etiam oc-
ciduntur. Item si vnus de decem vel plures capiuntur, & alij
socij sui non liberant eos, etiam occiduntur. Duo arcus vel tres, 20
vel vnum bonum ad minus, & tres pharetras magnas plenas de
sagittis & vnam securim, & funes ad machinas trahendas habere
debet vnusquisque. Diuites autem habent gladios acutos in fine,
ex vna tantum parte incidentes, & aliquantulum curuos : & habent
equum armatum, crura etiam tecta. Galeas & loricas quidam 25
habent de corio in hunc modum formatas. Habent quasdam
corrigias de boue ad latitudinem vnius manus, & bituminant tres
vel quatuor simul, & ligant illas corrigiolis vel cordis. In corrigia
superiori ponunt cordulas in fine ; in inferiori ponunt in medio, &
sic faciunt vsque ad finem. Vnde quum se inclinant in inferiores, 30
corrigiae superiores ascendunt & sic duplicantur super corpus,
vel triplicantur. De coopertura equi faciunt quinque partes : ex
vna parte faciunt vnam, ex alia parte faciunt aliam, quam partem
ducunt ^ Cauda vsq; ad caput : quae ligantur ad sellam, & post
sellam in dorso & etiam in collo, super renes etiam parte aliam 35
ponunt, vbi duae partium ligaturae iunguntur : in qua pecia faciunt
vnum foramen, per quod caudas exponunt : & ante pectus ponunt
etiam vnam : quae omnes protenduntur vsque ad crurium iuncturas.
Et ante frontem laminam ferream ponunt, quae ex vtraque parte
colli partibus praedictis ligatur. Lorica vero etiam quatuor partes 40
habet, vna pars protenditur k foemore vsque ad collum ; sed est

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 63

facta secundum dispositionem humani corporis : quia ante pectus
est stricta : in rotundum obuoluitur circa corpus k brachijs in-
ferius : Super humeros autem retro ad renes habent aliam peciam,
quae protenditur a collo vsque ad aliam peciam, qujs reuoluitur
S circa corpus : Super humeros autem istae duae peciae anterior
videlicet & posterior, ad duas laminas ferreas quae sunt in vtroque
humero fibulis connectuntur. Et in vtroque brachio vnam habent
peciam, quae ab humero protenduntur vsque ad manus, quae etiam
inferius sunt apte. Et in vtroque crure vnam habent peciam:

10 quae peciae omnes fibulis coniunguntur. Galea autem superius est
ferrea. Sed illud quod protegit in circuitu collum & gulam de
corio fit. Et omnes istae peciae de corio sunt formatae secundum
modum superius annotatum. Quidam autem omnia quae superius
diximus habent de ferro in hunc modum formata. Vnam laminam

15 tenuem ad latitudinem vnius digiti faciunt, & ad longitudinem
palmae vnius. Et in hunc modum faciunt laminas multas : & in
vnaquaque lamina octo foramina paruula faciunt, & interius tres
corrigias strictas & fortes ponunt, & laminas vnam super aliam
ponut, quasi ascendendo per gradus : & ligant laminas pr^dictas

20 ad corrigias tenuibus corrigiolis, quas mit|tunt per foramina superius [p. 32]
annotata : Et in superiori patre consuunt corrigiolam vnam, vt
laminae praedictae bene & firmiter cohaereant sibi. Et faciunt ex
laminis quasi corrigiam vnam, & postea ligant per pecias per
omnia, sicut superius dictum est. Et ista faciunt tarn ad equorum

25 quam ad hominum armaturas. Et faciunt ilia ita lucere, quod
potest homo in eis faciem suam videre. Aliqui eoru lanceas
habent : & in fine ferri lanceg vnum habent vncu, cum quo trahunt
hominem de sella si possunt. Longitudo sagittarum est duorum
pedum & vnius palmae, & duorum digitorum. Et quia diuersi sunt

30 pedes, mensura pedum geometries ponimus. Duodecem grana
hordei poUicis transuersio est. Sexdecem pollices transuersi
faciunt vnum geometricum pedem. Ferramenta sagittarum sunt
acutissima, & ex utraq; parte incidentia quasi gladius biceps, &
semper portant limas iuxta pharetram ad acuendum sagittas.

35 Ferramenta praedicta caudam habent acutam ad longitudinem
vnius digiti, quam imponunt in lignum. Scutum habent de
viminibus vel de virgulis factum. Sagittas habent alias ad sagittan-
dum aues bestias & homines inermes ad trium digitorum latitu-
dinem. Sagittas alias habent diuersimodas ad aues & bestias

40 sagittandas. Quum ad bellum procedere volunt praecursores prae-
mittunt, qui nihil secum portant praeter filtra sua, equos & arma.
Isti nihil rapiunt, domos non comburunt, bestias non occidunt :
Sed tamen homines vulnerant & mortificant, & si non possunt

64 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

aliud, mittunt in fugam ; multo libentius tamen occidunt, quam
fugant, post istos sequitur exercitus, qui cuncta que inuenit accipit,
& homines etiam, si inueniri possunt, accipiunt & occidunt.
Mos Quum autem ad flumina perueniunt, hoc modo transeunt ilia

flumina. ctiamsi sunt magna. Maiores vnum rotundum & leue corium 5
habent, in quo in summitate per circuitum crebras faciunt ansas,
in quibus funem imponunt, & stringunt ita quod in circuitu faciunt
quendam ventrem, quem replent vestibus, & alijs rebus, &
fortissime comprimunt ad inuicem : post hoc in medio ponunt
sellas & alias res duriores : homines autem in medio sedent : «S: 10
ligant ad caudam equi nauem hanc taliter praeparatam, & vnum
hominum qui equum regat faciunt pariter cum equo ante natare :
vel habent aliquando duos remos, & cum illis remigant vltra
aquam, & sic transeunt fiuuium. Equos vero pellunt in aqua, &
vnus homo iuxta vnum equum, que regit, natat : & alij equi ilium 15
sequuntur. Et sic transeunt aquas & flumina magna. Alij vero
pauperiores vnam bursam de corio bene consutam vnusquisq;
tenetur habere : in qua bursa vel in quo sacco vestes & omnes res
suas imponunt ; & in summitate saccu fortissime Hgant, & suspen-
dunt ad caudam equi, & transeunt, vt supradictum est. Sciendum 20
est, quod cum vident hostes tunc vadunt ad eos, & vnusquisq;
iacit tres sagittas vel quatuor contra aduersarios : Et si vident
quod eos superare non possunt, retro gradiuntur ad suos : Et hoc
faciunt in fraudem, vt aduersarij eos sequantur ad loca vbi insidias
parauerunt : Et si inimici eorum sequuntur ad prgedictas insidias, 25
circundant eos & sic vulnerant & occidunt. Item si vident quod
magnus exercitus est contra eos, aliquando diuertunt ab eo per
vnam dietam vel duas, & alia partem terrge inuadunt & spoliant :
& interficiunt homines, & terra destruunt & deuastant. Et si
vident quod hoc etia facere non possunt, cedunt retro ad decem 30
vel duodecem dietas : aliquando etia morantur in loco tuto,
quousq; aduersarioru exercitus separetur, & tunc furtim veniunt,
& depopulantur tota terram. In bellis etiam astutissimi sunt : quia
iam per quadraginta annos & amplius cum alijs gentibus dimicarunt.
Cum autem volunt ad pugnam accedere, omnes acies ordinant 35
sicut deberet pugnare. Duces siue principes exercitus bellu non
intrant, sed stant k longe cotra inimicoru exercitum, & iuxta se
habent pueros in equis & mulieres & equos. Et faciunt aliquando
imagines hominum, & ponunt super equos. Hoc ideo faciunt, vt
multitudo magna bellantium esse credantur. Contra faciem 40
equorum vnam aciem captiuorum & aliarum gentium quae sunt
inter eos transmittunt : & forsitan aliqui Tartari vadunt cum eis.
Alias acies fortiorum hominum longe mittunt k dextris & k sinistris,

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 65

vt non videantur ab aduersarij suis : & sic circundant aduersarios
& colligunt in medium, & pugnare incipiunt ex omni parte. Et
cum sunt aliquando pauci, putantur ab aduersarijs qui circundati
sunt, esse multi. Et maxime cum videant illos, qui sunt cum
5 duce vel principe exercitus pueros & mulieres & equos, & homines
fictos, vt dictum est supra : quos credunt esse pugnatores : & per
hoc terrentur & confunduntur. Et si forte aduersarij bene pug-
nant, faciunt eis viam vt fugiant : & statim cum fugere incipiunt,
ab inuicem separati insequuntur eos, & plures tunc occidunt fuga,

10 quam mortificare possent in bello. Sciendum tamen est, quod
si aliud possunt, non libeter cogrediuntur, sed homines & equos
sagittis vulnerant & occidunt. Munitiones in hunc modum ex-
pugnant. Si est talis munitio ipsam circundant, immo aliquando Quaiher
ita sepiunt, vt nullus ingredi vel exire possit. Expugnant fortissime X?den".**

15 machinis & sagittis : & nee die nee nocte cessant a praelio, vt illi
qui sunt in munitionibus non quiescant. Ipsi Tartari quiescunt :
quia acies diuidunt <Sc vna succedit alteri in pugna vt non nimiu
fatigentur. Et si earn taliter habere non possunt grsecu proijciunt
ignem. Imo solent aliquando accipere aruina hominum quos

20 occidunt, & liquefactum proijciunt | super domos : Et vbicunque [p. 33]
venit ignis super pinguedinem illam, quasi inextinguibiliter ardet.
Et si ita non praeualent, & si ciuitas ilia vel castrum habeat
flumen, obstruunt illud, vel faciunt alium alueum & submergunt
illam munitionem si possunt. Si autem non possunt suffodiunt

25 illam, & sub terra arraati in ipsam ingrediuntur. Et cum iam
intrauerunt, vna pars ignem imponit vt comburatur : & alia pars
cum illius munitionis hominibus pugnat. Si autem nee sic illam
vincere possunt, castrum vel munitionem suam faciunt contra
illam, vt ab inimicorum iaculis non grauentur, & contra illam

30 multo tempore iacent : nisi forte exterius adiutorium exercitus qui
pugnat cum eis adhibeat, & vi remoueant ipsos. Sed cum iacent
ante munitionem blande eis loquuntur, & multa promittunt, ad Punica fides,
hoc vt se in eorum manus tradant : Et si illi se eis tradiderint,
dicunt : Exite, vt secundum morem nostrum vos muneremus. Et

35 cum illi ad eos exeunt, quserunt qui sunt artifices inter eos, & illos
reseruant : alios autem, exceptis illis quos volunt habere pro seruis
cum securi occidunt. Et si aliquibus alijs parcunt, vt dictum est,
nobilibus & honestis nunquam parcunt. Et si forte aliquo casu
contingente reseruant aliquos nobiles ; nee prece nee precio vltra

40 de captiuitate possunt exire. In bellis autem quoscunque capiunt

occidunt, nisi forte velint aliquos reseruare vt habeant eos pro

seruis. Occidendos autem diuidunt per centenarios, vt cum

bipenni interficiantur ab eis. Ipsi vero post hoc diuidunt captiuos,

H. 5

66 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

& vnicuique seruo ad interficiendum dant decern aut plures vel
pauciores, secundum quod maioribus placet.

De terris quas eorum dominio subiugarunt. Cap. 7.

Cripto quomodo pugnant, dicendum est de terris, quas eorum
dominio subiugarunt. De quo isto modo scribemus. Primo 5
dicemus quomodo faciunt cum hominibus pacem. Secundo de
terrarum nominibus quas sibi subdiderunt. Tertio de tyrannide
quam exercent in eis. Quarto de terris quae viriliter restiterunt.
Sciendum est quod cum nullis hominibus faciunt pacem, nisi sub-
dentur eis : quia, vt dictum est supra, Cyngis can habent manda- 10
tum, vt cunctas si possunt sibi subijciant nationes. Et hnec sunt
ilia quae petunt ab eis, vt vadant cum eis in exercitu contra omnem
hominem quando placet, & vt dent decimam de omnibus tam de
hominibus, qukm de rebus. Computant enim decern, & vnum
accipiunt. De puellis faciunt illud idem, quos in terram eorum 15
deducunt & tenent eos pro semis : reliquos numerant & ordinant
secundum morem. Sed quando plene habent dominium super
eos, si aliquid promiserunt eis nihil obseruant : sed quascunque
possunt congrue occasiones inueniunt contra eos. Nam cum
essemus in Russia, missus fuit Saracenorum ex parte Cuynthcan 20
vt dicebatur & Bati : & praefectus ille a quolibet homine qui
habebat tres pueros vnum accipiebat : & quicunque viri non
habebant vxores, illos deducebant, & faciebant de mulieribus
etiam illud idem qu? viros legitimos non habebant. Pauperes
etiam qui mendicando suum victum quasrebant similiter deporta- 25
bunt Reliquos autem secundum eorum consuetudinem nume-
rauit, praecipiens vt vnusquisq; tam paruus quam magnus, &
infans vnius diei, siue pauper siue diues esset, tale tributu

Vrsi aibi. praebcrct : vt scilicet daret vnu pellem albi vrsi, & vnum nigrum

castore, & vnum Zabulum, & vnam nigram pellem cuiusdam 30
animalis quod in terra latibulum habet, cuius nomen nescio in
latinum transferre, sed Tentonice dicitur *illit ; Poloni autem &

Dochon. Rutheni appellant illam Dochon : & vnam nigram pellem vulpinam.
Et quicunque ista non dat, inter Tartaros debet duci, & in eorum
redigi seruitutem. Mitunt etiam pro principibus terrarum, vt ad 35
eos veniant sine mora: & cum venerint, debitum honorem nullum
recipiunt, sed habentur vt aliae viles personae : & oportet vt eis
munera magna praesentent, tam ducibus quim vxoribus eorum, &

* Vel illic.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 67

ofificialibus, millenarijs tS: centenarijs. Imo omnes generaliter, &
ipsi etiam serui ab eis cum magna importunitatc munera qusrunt:
Et non solum ab ipsis, sed etiam i nuncijs eorum cum mittuntur.
Aliquibus etiam inueniunt occasiones vt eos occidant. Sicut de
5 Michaele & alijs actum est. Aliquos vero alliciunt, quos per-
mittunt redire. Aliquos ettam potionibus perimunt vel veneno.
Eorum enim intentio est, vt ipsi soli dominetur in terra. Idcirco
quaerunt occasiones contra nobiles, vt eos occidant. Ab illis vero
quos redire permittunt petunt eorum filios aut fratres, quos vlterius

10 nunquam dimittunt. Sicut factum est de filio leroslai, & de
quodam duce Alanorum, & alijs plurimis. Et si moritur pater vel
frater siue haeres, filium vel fratrem nunquam dimittunt: immo
illius principatum totaliter accipiunt sibi. Sicut de quodam
Solangorum vidimus esse factum. Baschathos suos ponunt in soUngi.

15 terris eorum quos redire permittunt, quibus oportet vt ad nutum ia^rlca"*
tam duces quam alij debeant obedire. Et si homines alicuius quavtunt'ur
ciuitatis vel terrae non faciunt quod volunt, isti Baschathi imponunt
eis, quod sunt Tartaris infideles : & sic ciuitatem illam vel terram
destruunt, & homines qui sunt in ea occidunt, per manum validam

20 Tartarorum, qui ex mandato principis illius cui obedit terra ilia
veniunt eis nescientibus, & subito irruunt super eos : sicut nuper
contigit cum in terra | Tartarorum essemus de quadam ciuitate. [p. 34]
Quod ipsummet de Ruthenis fecerunt in terra Comanorum. Et
non solum princeps Tartarorum qui terram vsurpauit, sed prae-

25 fectus ipsius, & quicunque Tartarus per ciuitatem illam siue terram
transit quasi dominatur eidem, & maxime qui maior est apud eos.
Insuper aurum & argentu, & alia quae volunt & quando libet ad
imperatore vadant Tartarorum ad placitandum. Sicut nuper con-
tigit de duobus filijs regis Georgiae. Vnus enim erat legitimus, &

30 alter de adulterio natus, qui vocabatur Dauid : legitimus autem
Melic vocabatur. Filio adulterae terrae partem relinquebat pater.
Alius vero, qui iunior erat, veniebat cum matre ad Tartarorum
imperatorem, pro eo quod Dauid praedictus ad ipsum iter arripuerat
veniendi. Mater alterius scilicet Melic regina Georgiae, per quam

35 maritus tenebat regnum, quia per fceminas illud regnum tenebatur,
mortua fuit in via. Illi autem cum venerunt dederunt maxima
munera : & maxime legitimus filius, qui repetebat terram quam
reliquerat pater filio suo Dauid, cum non deberet habere, quia
adulterae filius erat. Ille vero respondit : Licet sim filius concu-

40 binae, peto tamen vt fiat mihi iustitia secundum legem Tartarorum,
qui nuUam differentiam faciunt inter filios legitimae & ancillas :
vnde fuit data sententia contra filium legitimum, vt ille Dauidi qui
maior erat subesset, & terram haberet quiete & pacifice, quam

5—2

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

Samogedi
aquilonares.

Mangia.

dederat ei pater: & sic donaria quae dederat, & causam quam
contra fratrem suum Dauid habuerat, amisit. Ab illis etiam
nationibus quas longe sunt ab eis, & coniunctje sunt alijs nationibus
quas aliquo modo timent, quaj non sunt eis subiectie, tributu
accipiunt &: quasi misericorditer agunt cum eis, vt non adducant 5
exercitum super eos, vel etiam vt alij non terreantur, se tradere
eis. Sicut factum est de Obesis siue Georgianis, a quibus quin-
quaginta vel quadraginta millia, vt dictum est, yperperorum siue
Bysantioru accipiunt pro tributo : alias ad hoc in pace esse
permittunt. Tamen, secundum quod intelleximus ab eis, rebellare 10
proponunt.

Terrarum nomina quas vicerunt sunt hoec. Kytai, Naymani,
Solangi, Kara Kytai, siue nigri Kytai, Comania, Tumat, Voyrat,
Caraniti, Huyur, Soboal, Merkiti, Meniti, Baryhryur, Gosmit,
Saraceni, Bisermini, Turcomani, Byleri, magna Bulgaria, Baschare, 15
magna Hungaria, Kergis, Colona, Thorati, Buritabeth, Parossiti,
Sassi, lacobiti, Alani, siue Assi, Obesi siue Georgiani, Nestoriani,
Armeni, Cangiti, Comani Brutachi, qui sunt ludaei, Mordui, Torci,
Gazari, Samogedi, Perses, Thoas, India minor siue .-Kthiopia,
Yrchasi, Rutheni, Baldach, Sarthi : Aliae terrae sunt plures, sed 20
earum nomina ignoramus. Vidimus etiam viros & mulieres fere
de omnibus terris supra nominatis. Heec autem sunt nomina
Terrarum quae eis viriliter restiterunt, nee sunt adhuc subditae eis,
India magna, Mangia ; Quaedam pars Alanorum : Quaedam pars
Kytaorum, Sayi. Quandam enim ciuitatem Sayorum praedictorum 25
obsedederunt & debellare tentauerunt. At ipsi fecerunt machinas
contra machinas eorum, & Tartarorum machinas omnes fregerunt,
nee ciuitati appropinquare poterant ad pugnam contra machinas
& balistas. Tandem vna viam sub terra fecerunt, & prosiluerut in
ciuitate, & alij tentabant incendere ciuitate, alij pugnabant, 30
Homines autem ciuitatis vnam partem populi ad extinguendu
ignem posuerunt, & alia pars fortiter pugnabat cum hijs qui
intrauerunt ciuitatem, & multos occiderunt ex eis, & alios vulnera-
uerunt, copellentes eos ad suos redire. At ipsi videntes quod
nihil possent facere, & multi homines morerentur, recesserunt ab 35
eis. In terra Saracenoru & aliorQ vbi sunt quasi inter eos domini,
accipiQt omnes artifices meliores, & in omnibus operibus suis
ponunt. Alij aute artifices dant eis de opere suo tributum.
Segetes omnes condunt in horreis dominorum : & vnicuique vnum
pondus satis modicum dant in die : nihil aliud nisi ter in septimana 40
modicum quid de camibus eis prebent. Et illi hoc tantum
artificibus faciunt qui in ciuitatibus commorantur. Item quando
dominis placet iuuenes omnes accipiunt, & post se cum omnibus

TJie Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 69

famulis suis ire cogunt : qui de caetero certo sunt numero
TartarorQ, immo potius de numero captiuortl : quia etsi inter
ipsos sunt numerati, non tamen habentur in reuerentia sicut
Tartari ; sed habentur pro seruis, & ad omnia pericula vt alij
5 captiui mittuntur. Ipsi enim in bello sunt primi : Etiam si debet
palus vel aqua periculosa transiri, eos oportet primo vadum
tentare. Ipsos est etiam necesse operari omnia quae sunt facienda.
Ipsi etiam si in aliquo offendunt, vel si non obediunt ad nutum,
vt asini verberantur. Et vt breuiter dicam, modicum quid man-

10 ducant, & etiam modicum bibunt, & pessime induuntur; nisi forte
aliquid possunt lucrari, nisi sunt aurifabri & alij artifices boni.
Sed aliqui tarn malos dominos habent, quod nihil eis dimittunt,
nee habent tempus prae multitudine operum dominorum, vt sibi
aliquid operentur, nisi furentur sibi tempus, quando forsitan

IS debent quiescere vel dormire. Et hoc si vxores vel propriam
stationem permittuntur habere. Alij autem qui tenentur in domo
pro seruis omni miseria sunt repleti. Vidi enim eos ire in bracis
ssepissime, & toto corpore nudos in maximo solis ardore. Et in
hyeme patiuntur maximum frigus. Vidimus etiam aliquos pedicas

20 & digitos manuum de magno frigore perdidisse. Audiuimus etiam
alios esse mortuos, vel etiam de magno algore quasi in omnibus
membris inutiles esse factos.

I Quomodo bello occurratur Tartaris. Cap. 8. [p. 35]

DIcto de terris, quae obediunt eis, supponendum est quomodo
bello occurratur eisdem. Quod videtur nobis hoc modo
dicedum. Primo scribendum est quid intendunt. Secundo de
armis & ordinatione acieru. Tertio quomodo occurratur astutijs
eorum in congressione. Quarto de munitione castrorum & ciui-
tatu. Quinto quid faciendum sit de captiuis eorum. Intentio

30 Tartarorum est subijcere sibi totum mundum si possunt. Et de

hoc Cyngischan habent mandatum, sicut superius dictum est.

Idcirco eorum imperator sic in Uteris suis scribit. Dei fortitude,

Omnium Imperator. Et in superscriptione sigilli sui hoc habet.

Dominus in coelo, & Cuynch Chan super terram. Dei forti-

35 tudo, omnium hominum imperatoris sigillum. Et ideo cum nuUis
hominibus faciunt pacem, vt dictum est, nisi forte se in eorum mani-
bus tradunt. Et quia excepta Christianitate nulla est terra in orbe
quam timent, idcirco se ad pugnam praepararunt contra nos.
Vnde nouerint vniuersi quod nobis existentibus in terra eorum in

40 solenni curia, quae iam ex pluribus annis indicta erat, fuimus, vbi

70 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

elegerunt Cuynch imperatorem in pnesentia nostra, qui in lingua
eorum dicitur Chan. Qui Cuynch Chan pnedictus erexit cum
omnibus principibus vexillum contra ecclesiam dei & Romanum
imperium, & contra omnia regna Christianorum & populos occi-
dentis, nisi forsan facerent ea, quje mandat Domino Papas, & 5
potentibus ac omnibus Christianoru populis Occidentis: quod
nulla ratione faciendum est: tum propter nimiam seruitutem &
intolerabilem, quae est hactenus inaudita, quam vidimus oculis
nostris, in quam redigunt omnes gentes sibi subiectas : tum
propterea quod nulla in eis est fides: nee potest aliqua gens con- 10
fidere in verbis eorum : quia quicquid promittunt non obseruant,
quando vident sibi tempora fauere : & subdoli sunt in omnibus factis
& promissis eoru. Intendunt etiam delere omnes principes, omnes
nobiles, omnes milites de terra, vt superius dictum est: sed hoc
faciunt subdole & artificiose in subditos suos: Tum etiam quia 15
indignum est quod Christiani subdantur eisdem, propter abomina-
tiones eorum, & quia in nihilum redigitur cultus dei, & animse
pereunt, & corpora vltra qua credi possit multitudine affliguntur.
In primo quidem sunt blandi, sed postea vt scorpio cruciant &
affligunt. Tum quia pauciores sunt numero, & corpore debiliores 20
qua populi Christiani. In pnedicta autem curia sunt bellatores &
principes & exercitus assignati. De dece hominibus mittuntur
tres cum familijs eoru, de omni terra potestatis eoru. Vnus exer-
citus debet intrare per Hungariam : secundus per Poloniam.
Veniunt autem pugnaturi continue octodecem annis. Tepus est 25
etiam eis assignatum, In Martio An. Dom. 1247, si de terra sua
mouebunt. Venient autem in tribus vel in quatuor *annis vsq;
ad Comania. De Comania aute insultum facient in terras su-
perius annotatas. Haec omnia firma sunt & vera, nisi Dominus
aliquod impedimentu pro sua gratia faciat eis. Sicut fecit quando 30
venerunt in Hungaria & Polonia. Debebat enim procedere tunc
pro certo triginta annis. Sed interfectus fuit tunc imperator eoru
veneno: & propter hoc quieuerunt ^ prelijs vsq; nunc. Sed
modo, quia positus est imperator de nouo, iterum se de nouo ad
pugnam incipiunt praeparare. Adhoc sciendum est, quod impe- 35
Tmruripro- rator dixit ore suo, quod vellet mittere exercitum in Liuoniam &
uadm Prussiam. Et quoniam omnem terram volunt delere vel in serui-
Prolsia^ tutem redigcre, quae seruitus est intolerabilis nostrae genti, vt
superius dictum est : Occurrendum est igitur eis in bello. Sed si
vna prouincia non vult alteri opem ferre, terra ilia delebitur contra 40
quam pugnant, & cum illis hominibus quos capiunt pugnabunt

* Forte mensibus.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 71

contra aliam terram ; & in acie erunt primi. Si male pugnant occi-
dentur ab eis : Si autem bene, ipsos cum promissis adulationibus
tenent : & etiam vt ab ipsis non fugiant promittunt eis quod facient
eos dominos magnos : & post hoc quando securi esse possunt de
5 ipsis, vt non redeant, faciunt eos infcelicissimos seruos, Ac de
mulieribus quas volunt in concubinas tenere pro seruitijs faciunt
illud idem. Et ita cum hominibus deuictae prouinciae destruunt
aliam terram. Nee est aliqua prouincia quae per se possit resistere
eis: quia de omni terra potestatis eorum, vt dictum est, homines

10 congregant ad bellum. Vnde si Christiani seipsos & sua terram,
& Christianitatem volunt seruare, oportet quod in vnum conue-
niant reges, principes & barones, & terrarum rectores, & mittant
de comuni consilio homines contra eos ad pugna, antequam ipsi
incipiant in terras diffundi. Quoniam postquam incipiunt spargi

15 per terras, vridiq; homines quaerunt, & nullus congrue auxilium
alteri potest prsebere: quoniam ipsi cateruatim vndiq; quaerunt
homines & occidunt. Et si claudunt se in castris, ponunt tria
millia vel quatuor millia hominum contra castrum vel ciuitatem,
qui obsideant eam; & ipsi nihilominus diffunduntur per terras

20 homines occidentes. Quicunq; autem volunt pugnare cum eis,
haec arma debent habere. Arcus bonos & fortes, & balistas, quas
multu timent, & sagittas sufificientes : & bonum dolabru de bono
ferro, & scutu cu longo manubrio. Ferramenta sagittaru de arcu
vel de balista debent, | vt Tartari, quando sunt calida, temperari [p. 36]

25 in aqua cum sale mixta, vt fortia sint ad penetrandum arma Tempera-
eorum. Gladios & etiam lanceas cum vnco, qui valeant ad tra- fem.
hendum eos de sellis : quia de eis facillime cadunt: ac cultellos ac
loricas duplicatas; quia illos eorum sagittae non penetrant: &
galea & arma alia ad protegendum corpus & equum ab armis

30 & sagittis eorum. Et si aliqui non sunt ita bene armati, vt dixi;
debent ire post alios vt faciunt Tartari: & trahere contra eos de
armis & sagittis. Nee debent parcere pecuniae, quoniam comparent
arma, vt possint animas & corpora, libertatem & res alias con-
seruare. Acies debent ordinari, vt ipsi, per millenarios, cente-

35 narios, & decanos & duces exercitus : qui duces nequaquam debent
prjelium intrare, sicut nee duces eorum, sed debent exercitus videre
& ordinare: legemque debent ponere vt simul incedant ad bellum,
siue alias, sicut sunt ordinati. Et quicunque relinquit alium siue
ad bellum procedentem, siue pugnantem, vel quicunque fugerit,

40 nisi omnes comuniter cedant, grauissime puniatur: quia tunc pars
bellantium sequitur fugientes, & sagittis eorum occidunt, & pars
cum hijs qui remanet pugnant, & sic confundutur & occiduntur
remanentes & fugientes. Similiter quicunq; conuersus fuerit ad

tORt.

72 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

prgedam tollendam, antequam omnino sit exercitus contrarioru
deuictus, maxima poena mulctetur. Talis enim apud Tartaros
sine vlla miseratione occiditur. Locus' ad prseliandum est eli-
gendus, si fieri potest vt campus sit planus, & possint vndique
videre: & si possunt habeant syluam magnam a tergo vel a latere, s
ita tamen quod non possunt intrare inter ipsos & syluam : nee
debent simul omnes conuenire in vnum, sed facere acies multas,
& diuersas ab inuicem, nee tamen multum distantes. Et con-
tra illos qui post veniunt debent vnam aciem mittere qui eis
occurrat. Et si Tartari simulant fugam, non multum vadant post 10
eos, nisi forte quantum possunt videre, ne forte ipsos ad paratas
insidias trahant, sicut facere solent : Et alia sit parata ad iuuandum
Specula- aciem illam, si fuerit opportununi. Insuper habeant speculatores
ex omni parte, vt videant quando veniant aliae acies Tartarorum
retro, ^ dextris & h. sinistris: «S: semper debent mittere aciem 15
contra aciem quae eis occurrat. Ipsi enim semper nituntur con-
cludere aduersarios eorum in medio, vnde magnam cautelii debent
habere ne hoc facere possint, quia sic exercitus facillime de-
bellatur. Omnes acies hoc debent cauere, ne diu currant post
eos, propter insidias quas solent praeparare: plus enim fraudulentia 20
qukm fortitudine pugnant. Duces exercitus semper debent esse
parati ad mittendum adiutorium, si necesse est, illis qui sunt in
pugna, & propter hoc etiam debent vitare nimium cursum post
eos: ne forte fatigentur equi eorum; quoniam nostri multitudinem
equorum non habent. Sed Tartari ilium quem equitant vna die, 25
ilium non ascendunt in tribus vel in quatuor diebus post hoc.
Vnde non curant si fatigentur equi eoru propter multitudinem
quam habent. Et si Tartari cedunt, non tamen nostri debent
recedere, vel ^b inuicem separari : quia simulando hoc faciunt, vt
exercitus diuidatur, & post hoc terram libere ingrediantur, & earn 30
destruant. Debent etiam cauere vt non faciant nimias expensas,
vt solent; ne propter penuriam redire compellantur, & dent
Tartans viam, vt ipsos & alios occidant, & destruant omnem
terram; & propter eorum superfluitatem nomen Domini blasphe-
metur. Et hoc debent facere diligenter: vt si contingat aliquos 35
pugnatores recedere, quod alij loco eorum succedant. Duces
etiam nostri debent die nocteque facere exercitum custodiri, ne
repente & subito irruant super ipsos: quia Tartari vt daemones,
multas excogitant iniquitates & artes nocendi: Immo tam de die
quam de nocte semper debent esse parati: sed nee spoliati debent 40
iacere nee deliciose ad mensam sedere, ne imparati inueniantur,
quia Tartari semper vigilant, vt possint nocere. Homines vero
terrse qui Tartaros expectant, vel super se timent venire, occultas

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 73

foueas debent habere, in quibus sagittas, & alia debent reponere,
propter duo: vt videlicet Tartari non possint ea habere; & si
propitius fuerit eis Deus, valeant ea postea inuenire; Eis fugi-
entibus de terra, debent fcenum & stramina comburere, vt equi
5 Tartarorum ad comedendum minus inueniant. Ciuitates autem
& castra si volunt munire, videant prius qualia sint in situ. Situs
enim talis debet esse in castris, quod machinis & sagittis ex-
pugnari no possit; & aqua habeant sufficientem & lignu, & si fieri
potest, quod introitus & exitus eis toUi non possit: & quod

10 habeant homines sufficientes qui possint vicissim pugnare. Et
debent vigilare diligenter ne aliqua astutia possint castrum furari
Expensas ad multos annos debent habere sufificientes : custodiant
tamen diligenter illas, & in mensura manducent, quia nesciunt
quanto tempore eos in castris oportet esse inclusos. Quum enim

15 incipiunt, tunc multis annis obsident vnum castrum. Sic fit Obsidio la.
hodierna die in terra Alanorum de quodam monte, quem, vt
credo, iam obsederunt per duodecem annos; qui viriliter resti-
terunt, & multos Tartaros & nobiles occiderunt. Alia autem
castra & ciuitates, quae talem situm non habent debent fortiter

20 vallari foueis profundis munitis, & muris bene praeparatis; &arcus
& sagittas sufficientes: & lapides ac fundas debent habere, Et
debent diligenter cauere, quod non permittant Tartaros ponere
machinas suas; & suis machinis debent eos repellere. Et si forte
aliquo ingenio vel arte erigunt | Tartari machinas suas, debent eas [p- 37]

25 destruere machinis suis si possunt. Balistis etiam, fundis &
machinis debent resistere ne ciuitati appropinquent. Alias etiam
debent esse parati, vt superius dictum est. De castris & ciuita-
tibus, quae sunt in fluminibus positae, diligenter debent videre ne
possint submergi. Sed ad hoc sciendu est, quod Tartari plus

30 diligunt, quod homines claudant se in ciuitatibus, quam quod
pugnent cia eis in campo. Dicunt enim eos esse suos porcellos in
hara conclusos. Vnde ponunt eis custodes, vt supradictu est.
Si aute aliqui Tartari de equis suis in bello proijciuntur, statim
sunt capiendi: quia cum sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, & equos &

35 homines vulnerant & occidunt. Et si seruantur tales, potest esse,
quod habeatur pro eis pax perpetua, aut pecunia magna redi-
mantur: quonia se adinuicem satis diligunt. Sed quomodo Tar-
tari cognoscantur, superius dictum est vbi forma eorum fuit
expressa. Tamen quando capiuntur, si debent seruari, ne fugiant

40 diligens est custodia adhibenda. Sunt etia aliae multe gentes cu
eis, quas per forma superius annotata possunt ab ipsis cognosci.
Est etiam hoc sciendum, quod multi in exercitu eorum sunt, qui
si viderent tempus, & haberet fiduciam, quod nostri non occi-

74 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, TJie Tartars.

derent eos, ex omni parte exercitus, sicut ipsimet nobis dixerunt,
pugnarent cu eis, «S: plura mala facerent ipsis, qu^m alij, qui sunt
eorum aduersarij manifesti.

He long and wonderful voyage of Frier lohn de Piano
Carpini, sent ambassadour by Pope Innocentius the iiii. An. 5
Do. 1246. to the great CAN of Tartaria; wherin he passed
through Bohemia, Polonia, Russia, and so to the citie of
Kiow vpon Boristhenes, and from thence rode continually
post for the space of sixe moneths through Comania, ouer
the mighty and famous riuers of Tanais, Volga, and laic, & 10
through the countries of the people called Kangittae, Biser-
mini, Kara-Kitay, Naimani, & so to the natiue countrie of the
Mongals or Tartars, situate in the extreme Northeasteme
partes of all Asia : and thence backe againe the same way to
Russia, and Polonia, and so to Rome ; spending in the whole 15
voyage among the sayd Tartars one whole yeere & aboue
foure moneths : Taken out of the 32. booke of Vincentius
Beluacensis his Speculum historiale.

LIBRI XXXII.

De prima missione Fratrum Pradicatorum & Mi- 20
norum ad Tartaros. Cap. 2,

,0c etiam tepore misit Innocentius IIII. Papa Fr.

'AMeiinns. ^ fe^^f^ K Ascelinu de ordine Praedicatoru cQ tribus alijs
Fratribus, auctoritate, qua fungebantur, de diuersis
ordinis sui conuentibus sibi associatis, cum Uteris 25
Apostolicis ad exercitQ TartarorCi, in quibus horta-
batur eos, vt ab hominQ strage desisterent, & fidei
veritate reciperent. Et ego quide ab vno Fratrum

Simon San- PraedicatorO, videlicet a Fr. Simone de S. Quintino, iam ab illo

qutntintanus. . . ,^ . ... ,

itmere regresso, gesta 1 artarorQ accepi, ilia duntaxat, quae supenus 30
per diuersa loca iuxta congruentia temporQ huic operi inserui.
Siquide & eo tempore quida Frater ordinis MinorQ, videlicet Fr.
loannesde lohanncs de Piano carpini, cum quibusdam alijs missus fuit ad

Piano Car- ...

pini. Tartaros, qui etiam, vt ipse testatur, per annum & quatuor menses

& amplius cum eis mansit, & inter eos ambulauit. A summo 35
namq; Pontifice mandatQ, vt omnia, quae apud eos erant, dili-

* Vide MechouiQ lib. i. cap. 5.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, etc. 75

Renter scrutaretur, acceperat, tam ipse, quam Fr. Benedictus Benedicws

° , . , , . . ^ . ..^ , . ^. . „ . Polonus.

Polonus eiusdem ordinis, qui suae tribulationis particeps & socius
erat. Et hie ergo Fr. loannes de his, quae apud Tartaros vel
oculis proprijs vidit, vel a Christianis fide dignis, qui inter illos
5 captiui erant, audiuit, libellum historialem conscripsit, qui & ipse i-j^eiius
ad manus nostras peruenit. De quo etiam hie quasi per epilogum loannis de
inserere libet aliqua, videlicet ad supplementum eorum, quse desunt Carpini.
in prsedicta Fr. Simonis historia.

De situ (2f qualitate terrce Tartarorum. Cap.
Johannes de Piano Carpini.

St in partibus Onentis terra, quae Mongal siue Tartana Tartan*

,. . . ... . . y-w . . •, . descnptio.

dicitur, in ea scilicet parte sita, in qua Oriens Aquiloni
coniungi creditur. Ab Oriente quidem habet terram Kythaorum
& etiam Solangorum, a meridie ver6 terra Sarracenorum. Inter

15 * Oriente & meridiem terram Huynorum, & ab Occidente pro-
uinciam Naymanorum, ab Aquilone ver6 circundatur Oceano.
In parte aliqua nimium est montuosa, & in aliqua campestris, sed
tota fere admixta glarea plurimum arenosa, nee est in centesima
parte fructuosa. Nee enim potest fructum portare, nisi aquis

20 fluuialibus irrigetur, que ibi sunt rarissime. Vnde nee ville nee

alique ciuitates ibide reperiuntur, | excepta vna, quae Cracurim [p. 38]
appellatur, & satis bona esse dicitur. Nos quidem illam non
vidimus, sed ad dimidiam dietam prope fuimus, cfim apud Syram Syraorda.
ordam, quae curia maior Imperatoris eorum est, essemus. Licet

25 autem alias infructifera sit ilia terra, tamen alendis pecoribus est
apta. In aliqua eius parte sunt alique syluae modicae, alia ver6
sine lignis est omnin6. Itaque tam Imperator quam Principes, &
omnes alij sedent, & cibaria sua decoquunt ad focum, de boum
& equorum stercoribus factum. Ipse quoq; aer inordinatus est Aerisin-

30 ibidem mirabiliter. In media siquidem aestate ibi tonitrua magna '^""p*"**'
& fulgura fiunt, ex quibus plurimi occiduntur homines, & eodem
quoq; tempore cadunt ibidem maxime niues. Sunt & ibi vento-
rum frigidissimorum tam maximg tempestates, qu6d aliquando vix
possunt equitare homines. Vnde cum ante ordam essemus (sic Ordaquid.

35 enim apud eos stationes Imperatoris & Principum appellantur)
prae venti magnitudine in terra prostrati iacebamus, & videre
propter pulueris magnitudine minime poteramus. Nunquam ibi
pluit in hyeme, sed frequenter in aestate, & tam modicum, vt

* Vel Occidentem.

76 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, T/ie Tartars.

vix posset aliquando puluerem & radicem graminum madefacere.
Ibi quoq; maxima grando cadit saepe. Vnde cfim Imperator
electus in sede regni debuit poni, nobis in curia tunc existentibus,
tanta cecidit grando, quod ex subita resolutione plusquam CLX.
homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res etiam & habi- s
tacula plura fuerunt deducta. Ibi etiam est in aestate subit6 calor
magnus, & repente maximum frigus.

De forma dr* habitu & victu eorunt. Cap. 4.

Tartoronira TV If Ongalorum autem siue Tartarorum forma ab omnibus alijs

species. J Y J^ hominibus est remota. Inter oculos enim, & inter genas, 10
lati sunt plus cateris, genae quoq; satis prominent k maxillis.
Nasum habent planum & modicum, oculos etiam paruos, & palpe-
bras vsqj ad supercilia eleuatas, ac super verticem in modum

Tonsura. Clcricorum coronas. Ex vtraq; parte frontis tondendo, plus-
quam in medio crines longos faciunt, reliquos autem sicut mulieres 15
crescere permittunt De quibus duas cordas faciunt, & vnam-

Habita<(. quamq; post aurem ligant. Pedes quoq; modicos habent. Vestes
tarn virorum qu^m mulierum vno modo formatae sunt. Pallijs
vel cappis vel caputijs non vtuntur. Tunicas ver6 miro modo
formatas portant de buccaramo, vel purpurato, vel baldaquino. 20
Pellicium habet pilos exterius, sed apertum est b. posterioribus.

Vesten retro Habet tamcn caudulam vnam vsq; ad genua retr6. Vestes suas
non lauant, nee lauan permittunt, & maxime a tempore, quo

TabemacuU. tonitrua incipiunt, vsquequo desinat illud tempus. Stationes

habent rotundas in modum tentorij de virgulis & baculis sub- 25
tilibus pneparatas. Supra vero in medio rotundam habent fe-
nestram, vnde ingrediatur lumen, & fumus exire possit : quia
semper in medio faciunt ignem: parietes autem & tecta filtro sunt
operta. Ostia quoq; de filtro sunt facta. Harum qugdam subit6
soluuntur, & reparantur, & super summaries deferuntur: quaedam 30
ver6 dissolui non possunt sed in curribus portantur, Et quocunq;
siue ad bellum siue alias vadunt, semper illas secum deferunt.

Ope» in In animalibus valde diuites sunt, vt in Camelis & bobus, capris &

'^*'°'^'' ouibus. lumenta & equos habent in tanta multitudine, quan-

tam non credimus totum mundi residuum habere. Porcos aute 35
& alias bestias non habent. Imperator ac Duces atq; alij mag-

Victufc nates in auro & argento ac serico & gemmis abundant. Cibi
eortt sunt omnia, quae mandi possunt. Vidimus eos etia man-
ducare pediculos. Lac bibQt animaliQ, & in maxima quantitate,
si habent, iumentinQ. Porro in hyeme, quia nisi diuites sint, lac 40

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC.

iumentinfl non habent, millium cum aqua decoquunt, quod tarn
tenue faciunt, vt illud bibere valeant. Vnde quilibet eorQ scy-
phum bibit vnO vel duos in mane, & quandoq; nihil amplius
manducant in die. In sero autem vnicuiq; datur de camibus
5 modicfi, & bibunt ex eis brodium. Porr6 in aestate quando satis
habent de lacte iumentino, carnes comedunt rar6, nisi forte done-
tur eisde, aut venatione bestia aliquam ceperint vel auem.

De moribus eorum bonis (2f malis. Cap. 5.

HAbent autem mores quosdam quidem commendabiles, &: ir^Oapxio.
quosdam detestabiles. Magis quippe sunt obedientes
Dominis suis, quam aliqui qui in mundo sint homines, siue reli-
giosi siue seculares. Nam eos maxime reuerentur, nee illis de
facili mentiuntur verbis factisue: rar6 vel nunquam ad inuicem
contendunt, bellaq; vel rixse, vulnera vel homicidia nunquam inter

15 eos contingunt. Predones etiam ac fures rerum magnarQ ibi ne- Abstinentia.
quaqua inueniuntur, ideoq; stationes & currus eoru, vbi thesauros
habent, seris aut vectibus non firmantur. Si aliqua bestia perdita
fuerit, quicunq; inuenit eam vel dimittit, vel ad illos, qui ad
hoc positi sunt, eam ducit. Apud quos ille, cuius est bestia, illam

20 requirit, &absq; vUa difficultate recipit. Vnus alium satis honorat,
& familiaritate ac cibaria, quamuis apud eos sint pauca, liberaliter
satis communicat. Satis etia sunt sufferentes, nee cum ieiunauerint
vno die, vel duobus, omnin6 sine cibo, videntur | impatientes, sed
cantant & ludunt, ac si bene comedissent. In equitando multum

25 sustinent frigus, calorem quoq; nimium patiuntur. Inter eos
quasi nulla placita sunt, «& quamuis multum inebrientur, tamen in
ebrietate sua nunquam contendunt. Nullus alium spernit, sed
iuuat & promouet, quantum congrue potest. Castas sunt eorum Castitas.
mulieres, nee aliquid inter eos auditur de ipsarum impudicitia.

30 Qusedam tamen ex ijs verba turpia satis habent & impudica. Porr6
erga caeteros homines ijdem Tartari superbissimi sunt, omnesq;
nobiles & ignobiles quasi pro nihilo reputantes despiciunt. Vnde
vidimus in curia Imperatoris magnum Russie ducem, & filium regis
Georgianorum, ac Soldanos multos & magnos nullum honorem

35 debitum recipere apud eos. Quinetiam Tartari eisdem assignati,
quantumcunq; viles essent illos antecedebant, semperq; primum
locum & summum tenebant, im6 etiam saepe oportebat illos post
eoru posteriora sedere. Prseterea iracundi sunt, & indignantis iracundia.
naturae multum erga caeteros homines, & vltra modum erga

40 eosdem meridaces. In principio quide blandi sunt, sed post-

Comitas.

Temperan-
tia.

[p. 39]

Insolentia

aduersus

exteros.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

Frauduien- modum vt Scorpioncs pungunt. Subdoli enim & fraudulenti sunt,
& omnes homines si possunt astutia circumueniunt. Quicquid
mali volunt eis facere, miro modo occultant, vt sibi non possint

Sordes. prouidcre, vel contra eorum astutias remedium inuenire. Im-

Temuientia. mundi quoq; sunt in cibo & potu sumendis, & in ceteris factis 5
suis. Ebrietas apud illos est honorabilis: cumq; multum aliquis
biberit, ibidemq; reijcit, non ideo cessat, quin iterum bibat.
Ad petendum maximi sunt exactores, tenacissimi retentores, par-

awpoAoKio. cissimi donatores. Aliorum hominum occisio apud illos est pro

nihilo. ic

Pcena
adulterij.

Furti.

Arcani
euulgati.

Leges matri'
moniorum.

* Andreas
Dux Ruiisi;.

De legibus <2f consueiudinibus eorum. Cap. 6.

HOc autem habent in lege siue consuetudine, vt occidant viros
& mulieres, si quando inueniantur in adulterio manifest^.
Similiter etiam virginem, si fornicata fuerit cum aliquo, occidunt
earn cum eo. Prseterea si aliquis in praeda vel furto manifesto 15
inuenitur, sine vlla miseratione occiditur. Item si quis denudauit
consilia, maximi quando volunt ad bellum procedere, dantur ei
super posteriora centum plagje, quanto maiores vnus rusticus cum
magno baculo potest dare. Similiter clim aliqui de minoribus
offendunt in aliquo, non eis i maioribus suis parcitur, sed ver- 20
beribus grauiter affliguntur. Matrimonio autem generaliter con-
iunguntur omnibus, etiam propinquis came, excepta matre & filia
& sorore ex eadem matre. Nam sororem tantiim ex patre, &
vxorem quoq; patris, post eius mortem solent ducere. Vxore
etiam fratris alius frater iunior, post eius mortem, vel alius de 25
parentela, tenetur ducere. Vnde dum adhuc essemus in terra.
Dux quidam Russiae, Andreas nomine, apud Baty, qu6d equos
Tartarorum de terra educeret, & alijs venderet, accusatus est :
quod licet non esset probatum, occisus est. Hoc audiens iunior
frater, & vxor occisi, pariter venerunt ad praefatum Ducem, 30
supplicare volentes, ne terra auferretur eisdem. At ille paruo
praecepit, vt fratris defuncti duceret vxorem, mulieri quoq; vt ilium
in virum duceret, secundum Tartarorum consuetudine. Quae
respondit, se potius occidi velle, qu^m sic contra legem facere.
At ille nihilominus earn illi tradidit quamuis ambo renuerent, 35
quantum possent. Itaq; ducentes eos in lectum, clamantem
puerum & plorante super illam posuerunt, ipsosq; commisceri .
pariter coegerunt. Deniq; post mortem maritorum, vxores Tar-
tarorum non de facili solent ad secunda coniugia transire, nisi

Vide Herbersteinium de rebus Moschoui. pug. 8. b.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 79

forte quis velit sororiam aut nouercam suam ducere. Nulla ver6
differentia est apud eos inter filiil vxoris & concubinae, sed dat
pater quod vult vnicuiq;. Itaq; si sunt etiam ex Ducum genera,
ita fit Dux filius concubinas, sicut filius vxoris legitimae. Vnde
5 c^m rex Georgiae duos filios nuper, vnum scilicet nomine Melich Meiich &
legitimum, alterum verb Dauid ex adulterio natum haberet, g^x^^^
moriensq; terrae partem adulteras filio reliquisset, Melich, cui
etiam ex parte matris regnum obuenerat, quia per foeminas tene-
batur, perrexit ad Imperatorem Tartarorum, eo qu6d & Dauid iter

10 arripuerat ad ilium. Ambobus igitur ad curiam venientibus,
datisq; maximis muneribus, petebat adulter^e filius, vt fieret ei
iustitia secundum morem Tartarorum. Dataq; est sententia
contra Melich, vt Dauid, qui maior erat natu, subesset, ac terra ^
patre sibi concessam quiete ac pacifice possideret. Cumq; Tar-

15 tarorum vnus habet vxorum multitudinem, vnaquaeq; per se suam ToAvyofn'o.
habet familiam & stationem. Et vna die Tartarus comedit & bibit
& dormit cum vna, altera die cum alia. Vna tamen inter caeteras
maior habetur, cum qua fi-equentius qua cum alijs commoratur.
Et licet, vt dictum est, sint multae, nunquam tamen de facili con-

20 tendunt inter se.

De superstitiosis traditionibus ipsorum. Cap. 7.

QVibusdam ver6 traditionibus indifferentia queda esse peccata eeexoflpij-
dicunt, quas vel ipsi vel antecessores eorum confinxerunt.
Vnum est, cultellum in ignem figere, vel quocunq; modo ignem

25 cultello tangere, vel etiam de caldaria cum cultello carnes ex-

trahere, vel cum securi ] iuxta ignem incidere. Credunt enim, qu6d [p. 40]
sic auferri debeat caput igni. Aliud est appodiare se ad flagellum,
quo percutitur equus : ipsi enim non vtuntur calcaribus. Item
flagello sagittas tangere, iunenes aues capere vel occidere, cum

30 fi-fno equum percutere, os cum osse alio frangere. Itemq; lac,
vel aliquem potum aut cibum super terram effundere, in statione
mingere. Quod si voluntarie facit, occiditur, si autem aliter,
oportet quod pecuniam multa incantatori soluat, k quo purificetur.
Qui etiam faciat, vt statio cum omnibus, quae in ipsa sunt, inter

35 duos ignes transeat. Antequam sic purificetur, nullus audet
intrare, nee aliquid de ilia exportare. Praeterea si alicui morsellus
imponitur, quem deglutire non possit, & ilium de ore suo eijcit,
foramen sub statione fit, per quod extrahitur, ac sine vUa misera-
tione occiditur. Iterum si quis calcat super limen stationis Ducis

40 alicuius, interficitur. Multa etiam habent his similia, quae repu- ieeonj?.

8o THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

tant peccata. At homines occidere, aliorum terras inuadere, ac
res illorum diripere, & contra Dei pnecepta vel prohibitiones
facere, nullum apud eos est peccatum. De vita astema & damna-
tione perpetua nihil sciunt. Credunt tamen, qu6d post mortem in
alio seculo viuant, gregesque multiplicent, comedant (S: bibant, ^' 5

Cuitushnue. csetera faciant, quae hie \ viuentibus fiunt. In principio lunationis
vel in plenilunio incipiunt, quicquid noui agere volant, ipsam^;
Lunam Imperatorem magnum appellant, eamq; deprecantes
genua flectunt. Omnes, qui morantur in stationibus suis, oportet

Lustnttionis per ignem purificari. Quas scilicet purificatio fit hoc modo. Duos 10
quidem ignes faciunt, & duas hastas iuxta eos, vnamq; cordam in
summitate hastarum ponunt. Ligantq; super cordam illam quas-
dam de Bucaramo scissiones, sub {]ua scilicet corda & ligaturis
inter illos ignes transeunt homines, ac bestiae ac stationes. Sunt
etiam duae mulieres, vna hinc, & alia inde aquam proijcientes, ac 15
quaedam carmina recitantes. Caeterum si aliquis \ fulgure occiditur,
oportet praedicto modo per ignes transire omnes illos, qui in illis
stationibus morantur. Static siquidem ac lectus & currus, filtra
& vestes, & quicquid talium habent, \ nullo tanguntur, sed ab
hominibus tanquam immunda respuuntur. Et vt breuiter dicam, 20

ignb ^ omnia purificari credunt per ignem. Vnde quando veniunt ad eos
nuncij, vel Principes, aut qualescunq; personae, oportet ipsos &
munera sua per duos ignes, vt purificentur, transire, ne fort^
veneficia fecerint, aut venenum seu aliquid mali attulerint.

De initio imperij sine Principatus eorum. Cap. 8. 25

Tartarisc 'HT^Erra quidcm ilia Orientalis, de qua dictum est suprh, quae

'*°'*" J. Mongal nominatur, quatuor quondam habuisse populos

memoratur. Vnus eorum Yeka Mongal, id est, magni Mongali

vocabantur. Secundus Sumongal, id est, aquatici Mongali, qui

seipsos appellabant Tartaros, a quodam fluuio per eorum terram 30

currente, qui Tartar nominatur. Tertius appellabatur Merkat.

Quartus verb Metrit. Omnes vnam personarum formam & vnam

linguam habebant hi populi, quamuis inter se per Principes ac

Chiiigisortus prouincias essent diuisi. In terra Yeka Mongal quidam fuit, qui

res gesuc. yQ^^jj^^y^ Chingis. Iste coepit robustus venator esse : didicit 35

enim homines furari, & praedam capere. Ad alias terras ibat, &

quoscunque poterat, captiuabat, sibiq; associabat. Homines quo-

que suae gentis inclinauit ad se, qui tanquam Ducem sequebantur

ipsum ad male agendum. Coepit autem pugnare cum Sumongal,

siue cum Tartaris, & Ducem eorum interfecit, multoq; bello sibi 40

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 8l

Tartaros omnes subiecit, & in seruitutem redegit. Post h§c cum
istis omnibus contra Merkatas, iuxta terram positos Tartarorum
pugnauit, quos etiam bello sibi subiecit. Inde procedens contra
Metritas pugna exercuit, & illos etiam obtinuit. Audientes Nay- * Naymani.
5 mani, quod Chingis taliter eleuatus esset, indignati sunt. Ipsi
enim habuerant Imperatorem strenuum valde, cui dabant tributum
cuncte nationes przedictse. Qui ciim esset mortuus, filij eius
successerunt loco ipsius. Sed quia iuuenes ac stulti erant, populum Fratres
tenere nesciebant, sed ad inuicem diuisi ac scissi erant. Vnde oppressiT"*

lo Chingi prgedicto modo iam exaltato, nihilominus in terras prae-
dictas faciebant insultum, & habitatores occidebant, ac diripiebant
praedam eorum. Quod audiens Chingis, omnes sibi subiectos
congregauit. Naymani & Karakytay ex aduerso similiter in
quandam vallem strictam conuenerunt, & commissum est praelium,

15 in quo Naymani & Karakytay a Mongalis deuicti sunt. Qui etiam
pro maiori parte occisi fuerunt, & alij, qui euadere non potuerunt,
in seruitutem redacti sunt. In terra praedictoru Karakytaorum
Occoday Cham, filius Chingischam, postqua imperator fuit positus, Occoday
quanda ciuitatem gedificauit, qua Chanyl appellauit. Prope quam ^^'"'

20 ad Meridiem est quodda desertum magnu, in quo pro certo

syluestres homines habitare dicuntur, qui nullatenus loquuntur. Homines
nee iuncturas in cruribus habent, & si quando cadunt, per se ^^ """"**•
surgere non valent. Sed tamen discretionem tantam habent,
quod filtra de lana Camelorum, quibus vestiuntur, faciunt & contra

25 ventum ponunt. Et si quando Tartari pergentes ad eos vulnerant
eos sagittis, gramina in vulneribus ponunt, & fortiter ante ipsos
fugiunt.

De mutua victoria ipsorum & Kythaorum. Cap. 9. [p. 41]

MOngali autem in terram suam reuertentes, se contra tKythaos Tartarorum
ad praelium parauerunt, & castra mouentes, eorum terram ciades.
intrauerunt. Quod audiens eorum Imperator, venit cum exercitu
suo contra illos, & commissum est prglium duru, in quo Mongali
sunt deuicti, omnesq; nobiles eorum, qui erant in exercitu, praeter
septem occis: sunt. Vnde cum illis volentibus aliquam impugnare
35 regions, minatur aliquis stragem, adhuc respondent : Olim etiam
occisi non nisi septem remansimus, & tamen rnodo creuimus in
multitudinem magnam, ideoq; non terremur de talibus. Chingis
autem & alij, qui remanserunt, in terram suam fugerunt. Cumq;

* Infra cap. 2 5. f Haythono &" Paulo Veneto sunt Cathay.

H. 6

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

Noiue

Litene.

Argentum
loco lapidum
in hostem
proiectum.

Cbingb

calutatur

Impermtor.

Cathayno-
rum litene
& religio.

Opifidorum

quieuisset aliquantulum, praeparauit se rursus ad praelium, &
processit contra terram Huyrorum. Isti sunt homines Christiani
de secta Nestorianorum. Et hos etiani Mongali deuicerunt, eorumq;
literam acceperunt ; prius enim scripturam non habebant, nunc
autem eandem Mongalorum literam appellant. Inde contra 5
terram Saruyur, & contra terram Karanitarum, & contra terram
Hudirat processit, quos omnes hello deuicit. Inde in terram suam
redijt, & aliquantulum quieuit. Deinde conuocatis omnibus
hominibus suis, contra Kythaos pariter processerunt, diu^; contra
illos pugnantes, magnam partem terne illorum vicerunt, eorumt\; 10
Imperatorem in ciuitatem suam maiorem concluserunt. Quam
& tarn longo tempore obsederunt, quod exercitus expensie omninb
defecerunt. Cumq; iam quod manducarent, penitus non haherent,
precipit Chingischam suis, vt de dece hominibus vnQ ad mandu-
candum darent Illi ver6 de ciuitate machinis & sagittis viriliter 15
contra istos pugnabat, & cCim deficerent lapides, argentd & maxime
liquefactum proijciebant. Ciuitas siquide ilia multis erat diuitijs
plena. Cumq; diu Mongali pugnassent, & eam hello vincere non
possent, vnam magna sub terra viam ah exercitu vsq; ad medifl
ciuitatis fecerunt, & prosilientes in medici eius, contra ciues 20
pugnauerunt. Illi quoque, qui extra remanserant, eodem modo
contra illos pugnabant. Deniq; concidentes portas ciuitatis in-
trauenint, & imperatorem cum plurihus occidentes vrbem pos-
sederunt, aurumq; & argentum, & omnes eius diuitias abstulerunt.
Et ciim illi terrg suos homines praefecissent, in terra propriam 25
reuersi sunt. Tunc primum Imperatore Kythaorum deuicto,
factus est Chingischam imperator. Quandam tamen parte illius
terne, quia posita erat in mari, nuUatenus deuicerunt vsq; hodie.
Sunt autem Kytai homines pagani, habentes literam specialem, &
etiam, vt dicitur, veteris & noui Testamenti scripturam. Habent 30
etiam vitas patrQ & eremitas & domos, in quibus orant temporibus
suis, ad modum Ecclesiarum factas. Quosdam etiam sanctos
habere se dicunt, & vnum Deum colunt. Christum Iesvm
Dominum venerantur, & credunt vita aeternam, sed non baptizantur.
Scripturam nostram honorant ac reuerentur. Christianos diligunt, 35
& eleemosynas plures faciunt, homines benigni satis & humani
videntur. Barbam non habent, & in dispositione faciei cum
Mongalis in parte concordant. Meliores attifices in mundo non
inueniuntur in omnibus operibus, in quibus homines exercentur.
Terra eorum est opulenta nimis in frumento & vino, auro & serico 40
ac rebus caeteris.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 83

De pugna ipsorum contra Indiam minorem
& maiorem. Cap. 10.

CVm autem Mongali cum Imperatore suo Chingischam post
prgfatam victoria aliquantulum quieuissent, exercitus suos
5 diuiserunt. Imperator siquidetn vnum de filijs suis nomine Thosut, ThossutCan,
quern etiam Can, id est, Imperatore appellabant, cum exercitu ^^""k***"-
contra Comanos misit, quos ille multo bello deuicit, & postmodum
in terram suam redijt. Alium verb filiu cum exercitu contra
Indos misit, qui & minorem Indiam subiecit. Hi sunt nigri India minor

10 Sarraceni, qui -^thipes sunt vocati. Hie autem exercitus ad '*'*"*'*•
pugnam contra Christianos, qui sunt in India maiori, processit.
Quod audiens Rex illius terrae, qui vulgb * Presbyter lohannes Regis
appellatur, contra illos venit exercitu congregato. Et faciens \nA^^
imagines cupreas hominum, vnamquanq; posuit in sella super "'^'^^f*"**-

15 equum. Posuit & interius ignem, & hominem cum folle super
equum post imaginem. Itaq; cum multis equis & imaginibus,
taliter praeparatis, ad pugnam contra Mongalos seu Tartaros
processerunt. Et cum ad locum praelij peruenissent, equos istos
vnum iuxta alium premiserunt. Viri autem, qui erant retro, nescio

20 quid super ignem, qui erat intra imagines, posuerunt, & cum
follibus fortiter sufflauerunt. Vnde factum est, vt ex Graeco igne
homines & equi comburerentur, & etiam aer ex fumo denigraretur.
Tumque super Tartaros sagittas iecerunt Indi, ex quibus multi
vulnerati fuerunt & interfecti. Sfcq; eiecerunt illos cum magna Victoria.

25 confusione de suis finibus, nee vnquam, quod ad ipsos vltra
redierint audiuimus.

I Qualiter ab hominibus caninis repulsi, Buri- [p. 42]
thabethinos vicerunt. Cap. 11.

CVm autem per deserta redirent, in quandam terram venerunt,
in qua, sicut nobis apud Imperatoris curiam per clericos
Ruthenos, & alios, qui diu fuerant inter ipsos, firmiter asserendo
referebatur, monstra quaedam, imaginem foemineam habentia, Demonstro-

. . , . sis mulieri-

repererunt. Quas cum per multos mterpretes mterrogassent, vbi bus&canibus
viri terrae illius essent, responderunt, quod in ilia terra quaecunq; ^a°rrati^.^
35 fceming nascebatur, habebant forma humanam, masculi vero specie

* Vide scolion in lib. i. cap. i\. M. Pauli Veneti.

6—2

84 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

caninam. Dumq; morani in terra ilia protraherent, * Canes in alia
fluuij parte conuenerunt. Et cCim esset hyems asperrima omnes
se in aquam proiecerunt. Post haec incontinenti sponte in
puluere voluebantur, sicq; puluis admixtus aque super eos con-
gelabatur, & vt ita pluries fecerunt, glacie super eos depressata, 5
cum impetu magno contra Tartaros ad pugnam conuenerunt. At
verb cum illi sagittas suf)er eos iaciebant, ac si super lapides
sagittassent, retr6 sagittae redibant. Alia quoq; arma eoril in nullo
eos laedere poterant Ipsi verb Canes insultum in Tartaros
facientes, morsibus vulnerauerunt multos, & occiderunt, sicq; illos 10
de suis finibus eiecerunt. Vnde adhuc inter illos est prouerbium
de hoc facto, quod dicunt ad inuicem ridendo : Pater meus vel
frater meus \ Canibus fuit occisus. Mulieres auteni illorQ, quas
ceperant, ad terra sua duxerunt, & vsq; ad die mortis eorQ ibide
fuerunt. Cum aute exercitus ille Mongalorum rediret, venit ad 15
Burithabeth terram Burithabeth, cuius habitatores pagani sunt, & hos Tartari

regio. . . . r o i

lacoUram bello viceruHt Hi consuetudmem habent mirabileni, imb potius
'"***^ miserabilem. Cbm enim alicuius pater humana; naturje soluit

debitum, congregant omne parentelam, & comedunt eum. Hi
pilos in barba non habent, imb ferrum quoddam in manibus, sicut 20
vidimus, portant, cum quo semper barbam, si forte crinis aliquis in
ea crescit, depilant. Multum etiam deformes sunt. Inde verb
ille Tartarorum exercitus in terram suam est reuersus.

Qualiter 4 montibus Caspijs, & ab hominibus

subterraneis repuisi sunt. Cap. 12. 25

AiiaChingii /'^^ Hingischam etia illo tepore, quo dimisit alios exercitus contra
expedmo. ^^^ Oriente, per terram Kergis cum expeditione perrexit, quos
tamen tunc bello non vicit, & vt nobis dicebatur, ibide vsq; ad
montes Caspios peruenit. At illi montes in ea parte, ad quam
applicauerunt, de lapide Adamantino sunt : idebq; sagittas & 30
arma ferrea illoru ad se traxerunt. Homines aute inter Caspios
montes conclusi clamorem exercitus, vt creditur, audientes, montem
frangere coeperunt, & cum alio tempore post decem annos redirent
Tartari, montem confractum inuenerunt. Cumq; ad illos accedere
attentassent, minime potuerunt : quia nubes quedam erat posita 35
ante ipsos, vltra quam ire nullatenus poterant. t Omninb quippe
visum amittebant, statim vt ad illam perueniebant Illi autem ex

* Forsan autem videri allegorica allusio |x>ssit ad Canibales de quibus Petnis
Martyr Mediolan. de rebus Oceanicis.
+ Vide an Hamsem regionem dicat: de qua Haythonus cap. 10.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 85

aduerso credentes, qubd Tartari ad illos accedere formidarent, in-
sultum contra eos fecerunt, sed statim vt peruenerunt ad nubem
propter causam praedictam, procedere non potuerunt. Ac verb
antequam ad montes praedictos peruenirent Tartari, plusquam per
5 mensem per vastam solitudinem transierunt, & inde procedentes
adhuc contra Orientem, plusqukm per mensem per magnum
desertum perrexerunt. Itaq; peruenerunt ad quandam terram, in
qua vias quidem tritas videbant, sed neminem inuenire poterant.
Tandem querentes, vnu hominem cum vxore sua repererunt, quos

10 in presentiam Chingischam adduxerunt. Qui cum interrogasset
illos, vbi homines illius terras essent, responderunt, quod in terra
sub montibus habitarent. Tunc Chingischam retenta vxore, misit Trogiodytae.
ad eos virum ilium, mandans illis, vt venirent ad ipsius mandatum.
Qui pergens ad illos, omnia narrauit, quae Chingischam eis man-

15 dauit. Illi verb respondentes dixerunt, quod die tali venirent ad
ipsum, vt facerent eius mandatum. Ac ipsi medio tempore per
vias occultas sub terra se congregantes, ad pugnam contra illos
venerunt, & subitb super eos irruentes, plurimos occiderunt.
Solis quoque sonitus in ortu suo sustinere non poterant, imb Fabuiosus

Solis orientis

20 temp>ore, quo oriebatur, oportebat eos vnam aurem ad terram sonitus.
ponere, & superiorem fortiter obturare, ne sonum ilium terribilem
audirent. Nee sic tamen cauere poterant, quin hac de causa
plurimi ex eis interirent. Videns ergo Chingischam & sui, qubd
nihil proficerent, sed potius homines suos perderent, fugerunt, ac

25 terra ilia exierunt. Ilium tamen virum cum vxore sua secum
deduxerunt, qui etiam vsque ad mortem in terra eorum fuerunt.
Interrogati verb, cur in regione sua sub terra soleant habitare,
dixerunt, qubd ibi quodam tempore anni, cum oritur Sol, tantus
fit sonitus, vt homines nulla ratione valeant sustinere. Quin "

30 etiam tunc in organis & tympanis caeterisque musicis instrumentis
percutere solent, vt sonitum ilium non audiant.

I De statutis Chingischam, et morte ipsius, et filijs [p. 43]
ac Ducibus. Cap. 13.

CVm autem de terra ilia reuerteretur Chingischam, defecerunt
eis victualia, famemq; patiebantur maximam. Tunc inte-
riora vnius bestiae recentia casu inuenerunt : quae accipientes,
depositis tantum stercoribus, decoxerunt, & coram Chingischam Chingisiex.
deportata pariter comederunt. Ideoq; statuit Chingischam, vt
nee sanguis, nee interiora, nee aliquid de bestia, quae manducari
40 potest, proijciatur, exceptis stercoribus. Inde ergb in terram

86 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, TJie Tartars.

propriam reuersus est, ibi^; leges & statuta edidit, quae Tartari
inuiolabiliter obseruant, de quibus scilicet iam alias superiiis
intcritus. dictum est. Post hoc ab ictu tonitrui occisus est. Habuit autem
^'*"- quatuor filios: Occoday vocabatur primus, Thossut Can secundus,
Nepotes. Thiaday tertius, quarti nomen ignoramus. Ab his iiij. descende- 5
runt omnes Duces Mongalorum. Primus filiorum Occoday est
Cuyne, qui nunc est Imperator. Huius fratres Cocten & Chyre-
nen. Ex filijs autem Thossut Can sunt Bathy, Ordu, Siba, Bora.
Bathy post Imperatorem omnibus ditior est ac potentior. Ordu
ver6 omnium Ducum senior. Filij Thiaday, sunt Hurin & Cadan. lo
Filij autem alterius filij Chingischam, cuius ignoramus nomen,
sunt, Mengu & Bithat & alij plures. Huius Mengu mater Se-
roctan est, Domina magna inter Tartaros, excepta Imperatoris
matre plus nominata, omnibusq; potentior, excepto Bathy. Haec
Ehices. autem sunt nomina Ducum: Ordu, qui fuit in Polonia, & Hunga- 15
ria, Bathy quoq; & Huryn & Cadan & Syban & Ouygat, qui
omnes fuerunt in Hungaria. Sed & Cyrpodan, qui adhuc est
vltra mare contra quosdam Soldanos Sarracenorum, & alios habi-
tatores terrae transmarinae. Alij ver6 remanserunt in terra,
scilicet Mengu, Chyrenen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Cara, Gay, Sybedey, 20
Bora, Berca, Corrensa. Alij quoq; Duces eorum plures sunt,
quorum nomina nobis ignota sunt.

De potestate Imperatoris & Ducum eius. Cap. 14.

Imperatoris T)0rr6 Impcrator eorum, scilicet Tartarorum, super omnes

i!era"ri™'" -t habet mirabile dominium. Nullus enim audet in aliqua 25

omnes morari parte, nisi vbi assignauerit ipse. Et ipse quidem assignat

Ducibus vbi maneant. Duces autem loca Millenarijs assignant,

Millenarij ver6 Centenarijs, & Centenarij Decanis. Quicquid

autem eis praecipitur, quocunq; tempore, quocunq; loco, siue ad

bellum, siue ad mortem, vel vbicunque, sine vlla obediunt con- 30

tradictione. Nam etsi petit ali cuius filiam virginem,vel sororem,

mox ei sine contradictione exponunt eam, im6 frequenter colligit

virgines ex omnibus Tartarorum finibus, & si vult aliquas

retinere, sibi retinet, alias ver6 dat suis hominibus. Nuncios

etiam quoscunq; & vbicunq; transmittal, oportet qu6d dent ei 35

sine mora equos & expensas. Similiter vndecunque veniant ei

tributa vel nuncij, oportet equos & currus & expensas tribui.

inhumanitas Ac ver6 nuncij, qui aliunde veniunt, in magna miseria, & victus

L^tos. ^ vestitus penuria sunt. Maximeq; quando veniunt ad Princi-

pes, & ibi debent moram contrahere. Tunc ade6 parum datur 40

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 87

decern hominibus, qubd vix inde possent duo viuere. Insuper
& si aliquae illis iniuriae fiunt, minime conqueri facile possunt.
Multa quoque munera tarn k principibus quam k caeteris ab
illis petuntur: quae si non dederint, vilipenduntur, & quasi pro
5 nihilo reputantur. Hinc & nos magnam partem rerum, quae
nobis pro expensis a fidelibus erant datae, de necessitate opor-
tuit in muneribus dare. Denique sic omnia sunt in manu Impe-
ratoris, quod nemo audet dicere, Hoc meum est vel illius, sed
omnia, scilicet res & iumenta ac homines, sunt ipsius. Super
10 hoc etiam nuper emanauit statutum eiusdem. Idem quoq; per
omnia dominium habent Duces super sibi subditos homines.

De electione Imperatoris Occoday, & legatione
Ducis Bathy. Cap. 15.

MOrtuo, vt supra dictum est, Cyngischam, conuenerunt
Duces, & elegerunt Occoday, filium eius Imperatorem. Occoday

" ^-\ • 1 1 • •!• T-T- • 1- • • • •»«■••/ -r. 1 surrogatur

Qui habito consiho Pnncipum, dmisit exercitus. Misitq; Bathy, patn.
qui in secundo gradu attingebat eum, contra terram Altissodan & fxi^jit^o'**^'
contra terram Bisminorum, qui Sarraceni erant, sed loquebantur
Comanicum. Qui terram illorum ingressus, cum eis pugnauit,
20 eosq; sibi bello subiecit. Qugdam autem ciuitas, nomine Barchin, Barchin
diu restitit eis. Ciues enim in circuitu ciuitatis foueas multas
fecerant, propter quas non poterant a Tartaris capi, donee illas
repleuissent. Ciues autem vrbis Sarguit hoc audientes, exierunt Sarguit

. . ciuitas.

obuiam eis, sponte in manus eorum se tradentes. Vnde cmitas
25 eorum destructa non fuit, sed plures eorum occiderunt, & alios
transtulerunt, acceptisq; spolijs, vrbem alijs hominibus repleuerunt,
& contra ciuitatem Orna perrexerunt. Haec erat nimium populosa Oma duitas.
& diuitijs copiosa. Erant enim | ibi plures Christiani, videlicet [p. 44]
Gasari & Rutheni, & Alani, & alij nee non & Sarraceni. Eratq;
30 Sarracenorum ciuitatis dominium. Est etiam posita super quendam
magnum fluuium, & est quasi portus, habens forum maximum.
Cumq; Tartari non possent eos aliter vincere, fluuium, qui per
vrbem currebat, praeciderunt, & illam cum rebus & hominibus
submerserunt. Quo facto, contra Russiam perrexerunt, & mag
35 nam stragem in ea fecerunt, ciuitates & castra destruxerunt, &
homines occiderunt. Kiouiam, Russiae metropolin, diu obsederunt,
& tandem ceperunt, ac ciues inter fecerunt. *Vnde quando per
illam terram ibamus, innumerabilia capita & ossa hominum

* Vide Mechouium, lib. i. ca. 3.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

Morduani.

Bulgaria
magna.

Hungaria
magna.

Parossitt-

Samogetf.

Monstra
•qailonaria.

mortuorum, iacentia super campum, inueniebamus. Fuerat enim
vrbs valde magna & populosa, nunc quasi ad nihilum est redacta:
vix enim domus ibi remanserunt ducente, quarum etiam habita-
tores tenentur in maxima seruitute. Porr6 de Russia &: de Co-
mania Tartari contra Hungaros & Polonos processerunt, ibiq; s
plures ex ipsis interfecti fuerunt, & vt iam superius dictum est, si
Hungari viriliter restitissent, Tartari ab eis confusi recessissent.
Inde reuertentes in terram Morduanorum, qui sunt Pagani, vene-
runt, eosq; bello vicerunt. Inde contra Byleros, id est, contra
Bulgariam magnam profecti sunt, & ipsam omninb destruxerunt. lo
Hinc ad Aquilonem adhuc contra Bastarcos, id est Hungariam
magnam processerunt, & illos etiam deuicerunt. Hinc ampliCis
ad Aquilonem pergentes, ad Parossitas venerunt, qui paruos ha-
bentes stomachos & os paruum, non manducant, sed carnes
decoquunt, quibus decoctis, se super oUam ponunt, & fumum 15
recipiunt, & de hoc solo reficiuntur, vel si aliquid manducant,
hoc vald^ modicum est. Hinc & ad Samogetas venerunt, qui
tantiim de venationibus viuunt, & tabernacula vestesq; tantum
habent de pellibus bestiarum. Inde ad quandam terram super
Oceanum peruenerunt, vbi monstra quaedam inuenerunt, qua; per 20
omnia formam humanam habebant, sed pedes bouinos, «Sc caput
quidem humanum, sed faciem vt canis. Duo verba loquebantur
vt homines, terti6 latrabant vt canes. Hinc redierunt in Coma-
niam, & vsq; nunc ibi morantur ex eis quidam.

t De his regionibus Herbersteinitis pag. 8. b dr* gi. 6. Paret 2$
enim hodie vtraq; Moschorum Principi. Item de Bulgaria
Guaguinus pag. io6. b.

Expeditio
Cyrpodanis.

De legatione Cyrpodan Ducts. Cap. 16.

EO tempore misit Occoday Can Cyrpodan Ducem cum exercitu
ad meridiem contra Kergis, qui & illos bello superauit. Hi 30
homines sunt Pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum
consuetude talis est, vt cbm alicuius pater moritur, prae dolore
quasi vnam corrigiam in signum lamenti ab aure vsq; aurem de
facie sua leuet. His autem deuictis, Dux Cyrpodan contra Arme-
nios iuit ad meridiem cum suis. Qui cCim transirent per deserta 35
quaedam, monstra inuenerunt, effigiem humanam habentia, quae
non nisi vnum brachium cum manu in medio pectoris, & vnum
pedem habebant, & duo cum vno arcu sagittabant, adeoq; fortiter
currebant, qu6d equi eos inuestigare non poterant. Currebant
autem super vnum pedem ilium saltando, & cum essent fatigati, 40

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC.

Armenia
& Georgia
subacta.

taliter eundo ibant super manum & pedem, se tanquam in circulo
reuoluendo. Cumq; sic etiam fessi essent, iterum secundfim
priorem modum currebant, Hos Isidorus Cyclopedes appellat. Cyciopede».
Et ex eis Tartari nonnuUos occiderunt. Et sicut nobis i Ruthenis
5 Clericis in curia dicebatur, qui morantur cum Imperatore prae-
dicto, plures ex eis nuncij venerunt in legatione ad curiam Impe-
ratoris, superilis annotati, vt possent habere pacem cum illo. Inde
procedentes venerunt in Armeniam, quam bello deuicerunt, &
etiam Georgise partem. Alia ver6 pars venit ad mandatum

10 eorum, & singulis annis dederunt, & adhuc dant ei pro tributo
XX. millia Yperperarum. Hinc ad terram Soldani Deurum, po-
tentis & magni, processerunt, cum quo etiam pugnantes, ipsum
deuicerunt. Denique processerunt vlterius debellando ac vin-
cendo vsque ad terram Soldani Halapiae, & nunc etiam terram

15 obtinent, alias quoque terras vltra illas proponentes impugnare :
nee postea reuersi sunt in terram suam vsq; hodie. Idemq;
exercitus contra terram Caliphi Baldach perrexit, quam etiam sibi Caiipha
subdidit, & vt CCCC. Byzantios, exceptis Baldekinis caeterisq;
muneribus, ei quotidie pro tributo daret, obtinuit. Sed & quo-

20 libet anno mittunt nuncios ad Caliphum, vt ad eos veniat. Qui
cum tributo munera magna trasmittens, vt eum supportent, rogat.
Ipse autem Imperator Tartarorum munera quidem accipit, & nihi-
lominus vt veniat, pro eo mittit.

Soldanus
Halapi^

Baldacensis.

[p- 45]

Qualiter Tartari se habent in prcelijs. Cap. 1 7.

25 /^ Rdinauit Chingischam Tartaros per Decanos & centenarios Tartarorum
V_y & millenaries. Decem quoque millenarijs praeponunt vnum, dlsclpHna.
cunctoq; nihilominus exercitui duos aut tres Duces, ita tamen vt
ad vnum habeant respectum. Cumq; in bello contra aliquos
congrediuntur, nisi | communiter cedant, omnes qui fugiunt, occi-

30 duntur. Et si vnus aut duo, vel plures ex decem audacter acce-
dunt ad pugnam, alij ver6 ex illo Denario non sequuntur, similiter
occiduntur. Sed etiam si vnus ex decem vel plures capiuntur,
socij eorum si non eos liberant, ipsi etiam occiduntur. Porr6
arma debent habere talia. Duos arcus vel vnum bonum ad

35 minus. Tresq; pharetras sagittis plenas, & vnam securim &
funes ad machinas trahendas. Diuites autem habent gladios in
fine acutos, ex vna parte tantiim incidentes, & aliquantulum
curuos. Habent & equos armatos, crura etiam tecta, galeas &
loricas. Verfim loricas & equorum cooperturas quidam habent

40 de corio, super corpus artificiose duplicate vel etiam triplicate.

Armatura.

90 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, Tlie Tartars.

Galea verb superius est de chalybe, vel de ferro: sed illud, quod in
circuitu protegit collum & gulam, est de corio. Quidam auteni
de ferro habent omnia supradicta, in hunc modum formata.
Laminas multas tenues ad vnius digiti latitudinem & palmje longi-
tudine faciunt, & in qualibet octo foramina paruula facientes, 5
interius tres corrigias strictas & fortes ponunt, Sicq; laminas,
vnam alij quasi per gradus ascendendo, supponunt. Itaq; laminas
ad corrigias, tenuibus corrigiolis per foramina praedicta immissis,
ligant, & in superiori parte corrigiolam vnam ex vtraque parte
duplicatam cum alia corrigiola consuunt, vt laminas simul bene 10
firmiterq; cohaereant. Haec faciunt tam ad cooperturas equorum,
quam ad armaturas hominum. Adeoq; faciunt ilia lucere, quod
in eis potest homo faciem suam videre. Aliqui ver6 in collo ferri
lanceae vncum habent, cum quo de sella, si possunt, hominem
detrahant. Sagittarum eorum ferramenta sunt acutissima, ex 15
vtraque parte quasi gladius biceps incidentia, semperq; iuxta
pharetram portant limas ad acuendum sagittas. Habent ver6
scuta de viminibus, aut de virgulis facta. Sed non credimus,
qu6d ea soleant portare, nisi ad castra & ad custodiam Impera-
Vsus ^ toris ac principum, & hoc tantCim de nocte. In bellis astutissimi 20
Mostranandi sunt: quia per annos xlij. cum caeteris gentibus dimicarunt. CCim
flumina. autem ad flumina peruenerunt, maiores habent rotundum ac leue
corium, in cuius summitate per circuitum ansas crebras facientes,
funem imponunt ac stringunt, ita quod in circuitu quasi ventrem
efficiunt, quem vestibus ac rebus ceteris replent, fortissime^; ad 25
inuicem comprimunt. In medio autem ponunt sellas & alias res
duriores : ibi quoque sedent homines, Huiusmodi nauim ad equi
caudam ligant, & hominem, qui equum regat, pariter natare
faciunt, vel habent aliquando duos remos, cum quibus remigant.
Equo igitur in aquam impulse, omnes alij equi sequuntur ilium, & 3°
sic transeunt fluuium. Pauperior autem quilibet vnam bursam
vel saccum de corio bene consutum habet, in quo res suas omnes
imponit, & in summitate fortiter ligatum, ad equi caudam sus-
pendit, sicq; modo pr^dicto transit.

Qualiter resistendum sit eis. Cap. 18. 35

NVllam aestimo prouinciam esse, quae per se possit eis re-
sistere : quia de omni terra potestatis suae solent homines
ad bellum congregare. Et siquidem vicina prouincia non vult eis
opem ferre, quam impugnant, delentes illam, cum hominibus,
quos ex ilia capiunt, contra aliam pugnant. Et illos quidem in 40

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 91

acie primos ponunt, & si mal^ pugnant, ipsos occidunt. Itaq; nap<uv.<rif

si Christiani eis resistere volunt, oportet qu6d Principes ac recto- contra"

res terrarum in vnum conueniant, ac de communi consilio eis gelCndo*
resistant. Habeantq; pugnatores arcus fortes & balistas, quas
5 multum timent, sagittasq; sufficientes, dolabrum quoq; de bono

ferro, vel securim cum manubrio longo. Ferramenta ver6 sagit- fem tem-

_, , T , 11. peramentum.

tarum more Tartarorum, quando sunt cahda, temperare debent in
aqua, cum sale mixta, vt fortia sint ad penetrandum illorum arma.
Gladios etiam & lanceas cum vncis habeant, qui volunt, ad detra-

10 hendu illos de sella, de qua facillime cadunt. Habeant & galeas
& arma caetera, ad protegendum corpus & equum ab armis &
sagittis eorum, & si qui non ita sunt armati, debent more illorum
post alios ire, & contra ipsos arcubus vel balistis traijcere. Et sicut
dictum est supra de Tartaris, debent acies suas ordinare, ac legem

15 pugnantibus imponere. Quicunq; conuersus fuerit ad praedam
ante victoriam, maximam debet poenam subire : talis enim apud
illos occiditur absq; miseratione. Locus ad praelium, si fieri
potest, eligendus est planus, vt vndiq; possint videre, nee omnes
debent in vnum conuenire, sed acies multas & diuisas, nee tamen

20 nimis distantes ab inuicem, facere. Contra illos, qui prim6
veniunt, debent vnam aciem mittere, & alia parata sit ad iuuan-
dum illam opportune tempore. Habeant & speculatores ex omni
parte, qui videant, quando veniunt acies ceterae. Nam ide6
semper debent aciem contra aciem, vt ei occurrant, mittere, quo-

25 niam illi semper nituntur aduersarios in medio concludere. Hoc
autem acies caueant, ne si etiam illi fugere videantur, diu post
illos currant, ne forte, sicut facere solent, ipsos ad paratas insidias
trahant: quia plus fraudulentia quam fortitudine pugnant. Et
iterum ne fatigentur equi eorum: quia nostri multitudinem non

30 habent equorum. Tartari vero quos equitant die vna, non ascendunt
tribus diebus, vel quatuor postea. Praeterea si cedunt Tartari,
non ide6 debent nostri recedere, vel ab in|uicem separari: quoniam [p. 46]
hoc simulando faciunt, vt exercitus diuidatur, & sic ad terrae
destructionem libere ingrediantur. Caeterum Duces nostri die

35 noctuque facere debent exercitum custodiri : nee iacere spoliati,
sed semper ad pugnam parati : quia Tartari quasi Daemones sem-
per vigilant, excogitantes artem nocendi. Porr6 si aliqui Tarta-
rorum in bello de suis equis proijciuntur, statim capiendi sunt,
quia quando sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, «Sr equos hominesq;

40 vulnerant.

92 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

De itinera Fratris lohannis de Piano carpini vsque
ad primam custodiam Tartarorum. Cap. 19.

NOs igitur ex mandate sedis Apostolioe cdm iremus ad
Orientis nationes, elegimus prius ad Tartaros proficisci:
quia timebamus, ne per illos in proximo Ecclesise Dei periculum 5
itinerarium immincret. Itaq; pergetes, ad regem BoemorCl peruenimus: qui
socioriim cum cssct nobis familiaris, consuluit, vt per Poloniam & Russiam
egatorum. j^^^ agcremus. Habebat enim consanguineos in Polonia, quorum
auxilio Russiam intrare possemus. Datisq; literis & bono con-
ductu, fecit & expensas nobis dari per curias & ciuitates eius, quo 10
BoJesiaus vsquc ad Ducem Slesiae Bolezlaum, nepotem eius, veniremus, qui

Dux SUewe. ,.-.,..„ _^. , . ,...,.

etiam erat nobis famihans & notus. Hmc cv ipse nobis similiter
fecit, donee veniremus ad Conradum, Ducem * I^autisciie, ad quem
tunc, Dei gratia nobis fauente, venerat Dominus Wasilico, Dux
Russije, k quo etiam plenius de facto audiuimus Tartarorum: quia 15
nuncios illuc miserat, qui iam redierant ad ipsum. Audito autem,
qu6d oporteret nos illis munera dare, quasdam pelles castorum &
aliorum animalium fecimus emi, de hoc, quod datum nobis fuerat
in eleemosynam ad subsidio viae. Quod agnoscentes Dux Con-
radus & tDucissa Cracouiae, & Episcopus & quidam milites, 20
plures etiam nobis dederunt huiusmodi pelles. Denique Dux
Wasilico i Duce Cracouiae, & Episcopo atque Baronibus pro nobis
attente rogatus, secum nos in terram suam duxit, & vt aliquan-
tulum quiesceremus, aliquot diebus nos in expensis suis detinuit.
Et cCim rogatus i nobis, fecisset Episcopos suos venire, legimus 25

LitcrtPapt eis literas Domini Papae, monentis eos, ad sanctas matris Ecclesie
vnitatem redire. Ad idem quoque nos ipsi monuimus eos, &
induximus, quantum potuimus, tam Ducem qu^m Episcopos &

Daniel, alios. Scd quia Dux Daniel, frater Wasiliconis praedicti, praesens

Buiiij. non erat, quoniam ad Baty profectus erat, non potuerunt eo tem- 30
pore finaliter respondere. Post haec Dux Wasilico transmisit nos
vsque in Kiouiam metropolin Russiae, cum seruiente vno. Iba-

LitnanL mus tamen in periculo capitis semper propter Lituanos, qui saep^
faciebant insultum super terram Russiae, & in illis maxime locis,
per quos debebamus transire. At per praedictum seruientem 35
eramus securi ^ Ruthenis, quorum etiam maxima pars occisa vel
captiuata erat \ Tartaris. Porr6 in Danilone vsque ad mortem
tunc infirmati fuimus. Nihilominus tamen in vehiculo per niuem
& frigus magnum trahi nos fecimus, CCim erg6 Kiouiam perueni-

* Mazouie. t Grimislaua, vt Mechouius lib. \. cap. 9.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC.

mus, habuimus de via nostra consilium cum millenario ac cseteris
ibidem nobilibus. Qui responderunt nobis, qu6d si duceremus
equos illos, quos tunc habebamus, ad Tartaros, cdm essent magnse Pabulum
niues, morerentur omnes: quia nescirent herbam fodere sub niue, t^JS
5 sicut equi faciunt Tartarorum, nee inueniri posset aliquod pro eis
ad manducandum, cCim Tartari nee stramina nee foenum habeant,
nee pabulum. Itaque deereuimus eos illie dimittere cum duobus
pueris, deputatis eorum custodiae. Ideoq; nos oportuit millenario
dare munera, vt ipsum haberemus propitium, ad dandum nobis

lo equos subductitios & eonductum. Secundo igitur die post festum
Purificationis cepto itinere, venimus ad villam Canouae, qug sub
Tartaris erat immediate. Cuius praefectus nobis dedit equos &
eonductum vsque ad aliam, in qua reperimus praefectum Micheam,
omni malitia plenum. Qui tamen acceptis a nobis muneribus Micheas

15 secundum velle suum, duxit nos vsq; ad primam eustodiam "">""""'*•
Tartarorum.

Qualiter primo cum socijs suis receptus est a
Tartaris. Cap, 20.

CVm ergo in prima sexta feria post diem cinerum, Sole ad
occasum tendente, hospitaremur, Tartari super nos armati
horribiliter irruerunt, quaerentes cuiusmodi homines essemus:
cumq; respondissemus, qu6d Domini Papae nuncij essemus, qui-
busdam cibarijs a nobis acceptis, continu6 diseesserunt. Porr6
mane facto, cum surgentes aliquantulum proeessissemus, maiores

25 illorum, qui erant in eustodia, nobis occurrerunt, interrogantes,
cur ad eos veniremus? & quid negotij haberemus? Quibus re-
spondimus, Domini Papae nuncij sumus, qui Christianorum pater PapaChns-
est ac Dominus. Hie nos ideircd tam ad Regem quam ad pat"r'&"
Principes, omnesq; Tartaros, mittit, quia placet ei, qu6d omnes ^^°""""*-

30 Christiani Tartaroru sint amici, & paeem habeant | cum ipsis. [p. 47]
Desiderat insuper, vt apud Deum in ccelo sint magni, & ideircd Legationis
monet eos tam per nos quam per literas suas, vt effieiantur Christi-
ani, fidemq; reeipiant Domini nostri lesu Christi, quia non
possunt aliter saluari. Mandat praeterea, qu6d miratur de tanta

35 occisione hominu, & maxime Christianorum, ac potissime Hunga-
rorum, Montanorum, & Polonorum, qui sunt ei subiecti, facta
per Tartaros, cum in nullo Igsissent, aut laedere attentassent eos.
Et quia Dominus Deus grauiter est super hoe offensus, monet eos,
vt a talibus de caetero caueant, & de commissis poenitentiam

40 agant. Super his etiam rogat, vt ei reseribant, quid facere velint de

mandata.

94 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

caetetero, & quae sit eorum intentio. Quibus auditis, & intellectis,
Corrensa. dixerunt Tartari, se velle equos nobis subductitios vsq; ad Cor-
rensam & ducatum praebere. Statimq; munera petierunt, & k
nobis acceperunt. Equis igitur acceptis, de quibus descenderant
ipsi, cum eorum ducatu ad Corrensam arripuimus iter eundi. Ipsi 5
tamen velociter equitantes, nuncium vnum pnemiserunt ad pne-
fatum Ducem cum his verbis, que dixeramus eisdem. Est autem
Diuc limitis Dux iste Dominus omnium, qui positi sunt in custodia contra
omnes Occidentis populos, ne forte subitd & improuis6 irruant
aliqui super illos. Et iste dicitur habere sexaginta millia homi- 10
num armatorum sub se.

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Corrensam. Cap. 21.

Mos f^\m erg6 peruenissemus ad eius curiam, fecit nobis long^ k se

Tartaricos V^/ poni stationem, & misit ad nos procuratores suos, vt quae-
proceres. rgrgnt h nobis, cum quo ei vellemus inclinare, id est, quae ei 15
munera inclinando vellemus offerre. Quibus respondimus, qubd
Dominus Papa non mittebat aliqua munera ; quia non erat certus,
qubd ad illos peruenire possemus, & insuper veneramus per loca
valde periculosa. Veruntamen in quantum de his, quae habe-
bamus ex gratia Dei & Domini Papae ad victum nostrum, sicut 20
poterimus, honorabimus ipsum. Acceptis^; muneribus duxerunt
nos ad ordam siue tentorium ipsius, & instructi fuimus, vt ante
ostium stationis ter cum sinistro genu inclinaremus, & caueremus
attente, ne pedem super lime ostij poneremus. Et postquam
intrauimus, oportuit nos coram Duce omnibusq; maioribus, qui ad 25
hoc erant vocati, dicere flexis genibus ea, quae dixeramus superids.
Literas etiam Dom. Pap? obtulimus : sed interpres, quem de
Kyouia, dato pretio, duxeramus, non erat sufficiens ad interpre-
tandQ, nee aliquis alius habebatur idoneus. Hinc equi nobis dati
Bathy eiii»- sunt, & tres Tartari, qui nos ducerent festinanter ad ducem Bathy. 30
quepotentia. j^^ ^^^ apud COS potentior excepto Imperatore, cui tenentur prg
cunctis principibus obedire. Itaq; iter arripuimus secunda feria
post prima dominicam •xl. & equitando, quantum equi trotare
poterant, quoniam habebamus equos recentes fer^ ter aut quater
omni die, properabamus de mane vsq; ad noctem, imb etiam de 35
nocte saepissime, nee tamen ante quartam feriam maioris heb-
domadae potuimus ad ipsum peruenire. Ibamus autem per terram
Comania. Comanorum, quae tota est plana, & flumina quatuor habet magna.
Primum appellatur f Neper, iuxta quod ex parte Russiae ambulabat

* Quadragesimse. t Veteribus Borysthenes.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 95

Correnza & Montij, qui maior est illo ex altera parte per cam-
pestria. Secundum appellatur *Don, super quod ambulat quidam
Princeps, habens in coniugio sororem Baty, qui vocatur Tirbon.
Tertium dicitur t Volga, quod est magnum valde, super ciuod

S incedit Bathy. Quartum nominatur \ laec, super quod duo mil-
lenarij vadunt, vnus ex parte fluminis vna, & alter ex altera. Hi
omnes in hyeme ad mare descendunt, & in aestate super ripam
eorundem fluminum ad montes ascendunt. Hoc est mare mag- Pontus
num, de quo brachium sancti Georgij exit, quod in Constantino- ^"'"""*-

10 polin vadit. Haec autem flumina sunt piscibus valde plena,

maxime Volga, intrantq; mare Graeciae, quod dicitur Magnum Volga non
mare. Super Nepre autem multis diebus iuimus per glaciem. "'*'^*''
Super littora quoq; maris Graeciae satis periculose per glaciem
iuimus in pluribus locis multis diebus. Congelantur enim circa

15 littora vndas ad tres leucas inferius. Prius autem quam ad Bathy
perueniremus, duo ex nostris Tartaris praecesserunt, ad indicandum
ei omnia verba, quae apud Corrensam dixeramus.

Ceremonia
per duos
ignes trans-
eundi.

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Bathy magnum
PrinCipem. Cap. 22.

20 T) Orrb cum in finibus terrae Comanorum ad Bathy perueniremus,
X bene positi fuimus per vnam leucam a stationibus eius.
Cumq; duci debuimus ad curiam ipsius, dictum fuit nobis, qu6d
inter duos ignes transire deberemus. Nos autem hoc nulla ratione
facere volebamus. At illi dixerunt nobis : Ite secure, quia pro

25 nulla causa volumus hoc facere, nisi tantiim, vt si vos aliquid malum
cogitatis Domino nostro, vel portatis venenum, ignis auferat omne
malum. Quibus respondimus : quod propter hoc, ne de tali re
suspectos redderemus nos, transiremus. Cfim igitur ad Ordam
peruenissemus, interrogati a pocuratore ipsius Eldegay, cum quo Eidegay.

30 inclinare vellemus ? idem quod prius apud Corrensam respondi-
mus, datisq; muneribus & | acceptis, auditis etiam itineris causis, [p, 48]
introduxerunt nos in stationem Principis, prius facta inclinatione, &
audita de limine non calcando, sicut prius, admonitione. Ingressi Bathy audit
autem flexis genibus, verba nostra proposuimus, deinde literas

35 obtulimus, & vt nobis darentur interpretes ad transferendum eas,
rogauimus. Qui etiam in die Parasceue dati fuerunt nobis, & eas
in litera Ruthenica, Sarracenica & in Tartarica diligenter cum
ipsis transtulimus. Haec interpretatio Bathy praesentata fuit :
quam & legit, & attent^ notauit. Tandem ad nostram stationem

legates.

Tanais.

t Rha.

X Rhymnus.

96 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

reducti fuimus, sed nulla cibaria nobis dederunt, nisi semel ali-
quantulum millij in vna scutella, scilicet in prima nocte quando

G«nt se venimus. Iste Bathy magnifice se gerit, habens ostiarios & omnes
officiales ad modum Imperatoris, & sedet in eminenti loco velut
in throno cum vna de vxoribus suis. Alij verb tam fratres sui & 5
filij, quam alij maiores inferius sedent in medio super bancum,
& homines caeteri post eos in terra deorsum, sed viri ^ dextris, &
foeminae a sinistris. Tentoria quoque de panno lineo habet pulchra
& magna satis, quae fuerunt Hungariae regis. Nee aliquis ad eius
tentorium audet accedere praeter familiam, nisi vocatus, quantum- 10
cunque sit potens & magnus, nisi forte sciatur, qu6d sit voluntas
ipsius. Nos etiam dicta causa sedimus ^ sinistris : Sic etenim &
omnes nuncij faciunt in eundo : sed in redeundo ab Imperatore,
semper ponebamur ^ dextris. In medio ponitur mensa eius prope
ostium stationis, super quam apponitur potus in aureis & argenteis 15

Eiusdem vasis. Nec vnquam bibit Bathy, vel aliquis Tartarorum Princeps,

Symphonia Hiaximc quando in publico sunt, nisi cantetur ei vel cytharizetur.

cantum mos. j-^ ^^^^ equitat, Semper portatur solinum, vel tentoriolum super caput
eius in hasta. Sicq; faciunt cuncti maiores Principes Tartarorum,

Authoritas. & etiam vxores eorum. Idem verb Bathy satis est hominibus suis 20
benignus, valde tamen ab eis timetur, & in pugna est crudelissi-
mus, sagax est multum & astutissimus in bello : quia iam pugnauit
tempore longo.

Qualiter recedentes a Bathy per terram Comanorum

& Kangittarum transierunt. Cap. 23. 25

Legati T N die porrb Sabbathi sancti ad stationem fuimus vocati, &

CuyneTmpc. A exiuit ad nos procurator Bathy praedictus, dicens ex parte
rat. pergere. jpsjys^ qubd ad Imperatorcm Cuyne in terram ipsorum iremus,
retentis quibusdam ex nostris sub hac specie, qubd vellent eos
remittere ad Dominum Papam, quibus & literas dedimus de omni- 30
bus factis nostris, quas deferrent eidem. Sed cum rediissent vsq;
ad Montij Ducem supradictum, ibi retenti fuerunt vsque ad redi-
tum nostrum. Nos autem in die Pasch^ officio dicto, & facta
comestione qualicunq; cum duobus Tartaris, qui nobis apud
Corrensam fuerant assignati, cum multis lacrymis recessimus, 35
nescientes vtrum ad mortem vel vitam pergeremus. Eramus
tamen ita infirmi corpore, qubd vix poteramus equitare. In tota
siquidem ilia quadragesima fuerat cibus noster millium cum aqua
& sale tantiim, & in aliis similiter diebus ieiuniorum. Nec habe-
bamus aliquid ad bibendum prgter niuem in caldario liquefactam. 40

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC.

Ibamus autem per Comaniam equitando fortissimo, quoniam
habebamus equos recentes quinquies aut pluries in die, nisi
quando per deserta ibamus, «& tunc equos meliores atque fortiores,
qui possent continuum sustinere laborem, accipiebamus. Et hoc
5 ab ineunte quadragesima vsque ad octo dies post Pascha. Haec Comanise
terra Comania ab Aquilone immediate post Russiam habet Mor- '*="p"°-
duynos, Byleros, id est, magnam Bulgariam, Bastarcos, id est,
magnam Hungariam, post Bastarcos, Parositas & Samogetas. Post
Samogetas, illos, qui dicuntur habere faciem caninam in Oceani Oceanussep-

lo littoribus desertis. A meridie habet Alanos, Circassos, Gazaros, ""'"°"*''*-
Graeciam & Constantinopolin, ac terram Iberorum, Cathos, Bruta-
chios, qui dicuntur esse ludaei, caput radentes per totum, terram
quoq; Cithorum atque Georgianorum & Armeniorum & Turcorum.
Ab occidente autem Hungariam habet atque Russiam. Et est

IS Comania terra maxima & longa. Cuius populos, scilicet Co-
manos, Tartari occiderunt, quidam tamen k facie eorum fugerunt,
& quidam in eorum seruitutem redacti sunt. Plurimi autem ex
eis, qui fugerunt, ad ipsos redierunt. Post haec intrauimus terram Terra Kan-
Kangittarum, quae magnam habet in plurimis locis penuriam ^'"^™'"-

20 aquarum, in qua etiam homines pauci morantur propter aquae

defectum. Vnde homines leroslai, Ducis Russiae, cfim ad ipsum lerosiaus,
in terram Tartarorum perrexerunt, plures eorum in illo deserto prae
siti mortui sunt. In hac etiam terra & in Comania multa inuenimus
capita & ossa mortuorum hominum, super terram iacentia tanquam

25 sterquilinium. Per banc itaq; terram iuimus ab octo diebus post
Pascha fere vsque ad Ascensionem Dominicam. Huiusq; habita-
tores Pagani erant, & tarn ipsi quam Comani non laborabant, sed
tantum de animalibus viuebant, nee domos aedificabant, sed in
tabernaculis habitabant. Istos etiam Tartari deleuerunt, & habi-

30 tabant in terris eorum, illiq; qui remanserunt, redacti sunt in
seruitutem ipsorum.

Qualiter ad primam Imperatoris futuri curiam
deuenerunt. Cap. 24.

[p- 49]

P0rr6 de terra Kangittarum intrauimus terram Biserminorum, Terra Biser-
qui loquuntur lingua Comanica, sed legem tenent Sarra- """°™'"-
cenorum. In hac etiam terra inuenimus vrbes innumeras cum
castris dirutas, villasq; multas desertas. Huius Dominus dicebatur
Altisoldanus, qui cum tota sua progenie a Tartaris est destructus. AitisoWanus.
Habet autem haec terra montes maximos. Et k meridie quidem Monies
40 habet Hierusalem & Baldach, totamq; Sarracenorum terram. *"**"""•
H. 7

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars,

Burin.
Cadan.
Ocean us ab
Aquilone.
Syban, frater
Bathy.

Nigri
Catbayni.

Mare
panium.

Plurimis

diebus.

PIttresiiuul(.

Ordtt.a1p.13.

Prima curia
Imperatoris.

Atque in finibus illis propinquis morantur duo fratres carnales, Tar-
tarorum Duces, scilicit Burin & Cadan, filij Thiaday, qui fuit filius
Chingischam. Ab Aquilone verb terram habet nigrorum Kytha-
orum & Oceanum. In ilia verb moratur Syban, frater Bathy,
Per banc iuimus ^ festo Ascensionis dominicae fere vsque ad viij. 5
dies ante festum sanct. lohan. Baptists. Deinde ingressi sumus
terram nigrorum Kythaorum, in qua Imperator aedificauit domum,
vbi etiam vocati fuimus ad bibendum. Et ille, qui erat ibidem
ex parte imperatoris, fecit maiores ciuitatis, & etiam duos filios
eius, plaudere coram nobis. Hinc exeuntes, quoddam mare 10
paruum inuenimus, in cuius littore quidam existit mons paruus.
In quo scilicet monte quoddam foramen esse dicitur, vnde in
hyeme tam maximg tempestates ventorum exeunt, quod homines
inde vix & cum magno periculo transire possunt. In aestate verb
semper quidem ibi ventorum sonitus auditur, sed de foramine 15
tenuiter egreditur. Per huius maris littora plurimis diebus per-
reximus, quod quidem licet non multum sit magnum, plures
insulas habet, & illud in sinistris dimisimus. In terra verb ilia
habitat Ordu, quem omnium Ducum Tartarorum antiquiorem
diximus, & est orda, siue curia patris ipsius, quam inhabitat, & 20
regis vna de vxoribus eius. Consuetudo enim est apud Tartaros,
qubd principum & maiorum curiae non delentur, sed semper
ordinantur aliquae mulieres, quae illas regant, eisque donariorum
partes, sicut Dominis earum dari solebant, dantur. Sic tandem ad
primam Imperatoris curiam venimus, in qua erat vna de vxoribus 25
ipsius.

Terra Nay-
manorum.

Tartaria.

Qualiter ad ipsum Cuyne, Imperatorem futurum
peruenerunt. Cap. 25.

AT verb quia nondum Imperatorem videramus, noluerunt vocare
Jr\. nos, nee intromittere ad Ordam ipsius, sed nobis in tentorio 30
nostro secundum morem Tartarorum valde bene seruiri fecerunt,
& vt quiesceremus, nos ibidem per vnam diem tenuerunt. Inde
procedentes in vigilia sanctorum Petri & Pauli, terram Naymano-
rum intrauimus, qui sunt Pagani. In ipsa verb die Apostolorum
ibidem cecidit magna nix, & habuimus magnum frigus. Haec 35
quidem terra montuosa & frigida est supra modum, ibiq; de
planicie reperitur modicum. Istae quoque duae nationes prsdictae
non laborabant, sed sicut & Tartari in tentorijs habitabant, quas &
ipsi deleuerant. per banc etiam multis diebus perreximus. Deinde
terram Mongalorum intrauimus, quos Tartaros appellamus. Per 40

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 99

has itaque terras, vt credimus, tribus septimanis equitando fortiter
iuimus, & in die Beatae Marias Magdalenae ad Cuyne Iniperatorem luiij »».
electum peruenimus. Ideo autem per omnem viam istam valdb k'^'^or^m""
festinauimus, quia praeceptum erat Tartaris nostris, vt citb nos '"^'■•

5 deducerent ad curiam solennem, iam ex annis pluribus indictam,
propter ipsius Imperatoris electionem. Idcirco de mane surgentes,
ibamus usque ad noctem sine comestione, & saepius tam tard^
veniebamus, qubd non comedebamus in sero, sed quod manducare
debebamus in vespere, dabatur nobis in mane. Mutatisq; fre-

10 quentius equis, nullatenus parcebatur eis, sed equitabamus
velociter ac sine intermissione, quantum poterant equi trotare.

Qualiter Cuyne Fratres Minores suscepit. Cap. 26.

CVm autem peruenimus ad Cuyne, fecit nobis dari tentorium Cuyne in
& expensas, quales Tartaris dare solent, nobis tamen melius bem^^itas.

15 quam alijs nuncijs faciebant. Ad ipsum autem vocati non fuimus,
eo quod nondum electus erat, nee adhuc de imperio se intromitte-
bat. Interpretatio tamen literarum Domini Papae, ac verba etiam
a nobis dicta, a praedicto Baty erant ei mandata. Cum ergo
stetissemus ibi per quinque vel sex dies, ad matrem suam nos

20 transmisit, vbi adunabatur curia solennis. Et cum venissemus

illuc, tam extensum erat tentorium magnum, de alba purpura Tentorium
praeparatum, eratq; tam grande nostro iudicio, qubd plusquam '^^^'"™"
duo millia hominum poterant esse sub illo. Et in circuitu factum
erat ligneum tabulatum varijs imaginibus depictum. Illuc ergb

25 perreximus cum Tartaris, nobis ad custodiam assignatis, ibiq;

conuenerant | omnes duces, & vnusquisq; cum hominibus suis [p- 50]
equitabat in circuitu per planiciem & colles. In prima die vestiti tiomitia.
sunt omnes purpuris albis, in secunda verb rubeis. Et tunc venit
Cuyne ad tentorium illud. Porrb tertia die fuerunt omnes in

30 blaueis purpuris, & quarta in optimis Baldakinis. In illo autem
tabulato iuxta tentorium erant duae maiores portae, per quarum
vnam solus Imperator debebat intrare, & ad illam nulla erat
custodia, quamuis esset aperta, quia per illam nuUus audebat
ingredi vel exire : per aliam omnes, qui admittebantur, intrabant,

35 & ad illam custodes cum gladijs & arcubus & sagittis erant. Itaq;
si quis tentorio propinquabat vltra terminos, qui positi erant, si
capiebatur, verberabatur, si fugiebat, sagitta siue ferro sagittabatur.
Multiq; ibi erant, qui in fraenis, pectoralibus, sellis & huiusmodi,
iudicio nostro, auri circiter viginti marcas habebant. Sic Duces

40 infra tentorium colloquebantur, & de Imperatoris electione tracta-

7—2

lOO

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars

procenim.

bant, vt 4 nobis creditur. Alius autem vniuersus populus longe
extra tabulatum collocabatur, & ita fere vsque ad meridiem mora-
bantur. Tunc incipiebant lac iumentinum bibere, & vsque ad
Sytnpaaum vesperas tantum bibebant, quod erat visu mirabile. Nos autem
vocauerunt interius, & dederunt nobis cereuisiam : quia iumentinO 5
lac non bibebamus. Et hoc quidem nobis pro magno fecerunt
honore : sed tamen nos compellebant ad bibendum, quod nulla-
tenus poteramus propter consuetudinem sustinere. Vnde ostendi-
mus eis, hoc esse nobis graue, ideoq; nos cessauerunt compellere.
Foris autem erat Dux leroslaus de Susdal Russiae, pluresq; Duces 10
Kythaorum & Solangorum. Duo quoq; filij regis Georgiae, nuncius
etiam Caliphi de Baldach, qui erat Soldanus, & plus quam decem
alij Soldani Sarracenorum, vt credimus. Et sicut nobis d procura-
toribus dicebatur, erant ibi nunciorum plus qukm quatuor millia,
inter illos, qui tributa portabant, & illos, qui deferebant munera, & iS
Soldanos ac Duces alios, qui ad tradendum seipsos veniebant, &
illos, pro quibus ipsi miserant, illos^; qui terrarum pnefecti erant.
Hi omnes simul extra tabulatum ponebantur, eisq; simul bibere
praebebatur. Nobis autem & Duci lerozlao fer^ semper ab eis
dabatur superior locus, quando cum eis eramus exterius. 'o

leroslaus
Dux Rusaae.
lyegati
diuersarum
nationum.

Impcrij
Cuynjc
primituc

Syra orda.

Qualiter in imperium sublimatus fuit. Cap. 2 7.

ET quidem, si ben^ meminimus, ibidem per septimanas circiter
quatuor fuimus. Credimusq; qu6d ibi fuit electio cele-
brata, non tamen ibidem fuit publicata. Propter hoc autem id
maxime credebatur, quia semper, quando Cuyne tentorio exibat, 25
eidem cantabatur, & cum virgis speciosis, in summitate lanam
coccineam habentibus, inclinabatur, quod alteri Ducum nuUi
fiebat, quousq; exterius morabatur. Hgc autem statio siue Curia
nominatur ab eis Syra orda. Hinc exeuntes, vnanimiter omnes
equitauimus per tres aut quatuor leucas ad alium locum, vbi erat 30
in quads pulchra planicie iuxta riuum inter montes aliud tentorium,

Aureaorda. quod apud ipsos appellatur Orda aurea, praeparatQ. Ibi enim
Cuyne debebat poni in sede in die Assumptionis Dominae nostrae.
Sed propter grandinem nimiam, quae tunc, vt suprk dictum est,

Augusd 15. cecidit, res dilata fuit. Eratq; tentorium in columnis positum, 35
quae laminis aureis erant tectae, & clauis aureis cum alijs lignis
fixae. Porr6 de Baldakino erat tectum superius, sed alij erant
panni exterius. Fuimus autem ibi vsq; ad festum Beati Bartholo-
maei, in quo maxima multitudo conuenit, & contra meridiem versis

soiennes. vultibus stetit. Et quidam ad iactum lapidis longe h. caeteris erant, 40

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. lOi

semperq; orationes faciendo, ac genua flectendc, contra meridiem
longius, & longius procedebant. Nos autem vtrum incantationes
facerent, aut genua Deo vel alteri flecterent, nescientes, nolebamus
facere genuflexiones. Cumq; diu ita fecissent, ad tentorium re-
5 uersi sunt, & Cuyne in sede imperiali posuerunt, Ducesq; coram
eo genua flexerunt. Post hoc idem fecit vniuersus populus, ex-
ceptis nobis, qui eis subditi non eramus.

De cetate ac 7noribus ac sigillo ipsius. Cap. 28.

HIc autem Imperator quando sublimatus est in regnum, vide- Cuynae aetas
batur esse circiter xl. vel xlv. annorum. Mediocris erat '"°'^"'
staturae, prudens valde, nimis astutus multumq; seriosus, & grauis
in moribus. Nee vnquam videbat eum homo de facili ridere, vel
aliquam leuitatem facere, sicut dicebant Christiani, qui cum ipso
morabantur continue. Dicebant etiam nobis asserendo firmiter

15 Christiani, qui erant de familia eius, quod deberet fieri Christianus.

Cuius signum erat, quod ipse Clericos Christianos tenebat, & studium
expensas eis dabat. Habebat etiam semper capellam Christiano- mi"* '^"'*
rum ante maius tentorium suum, vbi cantant Clerici publice &
aperte, ac pulsant ad horas, vt cgteri Christiani secundum mores

20 Grecorum, quantacunq; sit ibi multitudo Tartarorum, vel etiam
aliorum hominum. Hoc tamen non faciunt alij Duces ipsorum.
Est autem mos Imperatoris ipsius, vt nunquam ore proprio Maiestas.
loquatur cum extraneo, quan|tumcunq; magnus sit, sed audit & [p. 5^]
respondet per interpositam personam, & quandocunq; negotium

25 proponunt, vel Imperatoris responsionem audiunt illi, qui sub eo
sunt, quantumcunq; sint magni, flexis genibus vsq; ad finem
verborum persistunt. Nee alicui de consuetudine super aliquo
negotio loqui licitum est, postquam ab Imperatore definitum est.
Habet autem Imperator prsedictus procuratorem & proton otarios,

30 atq; scriptores, omnesq; officiales in negotijs tam publicis qu^m

priuatis, exceptis Aduocatis. Nam sine litium vel iudiciorum Potestas
strepitu secundum arbitrium Imperatoris omnia fiunt. Alij quoque
Principes Tartarorum de his, quae ad illos pertinent, idem faciunt.
Hoc autem nouerint vniuersi, quia nobis tunc existentibus in

35 solenni curia, iam ex pluribus annis indicta, idem Cuyne Im-
perator, de nouo electus, cum omnibus suis Principibus erexit
vexillum contra Ecclesiam Dei, ac Romanum Imperium, & Beiiumin
contra omnia regna Christianorum & populos Occidentis, nisi cogitatum.
fortasse, quod absit, facerent ea, quae mandabat Domino Papae,

40 atque potentibus, & omnibus Christianorum populis, videlicet vt

I02 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, TJu Tartars.

ipsi subdantur eis. Nam excepta Christianitate, nulla est terra in
orbe, quam timeant, & idcirco contra nos ad pugnam se praeparant.
Huius siquidem Imperatoris pater, scilicet Occoday, necatus fuerat
veneno, & ob hoc a bellis quieuerant tempore pauco. Intentio
autem eorum, vt dictum est supr^ est, sibi totum subijcere s
mundum, sicut ^ Chingischam habent mandatum. Vnde & ipse
Imperator in literis suis ita scribit : Dei fortitude, omnium homi-
num Imperator. In superscriptione quoque sigilli eius est hoc :
Deus in coelo, & Cuyne Cham super terram, Dei fortitudo :
omnium hominum Imperatoris sigillum. lo

t Coutrh Xenophon : hUonov cVn vd/ou/itoc. Et pradarl Ari-
stoteUs Politic, lib. 3. cap. 12. in hanc sententiam : Qui
legem prctesse vult, is velle videiur Deft ac leges impcrare:
qui autem vult hominem, is etiam belluam adiutigit, dim
prasertim tale quid sit cupiditas 6^ iracundia : &> magi- 15
stratus &* optimus quisq; h recta via detorqueantur ^c.
Adde qua i Chrysippo adducuntur ff. li. i. ///. 3. /. 2.

De admissione Fratrum & nunciorum ad Impera-
torem. Cap. 29.

Cuyne audit T N loco illo, vbi positus cst Imperator in throno, vocati fuimus 20
J. coram ipso. Cumq; Chingay protonotarius eius nomina
nostra scripsisset, illorQq; ^ quibus missi eramus, & Ducis Solan-
gorum & aliorum, clamauit alta voce, recitans ilia coram Im-
peratore ac Ducum vniuersitate. Quo facto, flexit vnusquisq;
nostrum quater genu sinistrum, & monuerunt, ne tangeremus 25
limen deorsum. Cum(^; pro cultellis nos diligentissime scrutati
fuissent, & nullatenus inuenissent, intrauimus ostium ab Orientali
parte : quia nullus ab Occidente, nisi solus imperator, audet intrare.
Similiter & Dux ab ilia parte ingreditur solus, si est tentorium
eius. Minores autem non multum curant de talibus. Tunc erg6 30
primum in eius praesentia suam intrauimus stationem, videlicet
postquam factus est Imperator ibidem. Omnes quoque nuncij
tunc ab eo recepti sunt, sed paucissimi tentorium eius intrauerunt.

Munera ei- Ibi Verb tanta donaria ab ipsis nuncijs fuerunt ei prsesentata, qu6d

dem oblata. . .

quasi videbantur mfinita, videlicet m samitis ac purpureis & 35
baldakinis ac cingulis sericis cum auro praeparatis, pellibus etiam
nobilibus, c^terisq; muneribus. Quoddam etiam Solinum, siue
tentoriolum, quod super caput Imperatoris portatur, fuit eidem
praesentatum, quod totum erat cum gemmis praeparatum. Quidam
verb praefectus vnius prouinciae adduxit ei Camelos multos cum 40

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, etc. 103

Baldakinis tectos. Similiter sellae positae cum instrumentis qui-
busdam erant, in quibus homines interius sedere valebant. Equos
etiam multos & mulos adducebant eidem phaleratos & armatos,
quosdam quidem de corio, & quosdam de ferro. Nos etiam
5 requisiti fuimus, an ei munera dare vellemus : sed iam facultas
non erat, quoniam omnia fere nostra consumpseramus. Ibidem Curmse^-
longe ^ stationibus super montem erant positi currus plusquam '^*"''^*°'**'*"
quingenti, qui omnes auro & argento ac sericis vestibus erant
pleni. Cunctiq; inter imperatorem & Duces diuisi fuerunt,
10 singuliq; Duces inter homines suos partes suas, vt eis placuit,
diuiserunt.

De loco diuisionis Imperatoris & matris suae, & morte
leroslai, Ducis Russiae.

INde recedentes, venimus ad alium locum, vbi tentorium Tentorium
mirabile, totum de purpura rufa, quod Kitay dederant, erat p"'^'"'''"'"-
positum. Illic interius introducti fuimus, & semper ciim intra-
bamus nobis dabatur ad bibendum cereuisia vel vinum, & etiam
carnes coctse, si volebamus, ad edendum. Eratque solariolum SoUum
vnum, de tabulis alte prseparatum, vbi thronus Imperatoris erat ^ "■'"""'•

20 positus, ex ebore mirabiliter sculptus, in quo etiam erat aurum,
& lapides preciosi, si bene meminimus, & illuc ascendebatur per
gradus. Erdtque rotundum superius. Banci | ver6 erant positi in [p. 52]
circuitu sedis, vbi dominae sedebant a parte sinistra in scamnis,
a dextris autem nemo sedebat superius, sed Duces sedebant in

25 Bancis inferius, & hoc in medio. Alij ver6 sedebant post eos,
& quolibet die veniebat dominarum maxima multitudo. Ista ver6
tria tentoria, de quibus supra diximus, erant valde magna, aliaq;
habebant vxores eius de filtro albo satis magna & pulchra. Ibidem
Imperator diuisus est a matre sua, quae iuit in vnam terrae partem,

30 & Imperator in aliam ad iudicia facienda. Capta siquidem erat
arnica Imperatoris istius, quae veneno interfecerat patrem eius,
eo tempore, quo exercitus eorum in Hungaria fuit. Propter
quod etiam exercitus eorum, qui erat in partibus illis, recessit.
De qua cum aliis pluribus factum fuit iudicium, & occisi fuerunt. Nex

Occoday

35 Eodem tempore mortuus fuit lerozlaus. Dux magnus Soldal, vindicata.

quae est quaedam Russiae pars. Vocatus enim ad matrem Im- dux^rJJ^sIs.

peratoris quasi pro honore, vt manducaret ac biberet de manu

ipsius, in continenti ad hospitium est reuersus, infirmatusq;

mortuus est post septem dies, totdmque corpus eius miro modo
40 glaucum effectum est, dicebaturq; ab omnibus, quod ibidem, vt

terram eius libere ac plenarib possiderent, fuisset impotionatus.

104

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, Tlie Tartars.

Cuyne cum
legatis dis-
simalanter
agiu

Cocmas
Rutsus.

Chingay in-
temuncius.

Prudens de
Uteris con-
silium.

Qualiter tandem Fratres ad Imperatorem accedentes,
literas dederunt & acceperunt. Cap. 31.

DEniq; Tartari nostri nos ad Imperatorem duxerunt : qui
cCim audisset per illos, nos ad eum venisse, iussit nos ad
matrem redire. Volebat enim secundo die, sicut superiCis dictum 5
est, contra totam Occidentis terram vexillum erigere, quod nos
volebat ignorare. Itaque reuersi stetimus paucis diebus, & iterum
ad ipsum reuersi sumus. Cum quo benfe per mensem fuimus in
tanta fame ac siti, qu6d vix viuere poteramus. Nam expensae,
quae nobis pro diebus quatuor dabantur, vix vni sufficiebant. 10
Nee inuenire poteramus aliquid ad emendum, quia forum erat
nimis remotum. Sed Dominus nobis quendam Ruthenum, no-
mine Cosmam, aurifabrum pneparauit, qui satis dilectus Impera-
tori, nos in aliquo sustentauit. Et hie nobis ostendit thronum
Imperatoris, quem ipse fecerat, antequam poneretur in sede, 15
& sigillum eiusdem, quod etiam fabricauerat ipse. Post hoc
Imperator pro nobis misit, nobisq; per Chingay protonotarium
suum dici fecit, vt verba nostra & negotia scriberemus, ei^;
porrigeremus. Quod & fecimus. Post plures dies nos iterum
vocari fecit, & vtrum essent apud Dominum Papam, qui Ruthe- 20
norum vel Sarracenorum, aut etiam Tartarorum literam intelli-
gerent, interrogauit. Cui respondimus, qu6d nullam istarum
literarum habebamus. Sarraceni tamen erant in terra, sed remoti
erant \ Domino Papa. Diximus tamen, quia nobis expedire vide-
batur, qu6d in Tartaric© scriberent, & nobis interpretarentur, nos 25
autem in litera nostra diligenter scriberemus, & tarn literam quam
interpretationem ad Dominum Papam deferremus. Tunc a nobis
recesserunt, & ad Imperatorem iuerunt. Porr6 i die Beati
Martini fuimus vocati. Tunc Kadac, totius imperij procurator,
& Chingay & Bala, pluresq; scriptores ad nos venerunt, nobisq; 30
literam de verbo ad verbum interpretati fuerunt. Et ciim in
Latina litera scripsissemus, faciebant sibi per singulas orationes
interpretari, volentes scire, si nos in aliquo verbo erraremus.
Ciim igitur ambae literae fuissent scriptae, fecerunt nos semel ac
secundo legere, ne fort^ minus aliquid haberemus. Dixerunt enim 35
nobis, videte, qu6d omnia ben^ intelligatis, quia non expediret,
qu6d non omnia ben^ intelligeretis. Literas etiam in Sarracenico
scripserunt, vt aliquis in partibus nostris inueniri posset, cjui eas
si opus esset, legeret.

The Tartars. NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 105

Qualiter licentiati fuerunt. Cap. 32.

VT autem nobis Tartari nostri dixerunt, proposuit Imperator
nuncios suos nobiscum mittere. Volebat tamen, vt cre-
dimus, quod nos id ab eo peteremus. Sed cCim vnus de Tartans
5 nostris, qui senior erat, nos ad hoc petendum hortaretur, nobis
quidem, vt venirent, nequaquam bonum videbatur. Ideoq; Legati
respondimus ei, qu6d non erat nostrum petere, sed si sponte xL'rt^orum
ipse Imperator mitteret eos, libenter eos secure conduceremus, anoskga-'
Domino adiuuante. Nobis autem ob plures causas vt venirent, "°"^-

:o non videbatur expedire. Prima quidem fuit, quia timuimus,
ne visis dissentionibus aut guerris, quae fiunt inter nos, magis
animarentur ad veniendum contra nos. Secunda fuit, timebamus
eos exploratores terrae fieri. Tertia ver6, quia timebamus eos
interfici. Gentes enim nostrae arrogantes sunt & superbae. Vnde

15 quando seruientes, qui stant nobiscum, ex rogatu Cardinalis,
legati scilicet Alemanniae, in habitu Tartarico ibant ad ipsum,
in via fere lapidati sunt a Teutonicis, & coacti sunt deponere
habitum ilium. Consuetudo autem est Tartarorum, vt cum illis,
qui nuncios eorum occiderint, nunquam faciant pacem, nisi sumant

20 de ipsis vltionem. Quarta etia causa fuit, quia timebamus ne

nobis auferrentur vi. | Quinta ver6 causa erat, quia de aduentu [p. 53]
eorum nulla foret vtilitas, cum nullum haberent aliud mandatum
vel potestatem, nisi qu6d literas Imperatoris ad Dominum Papam
& ad Principes deferrent, quas videlicet literas ipsi nos habe-

25 bamus, & malum ex eorum aduentu posse contingere credebamus.

Itaq; tertia die post hoc, scilicet in festo beati Briccij nobis Nouemb. 13.
dederunt licentiam & literam, Imperatoris sigillo munitam, mit- ^mea'm&'^
tentes nos ad ipsius Imperatoris matrem, que vnicuiq; nostrum '^""J*-
dedit pelliceum vnum de pellibus vulpinis, quod habebat pilos de

30 foris, & purpuram vnam. De quibus Tartari nostri furati sunt
ex vnaquaq; vnum passum. De ilia quoq;, quae dabatur seruienti,
meliorem medietatem sunt furati. Quod nos quidem non ignora-
uimus, sed inde verba mouere noluimus:

io6

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, The Tartars.

Qualiter ab illo itinere redierunt. Cap. 3^

Difficflis

lentorum

reditus.

Bathy.

Corrensa.

lunij 8.

Gratulatio-

net reduci-

but fkcue.

Baiiliutft

Daniel

Principet.

Rutsi
agnotcunt
primatum
PapK.

TVnc iter ad reuertendum arripuimus, ac per totam hyemem
venimus, iacentes in desertis saepius in niue, nisi quantum
poteramus nobis cum pede locum facere. Ibi quippe non erant
arbores, sed planus campus. Et saepe mane nos inueniebamus 5
totos niue, quam ventus pellebat, coopertos. Sic venientes vsq;
ad Ascensionem Domini peruenimus ad Bathy. A quo cum
inquireremus, quid responderet Domino Papae, dixit se nolle
aliud, nisi quod Imperator diligenter scripserat, demandare.
Datisq; nobis de conductu Uteris, ab eo recessimus, & sabbatho 10
infra octauas Pentecostes vsq; ad Montij peruenimus, vbi erant
socij nostri, ac seruientes, qui fuerant retenti, quos ad nos
fecimus reduci. Hinc vsq; Corrensam peruenimus, cui iterum
4 nobis donaria petenti non dedimus, quia non habebamus.
Deditq; nobis duos Comanos, qui erant ex Tartarorum plebe, 15
vsque ad Kiouiam Russiae. Tartarus tamen noster non dimisit
nos, donee exiremus vltimam Tartarorum custodiam. Isti ver6
alij, qui nobis k Corrensa dati sunt, in sex diebus ab vltima
custodia vsq; ad Kiouiam nos duxerunt. Venimus autem illuc
ante festum Beati lohannis Baptist^ xv. diebus. Porr6 Kio- 20
uienses aduentum nostrum percipientes, occurrerunt nobis omnes
lastanter. Congratulabantur enim nobis, tanquam \ morte susci-
tatis. Sic fecerunt nobis per totam Russiam, Poloniam &
Bohemiam. Daniel & Wasilico frater eius festum nobis mag-
num fecerunt, & nos contra voluntatem nostram bene per octo 25
dies tenuerunt. Medioq; tempore inter se & cum Episcopis,
caeterisq; probis viris, super his, quae locuti fueramus eisdem, in
processu nostro ad Tartaros consilium habentes, responderunt
nobis communiter, dicentes : qu6d Dominum Papam habere
vellent in specialem Dominum, & in patrem, sanctam quoq; 30
Romanam Ecclesiam in dominam & magistram, confirmantes
etiam omnia, quae priiis de hac materia per Abbatem suum
transmiserant. Et super hoc etiam nobiscum ad Dominum
Papam nuncios suos & literas transmiserunt.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 107

C9€t The voyage oi Johannes de Piano Carpini vnto

the Northeast parts of the world, in the yeere of

our Lord, 1246.

Of the first sending of certaine Friers Predicants
5 and Minorites vnto the Tartars, taken out of the
32. Booke of Vincentius Beluacensis his Speculum
Historiale : beginning at the second Chapter.

Bout this time also, Pope Innocentius the fourth Asceiibus.
sent Frier Ascelline being one of the order of
the Praedicants, together with three other Friers
(of the same authoritie whereunto they were
called) consorted with him out of diuers Couens
of their order, with letters Apostolicall vnto the
Tartars campe : wherein hee exhorted them to
15 giue ouer their bloudie slaughter of mankinde, and to receiue the
Christian faith. And I, in verie deede, receiued the relations
concerning the deedes of the Tartars onelie, (which, according to
the congruence of times, I haue aboue inserted into this my
woorke) from a Frier Minoritie, called Simon de Sanct. Quintin, Simon Quin-
20 who lately returned from the same voyage. And at that verie
time also, there was a certaine other Frier Minorite, namely Frier
John de Piano Carpini, sent with certaine associates vnto the lohnde
Tartars, who likewise (as himselfe witnesseth) abode and con- Carpini.
uersed with them a yeere and three moneths at the least. For
2"; both he & one Frier Benedict a Polonian being of the same Benedictus

...,.,,. . J Polonus.

order, and a partaker of all his misene and tribulation, receiued
straight commaundement from the Pope, that both of them
shoulde diligently searche out all things that concerned the state
of the Tartars. And therefore this Frier lohn hath written

30 a little Historic (which is come to our hands) of such things,

as with his owne eyes hee sawe | among the Tartars, or which he [p. 54]
heard from diuers Christians worthy of credit, remaining there in
captiuitie. Out of which historic I thought good by way of con-
clusion, to insert somewhat for the supply of those things which

35 are wanting in the said Frier Simon.

io8

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

A descripdon
of Taitaria.

The North
Ocean.

Syra Orda.

The intern-
perature of
the aire.

What Orda
signifieth.

Of the situation and qualitie of the Tartars land,
By Johannes de Piano Carpini. Chap. 3.

THere is towards the East a land which is called Mongal or
Tartaria, lying in that part of the worlde which is thought to
be most North Easterly. On the East part it hath the countrey of 5
Kythay and of the people called Solangi : on the South part the
countrey of the Saracens : on the South east the land of the
Huini : and on the West the prouince of Naimani : but on the
North side it is inuironed with the Ocean Sea. In some part
thereof it is full of mountaines, and in other places plaine and 10
smoothe grounde, but euerie where sandie and barren, neither is
the hundreth part thereof fruitefull. For it cannot beare fruite
vnlesse it be moistened with riuer waters, which bee verie rare in
that countrey. Wherevpon they haue neither villages, nor cities
among them, except one which is called Cracurim, and is said to 15
be a proper towne. We our selues sawe not this towne, but were
almost within halfe a dayes iourney thereof, when we remained at
Syra Orda, which is the great court of their Emperour. And
albeit the foresaid lande is otherwise vnfruitfuU, yet is it very com-
modious for the bringing vp of cattell. In certaine places thereof 20
are some small store of trees growing, but other^^'ise it is altogether
destitute of woods. Therefore the Emperour, and his noble men
and all other warme themselues, and dresse their meate with fires
made of the doung of oxen, and horses. The ayre also in that
countrey is verie intemperate. For in the midst of Sommer there 25
be great thunders and lightnings, by the which many men are
slaine, and at the same time there falleth great abundance of
snowe. There bee also such mightie tempestes of colde windes,
that sometimes men are not able to sitte on horsebacke. Where-
upon, being neere vnto the Orda (for by this name they call the 30
habitations of their Emperours and noble men) in regarde of the
great winde we were constrained to lye groueling on the earth, and
could not see by reason of the dust. There is neuer any raine in
Winter, but onely in Sommer, albeit in so little quantitie, that
sometimes it scarcely sufficeth to allay the dust, or to moysten the 35
rootes of the grasse. There is often times great store of haile also.
Insomuch that when the Emperour elect was to be placed in his
Emjjeriall throne (my selfe being then present) there fell such
abundance of haile, that, vpon the sudden melting thereof, more
then 1 60. persons were drowned in the same place : there were 40
manie tentes and other things also caried away. Likewise, in the

NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 109

Sommer season there is on the sudden extreame heate, and
suddenly againe intollerable colde.

.Of their forme, habite, and maner of liuing.
Chap. 4.

5 'T^He Mongals or Tartars, in outward shape, are vnlike to all The shape of
X other people. For they are broader betweene the eyes, and * * *"*"'
the balles of their cheekes, then men of other nations bee. They
haue flat and small noses, litle eyes, and eye liddes standing
streight vpright, they are shauen on the crownes like priests.

10 They weare their haire somewhat longer about their eares, then Their habite.
vpon their foreheads : but behinde they let it growe long like
womans hair, whereof they braide two lockes binding eche of them
behind either eare. They haue short feet also. The garments, as
well of their men, as of their women are all of one fashion. They

15 vse neither cloakes, hattes, nor cappes. But they weare Jackets
framed after a strange manner, of buckeram, skarlet, or Baldakines.
Their shoubes or gownes are hayrie on the outside, and open Likevnto
behinde, with tailes hanging downe to their hammes. They vse men.'^ "^
not to washe their garments, neither will in any wise suffer them

20 to bee washed, especially in the time of thunder. Their habita- Their taber-
tions bee rounde and cunningly made with wickers and staues in "^"^ *'"'
manner of a tent. But in the middest of the toppes thereof, they
haue a window open to convey the light in and the smoake out.
For their fire is alwayes in the middest. Their walles bee couered

25 with felt. Their doores are made of felte also. Some of these
Tabernacles may quickely be taken asunder, and set together
againe, and are caried vpon beastes backes. Other some cannot
be taken insunder, but are stowed upon carts. And whitherso-
euer they goe, be it either to warre, or to any other place, they

30 transport their tabernacles with them. They are very rich in Their catteii.
cattel, as in camels, oxen, sheep, and goats. And I thinke they
haue more horses and mares then all the world besides. But they
haue no Kine nor other beasts. Their Emperors, Dukes, &
other of their nobles doe abound with silk, gold, siluer, and

35 precious stones. Their victuals are al things that may be eaten : victuals.
for we saw some of them eat lice. | They drinke milke in great [p. 55]
quantitie, but especially mares milke, if they haue it : They seeth
Mill also in water, making it so thinne, that they may drinke
thereof. Euery one of them drinkes off a cup full or two in

40 a morning, and sometime they eate nought else all the day long.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

But in the euening each man hath a little flesh giuen him to
eate, and they drinke the broath thereof, Howbeit in summer
time, when they haue mares milke enough, they seldome eate
flesh, vnles perhaps it be giuen them, or they take some beast
or bird in hunting. 5

Their
obediSce.

Their
abstinence.

Their
courtesie.

Their
chastity.

Their
insolencie
against
strangers.

Of their manners both good and bad. Chap. 5.

THeir manners are partly prayse-worthie, and partly detestable :
For they are more obedient vnto their lords and masters,
then any other either clergie or laie-people in the whole world.
For they doe highly reuerence them, and will deceiue them, 10
neither in wordes nor deedes. They seldome or neuer fall out
among themselues, and, as for fightings or brawlings, wounds or
manslaughters, they neuer happen among them. There are neither
theeues nor robbers of great riches to be found, and therefore the
tabernacles and cartes of them that haue any treasures are not 15
strengthened with lockes or barres. If any beast goe astray, the
finder thereof either lets it goe, or driueth it to them that are put
in office for the same purpose, at whose handes the owner of the
said beast demaundeth it, and without any difficultie receiueth it
againe. One of them honoureth another exceedingly, and bestoweth 20
banquets very familiarly and liberally, notwithstanding that good
victuals are daintie and scarce among them. They are also very
hardie, and when they haue fasted a day or two without any maner
of sustenance, they sing and are merry as if they had eaten their
bellies full. In riding, they endure much cold and extreme heat. 25
There be, in a maner, no contentions among them, and although
they vse commonly to be drunken, yet doe they not quarell in
their drunkennes. Noe one of them despiseth another but helpeth
and furthereth him, as much as conueniently he can. Their women
are chaste, neither is there so much as a word vttered concerning 30
their dishonestie. Some of them will notwithstanding speake filthy
and immodest words. But towards other people, the said Tartars
be most insolent, and they scorne and set nought by all other
noble and ignoble persons whatsoeuer. For we saw in the
Emperours court the great duke of Russia, the kings sonne of 35
Georgia, and many great Soldanes receiuing no due honour and
estimation among them. So that euen the very Tartars assigned
to giue attendance vnto them, were they neuer so base, would
alwaies goe before them, and take the vpper hand of them, yea,
and sometimes would constraine them to sit behinde their backes. 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. hi

Moreouer they are angrie and of a disdainefull nature vnto other
people, and beyond all measure deceitfuU, and treacherous towards
them. They speake fayre in the beginning, but in conclusion, they
sting like scorpions. For craftie they are, and full of falshood,

5 circumuenting all men whom they are able, by their sleights.
Whatsoeuer mischiefe they entend to practise against a man, they
keepe it wonderfully secrete, so that he may by no meanes prouide
for himselfe, nor find a remedie against their conspiracies. They
are vnmanerly also and vncleanly in taking their meat and their

lo drinke, and in other actions. Drunkennes is honourable among
them, and when any of them hath taken more drinke then his
stomacke can well beare, hee casteth it vp and falles to drinking
againe. They are most intollerable exacters, most couetous pos-
sessours, and most nigardly giuers. The slaughter of other people

15 is accompted a matter of nothing with them.

Of their lawes and customes. Chap. 6.

Oreouer, they haue this law or custome, that whatsoeuer Punish-
man or woman be manifestly taken in adultery, they are adultery,
punished with death. A virgine likewise that hath committed

20 fornication, they slay together with her mate. Whosoeuer be of theft,
taken in robberie or theft, is put to death without all pitie. Also,
if any man disclose their secrets, especially in time of warre, he Of secretes
receiueth an hundreth blowes on the backe with a bastinado, layd
on by a tall fellow. In like- sort when any inferiours offend in

25 ought, they finde no fauour at their superiours handes, but are

punished with grieuous stripes. They are ioyned in matrimony to Lawes of

,, . ,, , . 1 • r 11 L • matrimonie.

all m generall, yea, euen to their neare kmsfolkes except their
mother, daughter and sister by the mothers side. For they vse
to marrie their sister by the fathers side onely, and also the wife

30 of their father after his decease. The yonger brother also, or
some other of his kindred, is bound to marry the wife of his elder
brother deceased. For, at the time of our aboad in the countrey,
a certaine duke of Russia named Andreas, was accused before Andreas
duke Baty for conueying the Tartars horses out of the land, and Russia.

35 for selling them to others : and although it could not be prooued,
yet was he put to death. His yonger brother and the wife of the
party deceased hearing this, came & made their supplication vnto
the forenamed duke, \ that the dukedome of Russia might not be [p. 56]
taken from them. But he commanded the youth to marrie his

40 deceased brothers wife, and the woman also to take him vnto her

112

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Melich &
Dauid two
brothers.

husband, according to the custome of the Tartars. She answered,
that she had rather die, then so haynously transgresse the law.
Howbeit, hee deliuered her vnto him, although they both refused
as much as they could. Wherefore carying them to bed, they
constrained the youth, lamenting and weeping, to lie downe and s
commit incest with his brothers wife. To be short, after the death
of their husbands, the Tartars wiues vse very seldome to marrie
the second time, vnlesse perhaps some man takes his brothers
wife or his stepmother in mariage. They make no difference
betweene the sonne of their wife and of their concubine, but the lo
father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one : For of late the king
of Georgia hauing two sonnes, one lawfully begotten called Melich ;
but the other Dauid, borne in adulterie, at his death left part of
his lande vnto his base sonne. Hereupon Melich (vnto whome
the kingdome fell by right of his mother, because it was gouerned 15
before time by women) went vnto the Emperour of the Tartars,
Dauid also hauing taken his iourney vnto him. Nowe both of
them comming to the court and proffering large giftes, the sonne
of the harlot made suite, that he might haue iustice, according to
the custome of the Tartars. Well, sentence passed against Melich, 20
that Dauid being his elder brother, should haue superioritie ouer
him, and should quietly and peaceably possesse the portion of
land granted vnto him by his father. Whensoeuer a Tartar hath
many wiues, each one of them hath her family and dwelling place
by her selfe. And sometime the Tartar eateth, drinketh and lieth 25
with one, and sometime with another. One is accompted chiefe
among the rest, with whom hee is oftener conuersant, then with
the other. And notwithstanding (as it hath bin said) they are
many, yet do they seldome fal out among themselues.

Ridiculous
traditions.

Of their superstitious traditions. Chap, 7. 30

But by reason of certain traditions, which either they or their
predecessors haue deuised, they accompt some things in-
different to be faults. One is to thrust a knife into the fire, or
any way to touch the fire with a knife, or with their knife to take
flesh out of the cauldro, or to hewe with an hatchet neare vnto the 35
fire. For they think by that means to take away the head or force
from the fire. Another is to leane vpon the whip, wherewith they
beate their horses : for they ride not with spurs. Also, to touch
arrowes with a whip, to take or kill yong birds, to strike an horse
with y' raine of their bridle, and to breake one bone against 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 113

another. Also, to powre out milke, meate, or any kinde of drinke
vpon the ground, or to make water within theii tabernacle : which
whosoeuer doth willingly, he is slaine, but otherwise he must pay
a great summe of money to the inchanter to be purified. Who

S likewise must cause the tabernacle with all things therein, to passe
betweene two fiers. Before it be on this wise purified, no man
dare once enter into it, nor conueigh any thing thereout. Besides,
if any man hath a morsell giuen him, which he is not able to
swallow, and for that cause casteth it out of his mouth, there is an

10 hole made vnder his tabernacle, by which hee is drawen forth and
slaine without all compassion. Likewise, whosoeuer treads vpon
the threshold of any of their dukes tabernacles, he is put to death.
Many other things there be, like vnto these, which they take for
heinous offences. But to slay men, to inuade the dominions of

15 other people, and to rifle their goods, to transgresse the com-
maundements and prohibitions of God, are with them no offences
at all. They know nothing concerning eternall life, and euerlasting
damnation, and yet they thinke, that after death they shall Hue in
another world, that they shall multiply their cattell, that they shal

20 eate and drinke and doe other things which liuing men performe

here vpon earth. At a new moone, or a full moone, they begin The Tartars
all enterprises that they take in hand, and they call the moone the mTOnef
Great Emperour, and worship it vpon their knees. All men that
abide in their tabernacles must be purified with fire : Which Their

25 purification is on this wise. They kindle two fires, and pitch purifying,
two lauelines into the ground neere vnto the said fires, binding
a corde to the tops of the lauelines. And about the corde they
tye certaine iagges of buckram, vnder which corde, and betweene
which fires, men, beastes, and tabernacles do passe. There stand

30 two women also, one on the right side, and another on the left
casting water, and repeating certaine charmes. If any man be
slaine by lightning, all that dwell in the same tabernacle with him
must passe by fire in maner aforesaid. For their tabernacles,
beds, and cartes, their feltes and garments, and whatsoeuer such

35 things they haue, are touched by no man, yea, and are abandoned
by all men as things vncleane. And to bee short, they thinke that
all things are to be purged by fire. Therefore, when any ambassa-
dours, princes, or other personages whatsoeuer come vnto them,
they and their giftes must passe betweene two fires to be purified,

40 lest peraduenture they haue practised some witchcraft, or haue
brought some poyson or other mischiefe with them.

114 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

[p-57] I Of the beginning of their empire or gouernment.

Chap. 7.
The people " \ "^He East countric, whereof wee haue entreated, which is called

of Tartaria.

Mongal, is reported to haue had of olde time foure sortes
of people. One of their companions was called Yeka Mongal, 5
that is the great Mongals. The second company was called
Sumongal, that is, the Water-Mongals, who called themselues
Tartars of a certaine riuer running through their countrey named
Tartar. The third was called Merkat, and the fourth Metrit.
All these people had one and the same person, attire of body 10
and language, albeit they were diuided by princes and prouinces.
In the prouince of Yeka Mongal, there was a certaine man called
The original Chingis. This man became a mighty hunter. For he learned to
wcploitsof steale men, & to take them for a pray. He ranged into other
Chingts. countries taking as many captiues as he could, and ioining them 15
vnto himselfe. Also hee allured the men of his owne countrey
vnto him, who followed him as their captaine and ringleader to
doe mischiefe. Then began he to make warre vpon the Sumongals
or Tartars, and slewe their captaine, and after many conflicts, sub-
dued them vnto himselfe, and brought them all into bondage. 20
Afterward he vsed their helpe to fight against the Merkats, dwelling
by the Tartars, whom also hee vanquished in battell. Proceeding
from thence, he fought against the Metrites, and conquered them
The also. The Naimani hearing that Chingis was thus exalted, greatly

Naimani. (jisdeined thereat. For they had a mighty & puissant Emperour, 25
vnto whom all the foresaid nations payed tribute. Whose sonnes,
when he was dead, succeeded him in his Empire. Howbeit, being
young and foolish, they knew not howe to gouerne the people, but
The discord Were diuided, and fell at variance among themselues. Now Chingis
of brethren, j^^jj^g gxaltcd, as is aforcsaid, they neuerthelesse inuaded the fore- 30
named countries, put the inhabitants to the sword, and carried
away their goods for a pray. Which Chingis hauing intelligence
of, gathered all his subiects together. The Naimani also, and the
people called Karakitay assembled and banded themselues at a
certaine straight valley, where, after a battell foughten they were 35
vanquished by the Mongals. And being thus vanquished, they
were, the greater part of them, slaine ; and others, which could
not escape, were carried into captiuitie. In the land of the fore-
Occoday sayd Karakytayans, Occoday Cham, the sonne of Chingis Cham,
Cham. ^^j.^j. j^g ^^g created Emperour, built a certaine citie, which he 40
called Chanyl. Neare vnto which citie, on the South side, there

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 115

IS an huge desert, wherein wilde men are certainely reported to
inhabite, which cannot speake at all, and are destitute of ioynts in
their legges, so that if they fall, they cannot rise alone by them-
selues. Howbeit, they are of discretion to make feltes of Camels
5 haire, wherewith they clothe themselues, and which they holde
against the winde. And if at any time, the Tartars pursuing them,
chance to wound them with their arrowes, they put herbes into
their wounds, and flye strongly before them.

Of the mutuall victories betweene them, and
10 the people of Kythay. Chap. 9.

But the Mongals returning home into their owne countrey,
prepared themselues to battell against the * Kythayans :
Which their Emperour hearing, set forward against them with
his armie, and they fought a cruell battell, wherein the Mongals

15 were ouercome, and all their nobles in the armie, except seuen,
were slaine. And for this cause, when they, purposing to inuade
anie region, are threatned by the inhabitants thereof to be slaine,
they doe, to this day, answere: in old time also our whole number
besides being slaine, we remayned but seuen of vs aliue, and yet

20 notwithstanding we are now growen vnto a great multitude,
thinke not therefore to daunt vs with such brags. But Chingis
and the residue that remained aliue, fled home into their countrey :
And hauing breathed him a little, he prepared himselfe to warre. New

, P^ , • 1 1 11 1 TT ■ <-ni victories.

and went forth agamst the people called Huyn : 1 hese men were
25 Christians of the sect of Nestorius. And these also the Mongals

ouercame, and receiued letters or learning from them : for before Letters,
that time they had not the arte of writing, and nowe they call it
the hand or letters of the Mongals. Immediately after, hee marched
against the countrey of Saruyur, and of the Karanites, and against
30 the land of Hudirat ; all which he vanquished. Then returned he
home into his owne countrey, and breathed himselfe. Afterward,
assembling his warlike troupes, they marched with one accord
against the Kythayans, and waging warre with them a long time,
they conquered a great part of their land, and shut vp their Em-
35 perour into his greatest citie : which citie they had so long time
besieged, that they began to want necessary prouision for their
armie. And when they had no victuals to feede vpon, Chingis
Cham commaunded his souldiers, that they should eate euery

* Haython & Paulus Venetus call them Cathayans.

ii6 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

[p. 58] tenth man of the companie. | But they of the citie fought manfully
against them, with engines, dartes, and arrowes, and when stones
Siiuer cast wanted they threw siluer, and especially melted siluer : for the
enemie in Same citie abounded with great riches. Also, when the Mongals
st^^ had fought a long time and could not preuayle by warre, they s
made a great trench vnderneath the ground from the armie vnto
the middest of the citie, and there issuing foorth they fought
against the citizens, and the remnant also without the walles
fought in like manner. At last, breaking open the gates of the
citie, they entred, and putting the Emperour, with many other 10
to the sworde, they tooke possession thereof and conueighed
away the golde, siluer, and all the riches therein. And hauing
appointed certaine deputies ouer the countrey, they returned
home into their owne lande. This is the first time, when the
Chinfis Emperour of the Kythayans being vanquished, Chingis Cham 15
proclaimed obtayned the Empire. But some parte of the countrey, because
PartoT*' ** lyeth within the sea, they could by no meanes conquere vnto
Githay in this day. The men of Kytay are Pagans, hauing a speciall kinde
of writing by themselues, and (as it is reported) the Scriptures of
The letters, the oldc and newe Testament. They haue also recorded in 20
ligionofthe hystories the Hues of their forefathers: and they haue Eremites,
'^*°*' and certaine houses made after the manner of our Churches,
which in those dayes they greatly resorted vnto. They say that
they haue diuers Saints also, and they worship one (iod. They
adore and reuerence CHRIST lESVS our Lorde, and beleeue 25
the article of eternall life, but are not baptized. They doe also
honourably esteeme and reuerence our Scriptures. They loue
Christians, and bestowe much almes, and are a very courteous and
gentle people. They haue no beardes, and they agree partly
with the Mongals in the disposition of their countenance. In 30
Their excel- all occupations which men practise, there are not better artificers
manship. in the whole worlde. Their countrey is exceeding rich, in corne,
wine, golde, silke, and other commodities.

Of their warre against India maior and

'minor. Chap. 10. 35

ANd when the Mongals with their emperour Chingis Cham

JTX. had a while rested themselues after the foresayd victorie,

they diuided their armies. For the Emperour sent one of his

Thossut Can sonnes named Thossut (whom also they called Can, that is to

Chingis. say, Emperour) with an armie against the people of Comania, 40

NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 117

whom he vanquished with much warre, and afterward returned
into his owne country. But he sent his other sonne with an
armie against the Indians, who also subdued India minor. These 'ndia minor
Indians are the blacke Saracens, which are also called ^2thiopians.
5 But here the armie marched forward to fight against Christians
dwelling in India maior. Which the King of that countrey hearing
(who is commonly called Presbiter lohn) gathered his souldiers
together, and came foorth against them. And making mens
images of copper, he set each of them vpon a saddle on horse- The

10 backe, and put fire within them, and placed a man with a paire ofThtlcing
of bellowes on the horse backe behinde euery image. And so °'^^"'^'*-
with many horses and images in such sorte furnished, they
marched on to fight against the Mongals or Tartars. And
comming neare vnto the place of the battell, they first of all

IS sent those horses in order one after another. But the men that
sate behind laide I wote not what vpon the fire within the
images, and blew strongly with their bellowes. Whereupon it
came to passe, that the men and the horses were burnt with
wilde fire, and the ayre was darkened with smoake. Then the

20 Indians cast dartes vpon the Tartars, of whom many were
wounded and slain. And so they expelled them out of their
dominions with great confusion, neither did we heare, that euer
they returned thither againe.

How being repelled by monstrous men shapen
25 like dogs, they ouercame the people of

Burithabeth. Chap. 11.

But returning through the deserts, they came into a certaine
countrey, wherin (as it was reported vnto vs in the Em-
perours court, by certaine clergie men of Russia, and others, who

30 were long time among them, and that by strong and stedfast

affirmation) they found certaine monsters resembling women : a strange
who being asked by many interpreters, where the men of that certain
land were, they answered, that whatsoeuer women were borne women'^d
there, were indued with the shape of mankinde, but the males ^°^^-

35 were like vnto dogges. And delaying the time, in that countrey
they met with the said dogges on the other side of the riuer.
And in the midst of sharpe winter, they cast themselues into the
water : Afterward they wallowed in the dust vpon the maine land,
and so the dust being mingled with water, was frozen to their

40 backes, and hauing often times so done, the ice being strongly

ii8 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

frozen vpon them, with great fury they came to fight against the
Tartars. And when the Tartars threwe their dartes, or shot their

[p- 59] arrowes among them, they rebounded backe againe, | as if they had
lighted vpon stones. And the rest of their weapons coulde by no
meanes hurt them. Howbeit, the Dogges made an assault vpon 5
the Tartars, and wounding some of them with their teeth, and
slaying others, at length they draue them out of their countries.
And thereupon they haue a Prouerbe of the same matter, as yet
rife among them, which they sf)eake in iesting sorte one to another;
My father or my brother was slaine of Dogges. The women which 10
they tooke, they brought into their owne countrey, who remayned
there till their dying day. And in traueiling homewardes, the sayd

Theregionof armie of the Mongals came vnto the lande of Burithabeth (the
"" * inhabitants whereof are Pagans) and conquered the people in

battell. These people haue a strange or rather a miserable kinde 15

Themanners of custome. For when anie mans father deceaseth, he assembleth
" all his kindred, and they eate him. These men haue no beards
at all, for we saw them carie a certaine iron instrument in their
hands, wherewith, if any haires growe vpon their chinne, they
presently plucke them out. They are also very deformed. From 20
thence the Tartars armie returned to their owne home.

How they had the repulse at the Caspian

mountaynes, and were driuen backe by men

dwelling in caues. Chap. 12.

Another TV If Oreoucr Chingis Cham, at the same time when he sent 25
cSngii ° i.VX other armies against the East, hee himselfe marched
with a power into the lande of Kergis, which notwithstanding,
he conquered not in that expedition, and as it was reported vnto
vs, he went on forward euen to the Caspian mountaines. But
the mountaines on that part where they encamped themselues, 30
were of adamant, and therefore they drew vnto them their
arrowes, and weapons of iron. And certaine men contained
within those Caspian mountaynes, hearing, as it was thought, the
noyse of the armie, made a breach through, so that when the
Tartars returned vnto the same place tenne yeeres after, they 35
found the mountaine broken. And attempting to goe vnto them,
they could not : for there stood a cloud before them, beyond
which they were not able to passe, being depriued of their sight
so soone as they approched thereunto. But they on the contrary
side thinking that the Tartars durst not come nigh them, gaue the 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 119

assault, & when they came at the cloud, they could not proceed
for the cause aforesaid. Also the Tartars, before they came vnto
the said mountaines, passed for the space of a moneth and more,
through a vast wildernes, & departing thence towards the East,
5 they were aboue a moneth traueiling through another huge desert.
At length, they came vnto a land wherin they saw beaten waies,
but could not find any people. Howbeit, at the last, diligently
seeking, they found a man & his wife, whom they presented before
Chingis Cham : and demanding of them where the people of that

10 countrey were, they answered, that the people inhabited vnder
the ground in mountains. Then Chingis Cham keeping still the
w^oman, sent her husband vnto the, giuing the charge to come at
his command. And going vnto them, he declared all things that
Chingis Cham had commanded them. But they answered, that

15 they would vpon such a day visite him, to satisfie his desire. And
in the meane season, by blinde & hidden passages vnder the earth,
assembling themselues, they came against the Tartars in warlike
manner, and suddenly issuing forth, they slewe a great number of
them. This people were not able to endure the terrible noise,

20 which in that place the Sunne made at his vprising : for at the

time of the Sunne rising, they were in forced to lay one eare vpon a fabulous
the ground, and to stoppe the other close; least they should heare "f the"°un
that dreadfull sound. Neither could they so escape, for by this "*'"^'
meanes many of them were destroyed. Chingis Cham therefore

25 and his company, seeing that they preuailed not, but continually
lost some of their number, fled and departed out of that land.
But the man and his wife aforesaid they caried along with them,
who all their life time continued in the Tartars countrey. Being
demaunded why the men of their countrey doe inhabite vnder the

30 ground, they sayd, that at a certeine time of the yeare, when the
sunne riseth, there is such an huge noyse, that the people cannot
endure it. Moreouer, they vse to play vpon cymbals, drums, and
other musicall instruments, to the ende they may not heare that
sounde.

35 Of the Statutes of Chingis Cham, of his death,
of his sonnes, and of his dukes. Chap. 13.

But as Chingis Cham returned out of that countrey, his people
wanted victuals, & suffered extreme famin. Then by chance
they found y' fresh intrails of a beast : which they tooke, & casting
40 away the dung therof, caused it to be sodden, brought it before

I20 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

The^'«^«=of Chingis Cham, & did eat therof. And hereupon Chingis Cham
enacted; that neither the blood, nor the intrails, nor any other

[p. 60] part of a j beast which might be eaten, should be cast away, saue
onely the dunge. Wherefore he returned thence into his owne
land, and there he ordayned lawes and statutes, which the Tartars 5
doe most strictly and inuiolably obserue, of the which we haue

The death before spoken. He was afterward slaine by a thunderclap. He

Hiss3^^ had foure sonnes: the first was called Occoday, the second
Thossut Can, the third Thiaday: the name of the fourth is

Hisgraund- vnlcnowen. From these foure descended all the dukes of the 10
Mongals. The first sonne of Occoday is Cuyne, who is now
Emperour: his brothers be Cocten and Chyrinen. The sonnes
of Thossut Can are Bathy, Ordu, Siba, and Bora. Bathy, next
vnto the Emperour, is richer and mightier then all the rest. But
Ordu is the seignior of all the dukes. The sonnes of Thiaday be 15
Hurin and Cadan. The sonnes of Chingis Cham his other sonne,

The Tartar- whose name is vnknowen, are Mengu, Bithat, and certaine others.
" "^ The mother of Mengu was named Seroctan, and of all others most
honoured among the Tartars, except the Emperors mother, and
mightier then any subiect except Bathy. These be the names of 20
the dukes : Ordu, who was in Poland and in Hungarie : Bathy
also & Hurin & Cadan, and Siban, and Ouygat, all which were in
Hungarie. In like maner Cyrpodan, who is as yet beyond the
sea, making war against certaine Soldans of the Saracens, and
other inhabitants of farre countries. Others remained in the land, 25
as namely Mengu, Chyrinen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Cara, Gay, Sybedey,
Bora, Berca, Corrensa. There be many other of their dukes, whose
names are vnknowen vnto vs.

Of the authoritie of the Emperour, and of

his dukes. Chap. 14. 30

The absolute TV /T Oreoucr, the Emperour of the Tartars hath a wonderfuU

dominion IVX dominion ouer all his subiects. For no man dare abide

Tartarian in any place, vnles he hath assigned him to be there. Also he

oi^r'hb"'^ himselfe appointeth to his dukes where they should inhabite.

tubiect*. Likewise the dukes assigne places vnto euery Millenarie, or con- 35

ducter of a thousand souldiers, the Millenaries vnto each captaine

of an 100. the captaines vnto euery corporall of ten. VVhatsoeuer

is giuen them in charge, whensoeuer, or wheresoeuer, be it to fight

or to lose their Hues, or howsoeuer it be, they obey without any

gainsaying. For if he demandeth any mans daughter, or sister 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

121

being a virgine, they presently deliuer her vnto him without all
contradiction : yea, often times he makes a collection of virgines
throughout all the Tartars dominions, and those whom he meanes
to keepe, he retaineth vnto himselfe, others he bestoweth vpon his

5 men. Also, whatsoeuer messenger he sendeth, or whithersoeuer,
his subiects must without delay finde them horses and other
necessaries. In like sorte, from what countrey soeuer tribute
payers, or ambassadours come vnto him, they must haue horses,
carriages, and expenses allowed them. Notwithstanding ambassa-

lo dours comming from other places do suffer great misery, and are
in much wante both of victuals, and of apparel : especially when
they come to any of the dukes, and there they are constrayned to
make some lingering abode. Then ten men are allowed so little Their
sustenance, that scarcely two could Hue thereof. Likewise, if any inhumamtie

IS iniuries be offered them, they cannot without danger make com- bas»dours!
plaint. Many gifts also are demaunded of them, both by dukes
and others, which if they doe not bestow, they are basely esteemed,
and set at nought. And hereupon, wee were of necessitie enforced
to bestowe in giftes a great part of those things which were giuen

20 vs by well disposed people, to defray our charges. To be short,
all things are so in the power and possession of the Emperour,
that no man dare say. This is mine, or, this is my neighbours ; but
all, both goods, cattell and men are his owne. Concerning this
matter also he published a statute of late. The very same authority

25 and iurisdiction, doe the dukes in like sorte exercise vpon their
subiects.

Of the election of Emperour Occoday, and
of the expedition of duke Bathy. Chap. 15.

Fter the death of Chingis Cham aforesayd, the dukes assembled Occoday

< siicccctictH

30 X i. themselues and chose Occoday his sonne to be their Empe- his father.
rour. And he, entering into consultation with his nobles, diuided
his armies, and sent duke Bathy his nephew against the countrie '^^'jj*. ?*•
of Altisoldan, and against the people called Bisermini, who were of Bathy.
Saracens, but spake the language of Comania. The Tartars

35 inuading their countrey, fought with them and subdued them
in battel. But a certeine citie called Barchin resisted them a
long time. For the citizens had cast vp many ditches and trenches
about their citie, in regard whereof the Tartars could not take it,
till they had filled the said ditches. But the citizens of Sarguit

40 hearing this, came foorth to meete them, yeelding themselues vnto

The citie
of Barchin.

122

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

[p. 6i]

Onia.

The
Morduans.

Bulgaria
magna.

Hungaria

magna.

Parossiue.

Samogetx.

The North
ocean.

Northeme
monsters.

them of their owne accord. Whereupon their citie was not de-
stroyed, but they slue manie of them and others they carried
away captiue, and taking spoyles, they filled | the citie with other
inhabitants, and so marched foorth against the citie of Orna. This
towne was very populous and exceeding rich. For there were 5
many Christians therein, as namely Gasarians, Russians, and
Alanians, with others, and Saracens also. The gouernment of
the citie was in the Saracens hande. It standeth vpon a mighty
riuer, and is a kinde of porte towne, hauing a great marte exercised
therein. And when the Tartars could not otherwise ouercome it, lo
they turned the sayd riuer, running through the citie, out of his
chanell, and so drowned the citie with the inhabitantes and their
goods. Which being done, they set forward against Russia, and
made foule hauocke there, destroying cities and castles and
murthering the people. They layd siege a long while vnto Kiow 15
the chiefe citie of Russia, and at length they tooke it and slue
the citizens. Whereupon, traueiling through that countrey, wee
found an innumerable multitude of dead mens skulles and bones
lying vpon the earth. For it was a very large and a populous citie,
but it is nowe in a maner brought to nothing: for there doe scarce 20
remaine 200. houses, the inhabitants whereof are kept in extreame
bondage. Moreouer, out of Russia and Comania, they proceeded
forward against the Hungarians, and the Polonians, and there
manie of them were slaine, as is aforesaid : and had the Hun-
garians manfully withstood them, the Tartars had beene con- 25
founded and driuen backe. Returning from thence, they inuaded
the countrey of the Morduans being pagans, and conquered them
in battell. Then they marched against the people called Byleri,
or Bulgaria magna, & vtterly wasted the countrey. From hence
they proceeded towards the North against the people called 3°
Bastarci or Hungaria magna, and conquered them also. And
so going on further North, they came vnto the Parossitae, who
hauing little stomacks and small mouthes, eate not any thing at
all, but seething flesh they stand or sitte ouer the potte, and
receiuing the steame or smoke thereof, are therewith onely 35
nourished, and if they eate anie thing it is very little. From
hence they came to the Samoget?, who Hue onely vpon hunting,
and vse to dwell in tabernacles onely, and to weare garments
made of beastes skinnes. From thence they proceeded vnto a
countrey lying vpon the Ocean sea, where they found certaine 40
monsters, who in all things resembled the shape of men, sauing
that their feete were like the feete of an oxe, and they had in
deede mens heads but dogges faces. They spake, as it were,

NAVIGATIONS, ETC.

123

two words like men, but at the third they barked like dogges.
From hence they retired into Comania, and theie some of them
remaine vnto this day.

Of the expedition of duke Cyrpodan. Chap. 16.

\V the same time Occoday Can sent duke Cyrpodan with an

armie against Kergis, who also subdued them in battell. Kergis.
These men are Pagans, hauing no beardes at all. They haue a
custome when any of their fathers die, for griefe and in token of
lamentation to drawe as it were, a leather thong ouerthwart their

10 faces, from one eare to the other. This nation being conquered,
duke Cyrpodan marched with his forces Southward against the
Armenians. And trauailing through certain desert places, they
found monsters in the shape of men, which had each of them but
one arme & one hand growing out of the midst of their breast,

15 and but one foote. Two of them vsed to shoote in one bo we, and
they ran so swiftly, that horses could not ouertake them. They
ran also vpon that one foote by hopping and leaping, and being
weary of such walking, they went vpon their hand and their foote,
turning themselues round, as it were in a circle. And being wearie

20 of so doing, they ran againe according to their wonted manner.

Isidore calleth them Cyclopedes. And as it was told vs in court, Cyciopedes.
by the clergie men of Russia, who remaine with the foresayd
Emperour, many ambassadours were sent from them vnto the
Emperours court, to obtaine peace. From thence they proceeded

25 forth into Armenia, which they conquered in battell, and part also
of Georgia. And the other part is vnder their iurisdiction, paying
as yet euery yeare vnto them for tribute, 20000. pieces of coyne
called Yperpera. From thence they marched into the dominions
of the puissant and mighty Soldan called Deurum, whom also they

30 vanquished in fight. And to be short, they went on farther sacking
and conquering, euen vnto the Soldan of Aleppo his dominions,
and now they haue subdued that land also, determining to inuade
other countries beyond it : neither returned they afterward into
their owne land vnto this day. Likewise the same armie marched

35 forward against the Caliph of Baldach his countrey, which they
subdued also, & exacted at his handes the daylie tribute of 400.
Byzantines, besides Baldakines and other giftes. Also euery
yeare they send messengers vnto the Caliph mouing him to
come vnto them. Who sending back great gifts together with

40 his tribute beseecheth the to be fauourable vnto him. Howbeit

Armenia
& Georgia
conquered.

The Soldan
of Aleppo
his land.

The Caliph
of Baldach.

124 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

the Tartarian Emperour receiueth al his gifts, & yet still neuer-
theles sends for him, to haue him come.

[p. 62] I How the Tartars behaue themselues in

vvarre. Chap. 17.

The military f~^ Hingis Cham diuidcd his Tartars by captaines of ten, 5

discipline of I . , . . .1

the Tartars. V.^ captamcs of an 100. and captaines of a looo. And
ouer ten Millenaries or captains of a looo, he placed, as it
were, one Colonel, and yet notwithstanding ouer one whole
armie he authorised two or three dukes, but yet so that all
should haue especiall regard vnto one of the said dukes. And lo
when they ioine battel against any other nation, vnles they do
all with one consent giue backe, euery man that flies is put to
death. And if one or two, or more of ten proceed manfully
to the battel, but the residue of those ten draw backe & follow
not the company, they are in like maner slaine. Also, if one 15
among ten or more bee taken, their fellowes, if they rescue the
not, are punished with death. Moreouer they are enioined to
Their haue these weapons following. Two long bowes or one good

weapos. ^^^ ^^ ^^ least, three quiuers full of arrowes, & one axe, and

ropes to draw engines withal. But the richer sort haue single 20
edged swords, with sharpe points, and somewhat crooked. They
haue also armed horses with their shoulders and breasts defenced,
they haue helmets and brigandines. Some of them haue iackes,
and caparisons for their horses made of leather artificially doubled
or trebled vpon their bodies. The vpper part of their helmet is of 25
iron or Steele, but that part which compasseth about the necke
and the throate is of leather. Howbeit some of them haue all
their foresaide furniture of iron framed in maner following. They
beate out many thinne plates a finger broad, and a handful long,
and making in euery one of them eight little holes, they put there- 30
unto three strong and streight leather thongs. So they ioine the
plates one to another, as it were, ascending by degrees. Then
they tie the plates vnto the said thongs, with other small and
slender thongs, drawen through the holes aforesayd, and in the
vpper part, on each side therof, they fasten one small doubled 35
thong vnto another, that the plates may firmely be knit together.
These they make, as well for their horses caparisons, as for the
armour of their men : And they skowre them so bright that a man
may behold his face in them. Some of them vpon the necke of
their launce haue an hooke, wherewithall they attempt to pull 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

125

men out of their saddles. The heads of their arrowes are ex-
ceedingly sharpe cutting both wayes like a two edged sworde,
and they alwaies carie a file in their quiuers to whet their arrow-
heads. They haue targets made of wickers, or of small roddes,

5 Howbeit they doe not (as we suppose) accustome to carrie them,
but onely about the tents, or in the Emperours or dukes guardes, Their ex-
& that only in the night season. They are most politique in cunni"n*gin
warres, hauing bene exercised therein with other nations for the ^^'■'■^^•
space of these 42. yeres. When they come at any riuers, the chiefe Their maner

10 men of the company haue a round and light piece of leather, about ouer riuers.
the borders whereof making many loopes, they put a rope into
them to drawe it together like a purse, and so bring it into the
rounde forme of a ball, which leather they fill with their garments
and other necessaries, trussing it vp most strongly. But vpon the

15 midst of the vpper parte thereof, they lay their saddles and other
hard things, there also doe the men themselues sit. This their
boate they tye vnto an horse tayle, causing a man to swimme
before, & to guide ouer the horse, or sometime they haue two
oares to row themselues ouer. The first horse therefore being

20 driuen into the water, all the other horses of the company followe
him, and so they passe through the riuer. But the poorer sort of
common souldiers haue euery man his leather bag or sachell well
sowen together, wherin he packs vp all his trinkets, and strongly
trussing it vp hangs it at his horses tayle, and so passeth ouer, in

25 maner aforesaid.

Howe they may be resisted. Chap. 18.

IDeeme not any one kingdome or prouince able to resist them :
because they vse to take vp souldiers out of euery countrey
of their dominions. And if so be the neighbour prouince which

30 they inuade, wil not aide them, vtterly wasting it, with the inhabit-
ants therof, whom they take from thence with them, they proceed
on to fight against another countrey. And placing their captiues
in the forefront of the battell, if they fight not couragiously, they
put them to the sworde. Wherefore, if Christians would with-

35 stande them, it is expedient, that the prouinces and gouernours
of countreies should agree in one, and so by common counsell,
should giue them resistance. Their souldiers also must be
furnished with strong hand-bowes & cros-bowes, which they
greatly dread, & with sufficiet arrowes, with maces also of good

40 iron, or an axe with a long handle or staffe. When they make
their arrow heads, they must (according to y* Tartars custome)

Counsel how
to wage .^_„
warre a-
gainst the
Tartars.

126 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Anoubie dip the red-hot into water mingled with salte, that they may be
iro^*or° strong to piercc the enemies armour. They that wil may haue
*'"''• swords also & lances with hooks at the ends, to pull the from

their saddles, out of which they are easilie remoued. They must
haue helmets likewise & other armour to defend theselues & their 5
horses fro the Tartars weapons «S: arrowes, &: they that are vn-
[p. 63] armed, must (according to y" Tartars custome) | march behinde
their fellowes, and discharge at the enemie with long bowes and
cros-bowes. And (as it is aboue said of the Tartars) they must
orderly dispose their bandes and troupes, and ordeine lawes for 10
their souldiers. Whosoeuer runneth to the pray or spoyle, before
the victorie be atchieued, must vndergoe a most seuere punish-
ment. For such a fellow is put to death among the Tartars
without all pitie or mercie. The place of battel must be chosen,
if it be possible, in a plaine fielde, where they may see round 15
about, neither must all be in one company, but in manie and
seuerall bandes, not very farre distant one from another. They
which giue the first encounter must sende one band before, and
must haue another in a readynesse to relieue and second the
former in time conuenient. They must haue spies also on euery 20
side to giue them notice when the rest of the enemies bandes
approch. For therefore ought they alwayes to send forth band
against band & troupe against troupe, because the Tartar euer
practiseth to gette his enemie in the midst and so to enuiron him.
Let our bands take this caueat also, if the enemie retire, not to 25
make any long pursuit after him, lest peraduenture (according
to his custome) he might draw them into some secret ambush :
for the Tartar fights more by policie then by maine force. And
againe, lest our horses bee tired : for we are not so well stored
with horses as they. Those horses which the Tartars vse one day, 30
they ride not vpon three or foure dayes after. Moreouer, if the
Tartars draw homeward, our men must not therefore depart and
casseir their bandes, or separate themselues asunder : because they
doe this vpon policie, namely to haue our armie diuided, that they
may more securely inuade and waste the countrey. And in very 35
deede, our captaines ought both day and night to keepe their
armie in a readines : and not to lie out of their armour, but at all
assayes, to bee prouided for battell. For the Tartars like diuels
are alwaies watching and deuising howe to practise mischiefe.
Furthermore, if in battell any of the Tartars be cast off their horse 40
backes, they must presently bee layd holde on and taken, for being
on foote they shoote strongly, wounding and killing both horses
and men.

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

127

Of the ioiirney of frier ^ lohn vnto the first
guard of the Tartars. Chap, 19.

WE therefore by the commaundement of the sea apostolique
setting foorth towards the nations of the East, chose first

5 to trauel vnto the Tartars, because we feared that there might be
great danger imminent vpon the Church of God next vnto them,
by their inuasions. Proceeding on therefore, we came to the king
of Bohemia, who being of our familiar acquaintance, aduised vs to
take our iourney through Polonia and Russia. For we had kins-

10 folkes in Polonia, by whose assistance, we might enter into Russia.
Hauing giuen vs his letters, hee caused our charges also to be de-
frayed, in all his chiefe houses and cities, till we came vnto his nephew
Boleslaus duke of Slesia, w^ho also was familiar and well knowen
vnto vs. The like fauour he shewed vs also, till wee came vnto

15 Conradus duke of fLautiscia, vnto whome then (by Gods especiall
fauour towards vs) lord Wasilico duke of Russia was come, from
whose mouth we heard more at large cocerning the deedes of the
Tartars : for he had sent ambassadours thither, who were returned
backe vnto him. Wherefore, it being giuen vs to vnderstand, that

20 we must bestow giftes vpon them, we caused certaine skinnes of
beuers and other beastes to be bought with part of that money,
which was giuen vpon almes to succour vs by the way. Which
thing duke Conradus and the \ duches of Cracow, and a bishop,
and certaine souldiers being aduertised of, gaue vs likewise more

25 of the same skins. And to be short, duke Wasilico being earnestly
requested by the duke of Cracow, and by the bishop and barons,
on our behalfe, conducted vs with him, vnto his owne land, and
there for certaine daies, enterteined vs at his owne charges, to the
ende that we might refresh our selues a while. And when, being

30 requested by vs, he had caused his bishops to resort vnto him, we
reade before them the Popes letters, admonishing them to retume
vnto the vnitie of the Church. To the same purpose also, we our
selues admonished them, and to our abilitie, induced as well the
duke as the bishops and others thereunto. Howbeit because duke

35 Daniel the brother of Wasilico aforesaid (hauing as then taken his
iourney vnto Baty) was absent, they could not at that time, make
a finall answere. After these things duke Wasilico sent vs forward
with one of his seruants as farre as Kiow the chiefe citie of Russia.

The iourney
of frier lohn
&his
fellow
Legates.

Boleslaus
duke of
Silesia.

Daniel bro-
ther unto
Wasilico.

t Mazouia.

lohannes de piano Carpini.

X Grimslaua.

128 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

The Howbeit we went alwayes in danger of our Hues by reason of the

Lituanians, who did often inuade y' borders of Russia, euen in
those verie places by which we were to passe. But in regard of
the foresayd seruant, wee were out of the Russians daunger, the
greatest part of whome were either slaine, or caried into captiuitie 5
by the Tartars. Moreouer, at Danilon wee were feeble euen vnto
the death. (Notwithstanding wee caused our selues to bee carried
in a waggon through the snowe and extreme colde) And being
come vnto Kiow, wee consulted with the Millenary, & other noble
men there concerning our ioumey. They told vs, that if wee lo

[p. 64] I carried those horses, which wee then had, vnto the Tartars, great
store of snowe lying vpon the ground, they would all dye : be cause
they knew not howe to digge vp the grasse vnder the snow, as the

The fodder Tartarian horses doe, neither could there bee ought found for them

Tartarian to cate, the Tartars hauing neither hay nor strawe, nor any other 15
**"^ fodder. We determined therefore to leaue them behind at Kiow
with t\vo seruants appointed to keepe them. And wee were con-
strayned to bestow gifts vpon the Millenary, that we might obtaine
his fauour to allowe vs poste horses and a guide. Wherefore
beginning our ioumey the second daye after the feast of the 20
Purification, wee arriued at the towne of Canow, which was
immediatly vnder the dominion of the Tartars. The gouernour
whereof allowed vs horses and a guide vnto another towne, where-

Michaeas the in wee found one Michaeas to be gouernour, a man full of all

malice and despight. Who notwithstanding, hauing receiued giftes 25
at our handes, according to his maner conducted vs to the first
guarde of the Tartars.

How he and his company were at the first
receiued of the Tartars. Chap. 20.

Herefore, the first Saturday next after Ashwednesday, 30
hauing about the Sunnes going downe, taken vp our
place of rest, the armed Tartars came rushing vpon vs in vnciuil
and horrible maner, being very inquisitiue of vs what maner of
persons, or of what condition we were : & when we had answered
them that we were the Popes Legates, receiuing some victuals at 35
our handes, they immediatly departed. Moreouer in the morning
rising and proceeding on our ioumey, the chiefe of them which
were in the guard met with vs, demaunding why, or for what
The contents intent and purpose we came thither: and what busines we had
^1^^ with them : Unto whom we answered. We are the legates of our 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

129

lord the Pope, who is the father & lord of the Christians. He
hath sent vs as well vnto your Emperour, as to your princes, and
all other Tartars for this purpose, because it is his pleasure, that
all Christians should be in league with the Tartars, and should

5 haue peace with them. It is his desire also that they should
become great or in fauour with God in heauen, therfore he ad-
monisheth them aswel by vs, as by his own letters, to become
Christians, and to embrace the faith of our Lord lesu Christ,
because they could not otherwise be saued. Moreouer, he giues

10 the to vnderstand, that he much marueileth at their mostrous
slaughters «Sc massacres of mankind, & especially of Christians,
but most of al of Hungarias, Mountaineirs, & Polonians, being
al his subiects, hauing not iniuried them in ought, nor attempted
to doe them iniurie. And because the Lord God is grieuously

15 offended thereat, he aduiseth them from henceforth to beware of
such dealing, & to repent them of that which they had done. He
requesteth also, that they would write an answere vnto him, what
they purpose to doe hereafter, and what their intention is. All
which things being heard and vnderstood, the Tartars sayd that

20 they would appoint vs poste horses and a guide vnto Corrensa.
And immediately demanding gifts at our hands, they obtained
them. Then receiuing the same horses, from which they dis-
mounted, together with a guide wee tooke our iourney vnto
Corrensa. But they riding a swift pace, sent a messenger before

25 vnto the sayd duke Corrensa, to signifie the message, which we
had deliuered vnto them. This duke is gouernour of all them,
which lie in guard against the natios of the West, least some
enemy might on the sudden and at vnawares breake in vpon
them. And hee is said to haue 60000. men vnder him.

Corrensa.

The duke
of the
Westerne
marches.

30 How they were recelued at the court of

Corrensa. Chap. 21.

BEing come therefore vnto his court, hee caused our tent to xhemanerof
bee placed farre from him, and sent his agents to demaund of Tartarian
vs with what we would incline vnto him, that is to say, what giftes p'''"'^'^^-
35 we would offer, in doing our obeisance vnto him. Unto whome
wee answered, that our lord the Pope had not sent any giftes at
all, because he was not certaine that wee should euer bee able to
come at them : for we passed through most dangerous places.
Notwithstanding, to our abilitie, we will honour him with some
40 part of those things, which haue bene, by the goodnes of God,

I30 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

& the fauour of the Pope, bestowed vpo vs for our sustenance.
Hauing receiued our gifts, they conducted vs vnto the Orda or
tent of the duke, & we were instructed to bow thrise with our left
knee before the doore of the tente, and in any case to beware, lest
wee set our foote vpon the threshold of the sayd doore. And that 5
after we were entred, wee should rehearse before the duke and all
his nobles, the same wordes, which wee had before sayde, kneeling
vpon our knees. Then presented wee the letters of our lord the
Pope : but our interpreter whome we had hired and brought with
vs from Kiow was not sufficiently able to interpret them, neither lo
was there any other esteemed to bee meete for the same purpose.
Here certaine poste horses and three Tartars were appoynted for

[p. 65] I vs to conduct vs from hence with al speede vnto duke Bathy.

Duke Bathy This Bathy is the mightiest prince among them except the Em-
*^*''' perour, & they are bound to obey him before all other princes. 15
We began our ioumey towards his court the first tuesday in Lent,
and riding as fast as our horses could trot (for we had fresh horses
almost thrise or foure times a day) we posted from morning till
night, yea very often in the night season also, and yet could we
not come at him before Maundie thursday. All this ioumey we 20
went through the land of Comania, which is al plaine ground, and
hath foure mighty riuers running through it : The first is called
•Neper, on the side whereof towards Russia, duke Corrensa &
Montij marched vp and downe, which Montij on the other side
vpon the plaines is greater then he. The second is called t Don, 25
vpon the banke whereof marcheth a certain prince hauing in
mariage the sister of Baty, his name is Tirbon. The third is
called I Volga, which is an exceeding great riuer, vpon the bankes
whereof duke Bathy marcheth. The fourth is called ||Iaec, vpon
which two Millenaries doe march, on each side of the riuer one. 30
All these, in the winter time, descend down to the sea, & in
summer ascend backe by the bankes of the said riuers vp to
the mountains. The sea last named is the § Great sea, out of
which the arme of S. George proceedeth, which runneth by Con-
stantinople. These riuers do abound with plenty of fishes, but 35
especially Volga, & they exonerate theselues into the Grecian sea,
which is called Mare maior. Ouer Neper we went many daies
vpon the ice. Along the shore also of the Grecian sea we went
very dangerously vpon the ice in sundry places, & that for many

* Boristhenes. + Tanais. t Rha. || Rhymnus.

§ Pontus Euxinus. He is deceiued, for albeit Neper & Don run into Mare
maior: yet Volga & laec flowe into the Caspian sea.

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

131

daies together. For about the shore the waters are frozen three
leagues into the sea. But before we came vnto Bathy, two of our
Tartars rode afore, to giue him intelligence of all the sayings which
we had vttered in the presence of Corrensa.

5 How we were receiued at the court of the

great prince Bathy. Chap. 22,

MOreouer, when we came vnto Bathy in the land of Comania,
we were seated a good league distant from his tabernacles.
And when we should be conducted vnto his court, it was tolde vs

10 that we must passe between two fires. But we would by no means
be induced thereunto. Howbeit, they said vnto vs : you may passe
through without al danger : for we would haue you to doe it for
none other cause, but only that if you intend any mischiefe against
our lord, or bring any poyson with you, fire may take away all

15 euill. Unto whom we answered, that to the end we might cleare
ourselues from all suspition of any such matter, we were contented
to passe through. When therefore we were come vnto the Orda,
being demanded by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we
would do our obeisance : Wee gaue the same answere which we

20 did at the court of Corrensa. The gifts being giuen and receiued,
the causes of our iourney also being heard, they brought vs into
the tabernacle of the prince, first bowing our selues at the doore,
& being admonished, as before, not to tread vpon the threshold.
And being entred, we spake vnto him kneeling vpon our knees, &

25 deliuered him our letters, and requested him to haue interpreters
to translate them. Who accordingly on good friday were sent vnto
vs, and we together with them, diligently translated our sayd letters
into the Russian, Tartarian, and Saracen languages. This inter-
pretation was presented vnto Bathy, which he read, & attentiuely

30 noted. At length wee were conducted home againe vnto our owne
lodging, howbeit no victuals were giuen vnto vs, except it were
once a litle Millet in a dich, the first night of our comming. This
Bathy caries himselfe very stately & magnificently, hauing porters
and all officers after the maner of the Emperour, and sittes in a

35 lofty seate or throne together with one of his wiues. The rest,
namely, as well his brethren and sonnes, as other great personages
sit vnderneath him in the midst vpon a bench, and others sit
downe vpon the ground, behinde him, but the men on the right
hand and the women on the left. He hath very faire and large

40 tentes of linnen cloth also, which were once the kings of Hungaria.

9—2

A ceremony
of passing
betweene
two fiers.

Eldegay.

Bathy hear-
eth the
Legates.

He behaues
himselfe Hke
a king.

132 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Neither dare any man come into his tent (besides them of his
owne family) vnles he be called, be he neuer so mighty and great,
except perhaps it be knowen that it is his pleasure. Wee also, for
the same cause, sate on the left hand ; for so doe all ambassadors
in going : but in returning from the Emperour, we were alwaies 5
placed on the right hand. In the middest stands his table, neare
vnto the doore of the tent, vpon the which there is drinke filled in
golden and siluer vessels. Neither doth Bathy at any time drinke,
nor any other of the Tartarian princes, especially being in a
Their publique place, but they haue singing and minstrilsie before them. 10

drinking ai And alwaies, when hee rides, there is a canopie or small tent
mu^c!^ ' '^ caried ouer his head vpon the point of a iaueline. And so doe
all the great princes of the Tartars, & their wiues also. The sayd
Bathy is courteous enough vnto his owne men, and yet is hee had
in great awe by them : he is most cruel in fight : he is exceedingly 15
prudent and politique in warre, because he hath now continued a
long time in martiall affaires.

[p. 66] I How departing from Bathy, they passed through
the land of Comania, and of the KangittcB. Chap. 23.

Oreouer, vpon Easter euen we were called vnto the tent, 20
and there came forth to meete vs the foresaid agent of
Bathy, saying on his masters behalfe, that we should go into their
land, vnto the Emperor Cuyne, deteining certaine of our company
with this pretence, that they would send them backe vnto the
Pope, to whom we gaue letters of al our affaires to deliuer vnto 25
him. But being come as farre as duke Montij aforesaid, there
They ira- they Were kept vntill our returne. Upon Easter day, hauing said
from Ej^er our praicrs, and taken a slender breakfast, in the company of two
aa-VrVuiy Tartars, which were assigned vnto vs by Corensa we departed with
v^^I'^ ""^ many teares, not knowing whether we went to death or to life. 30
And we were so feeble in bodie, that we were scarce able to ride.
For all that Lent through, our meat was Millet onely with a little
water and salte. And so likewise vpon other fasting dayes. Neither
had we ought to drinke, but snowe melted in a skillet. And
passing through Comania we rode most earnestly, hauing change 35
of horses fiue times or oftener in a day, except when we went
through deserts, for then we were allowed better and stronger
horses, which could vndergoe the whole labour. And thus farre
Adescrip- had we trauailcd from the beginning of Lent vntill eight dayes
Comania, after Easter. The land of Comania on the North side immediately 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

133

The North
Ocean.

after Russia, hath the people called Morduyni Byleri, that is,
Bulgaria magna, the Bastarci, that is, Hungaria magna, next vnto
the Bastarci, the Parositae and the Samogetae. Next vnto the
Samogetae are those people which are sayd to haue dogges faces,
5 inhabiting vpon the desert shores of the Ocean. On the South
side it hath the Alani, the Circassi, the Gazari, Greece and Con-
stantinople ; also the land of Iberia, the Cathes, the Brutaches
who are said to be lewes shauing their heads all ouer, the landes
also of Scythia, of Georgia, of Armenia, of Turkie. On the West

10 side it hath Hungaria, and Russia. Also Comania is a most large
and long countrey. The inhabitantes whereof called Comani the
Tartars slewe, some notwithstanding fled from them, and the rest
were subdued vnder their bondage. But most of them that fled
are returned againe. Afterward wee entred the lande of the

15 Kangitt?e, which in many places hath great scarcetie of waters, Kangittae.
wherin there are but fewe inhabitants by reason of the foresayd
defect of water. For this cause diuers of the seruants of leroslaus lerosiaus
duke of Russia, as they were traueiling towards him into the land Russia,
of Tartaria, died for thirst, in that desert. As before in Comania,

20 so likewise in this countrey, wee found many skulles and bones of
dead men lying vpon the earth like a dunghill. Through this
countrey we were traueiling from the eight day after Easter vntill
Ascension day. The inhabitants therof were Pagans, and neither
they nor the Comanians vsed to till the ground, but liued onely

25 vpon cattell, neither built they any houses but dwelled in tents.
These men also haue the Tartars rooted out, and doe possesse
and inhabite their countrey, howbeit, those that remained are
reduced into their bondage.

The land
of the

How they came vnto the first court of the
new Emperour. Chap. 24.

MOreouer, out of the land of the Kangittae, we entered into
the countrey of y^ Bisermini, who speake the language of The land
Comania, but obserue the law of the Saracens. In this countrey Bis'enninL
we found innumerable cities with castles ruined, 8z many towns
35 left desolate. The lord of this country was called Soldan Alti, Aiti

• 1 , 1 • . 1 J 1 1 ni f-r-ii • Soldanus.

who With al his progenie, was destroyed by the lartars. This Huge
country hath most huge mountains. On the South side it hath '"°"'»'a»>es-
Jerusalem and Baldach, and all the whole countrey of the
Saracens. In the next territories adioyning doe inhabite two
40 carnall brothers dukes of the Tartars, namely, Burin and Cadan Cadan.

134 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

the sonnes of Thyaday, who was the sonne of Chingis Can. On

the North side thereof it hath the land of the blacke Kythayans,

The North and the Ocean, In the same countrie Syban the brother of

^^?^ Bathy remaineth. Through this countrie we were traueiling from

ther vnto the feast of Ascension, vntil eight daies before the feast of S. lohn 5

Bathy. .

The blacke Baptist. And then we entred mto the land of the blacke Ky-

Kythayans. thayans, in which the Emperour built an house, where we were
called in to drinke. Also the Emperours deputy in that place
caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to daunce

A small sea. before US. Departing from hence, wee founde a certaine small 10
sea, vpon the shore whereof stands a little mountaine. In which
mountaine is reported to be a hole, from whence, in winter time
such vehement tempests of winds doe issue, that traueilers can
scarcely, and with great danger passe by the same way. In
summer time, the noise indeede of the winde is heard there, 15
but it proceedeth gently out of the hole. Along the shores of

Manydayes. the foresaid sea we trauailed for the space of many dayes, which
although it bee not ver)' great, yet hath it many islandes, and wee
passed by leauing it on our left hande. In this lande dwelleth

Orducap.13. Ordu, whome wee sayde to bee auncient vnto all the Tartarian 20
dukes. And it is the Orda or court of his father which hee

[p. 67] inhabiteth, and one of his wiues beareth rule there. | For it is
a custome among the Tartars, that the Courts of Princes or of
noble men are not dissolued, but alwayes some women are
appointed to keepe and gouerne them, vpon whom certain gifts 25
are bestowed, in like sort as they are giuen vnto their Lords.

Thefir»t And SO at length we arriued at the first court of the Emperour,

court of the , . .... j ,..

Emperour. wherem one of his wiues dwelt.

Howe they came vnto Ciiyjic himselfe, who was
forthwith to be chosen Emperour. Chap. 25. 30

Ut because we had not as yet seene the Emperour, they
would not inuite vs nor admit vs into his Orda, but caused
good attendance and entertainement, after the Tartars fashion,
to be giuen vnto vs in our owne tent, and they caused vs to
stay there, and to refresh our selues with them one day. De- 35
parting thence vpon the euen of Saint Peter and Saint Paul,
The land of wce entered into the land of the Naymani, who are Pagans.
But vpon the very feast day of the saide Apostles, there fel a
mightie snowe in that place, and wee had extreame colde weather.
This lande is full of mountaines, and colde beyonde measure, 40

Naymani.

luly.

NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 135

and there is little plaine ground to bee seene. These two nations
last mentioned vsed not to till their grounde, but, like vnto the
Tartars, dwelt in tents, which the sayde Tartars had destroyed.
Through this countrey wee were trauailing manie dayes. Then

5 entered wee into the lande of the Mongals, whome wee call
Tartars. Through the Tartars lande wee continued our trauaile
(as wee suppose) for the space of some three weekes, riding
alwayes hastily and with speede, and vpon the day of Marie The sa. of
Magdalene we arriued at the court of Cuyne the Emperour elect.

10 But therefore did we make great haste all this way, because our
Tartarian guides were straightly commaunded to bring vs vnto
the court Imperiall with all speede, which court hath beene these
many yeeres, ordained for the election of the Emperour. Where-
fore rising earely, wee trauailed vntill night without eating of any

15 thing, and oftentimes wee came so late vnto our lodging, that we
had no time to eate the same night, but that which we should
haue eaten ouer night, was giuen vs in the morning. And often
changing our horses, wee spared no Horse-fleshe, but rode swiftly
and without intermission, as fast as our horses could trot.

How Cuyne enterteined the Minorite Friers.
Chap. 26.

Ut when wee were come vnto the court of Cuyne, hee caused The curtesie
(after the Tartars manner) a Tent and all expenses neces- towaJ-ds Am-

bassadors.

sarie to bee prouided for vs. And his people entreated vs with

25 more regarde and courtesie, then they did anie other Ambassa-
dours. Howbeeit wee were not called before his presence, because
hee was not as yet elected, nor admitted vnto his empire. Not-
withstanding, the interpretation of the Popes letters, and the
message which we deliuered, were sent vnto him by the foresaid

30 Bathy. And hauing stayed there fiue or sixe dayes, hee sent vs
vnto his mother, vnder whome there was mainteyned a verie
solemne and royall court. And being come thither, we saw an
huge tent of fine white cloth pitched, which was, to our iudge- The tent
ment, of so great quantitie, that more then two thousand men

35 might stand within it, and round about it there was a wall of

planks set vp, painted with diuers images. Wee therefore with Ageneraii
our Tartars assigned to attende vpon vs, tooke our ioumey thither, ^^^"^
and there were all the Dukes assembled, eche one of them riding
vp and downe with his traine ouer the hilles and dales. The first

40 day they were all clad in white, but the second in skarlet robes.

136

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

The banquet
of the
Noble*.

[p. 68]

leroslaus
duke of
Susdal.

Ambassa-
dors of
sundry
nations.

Then came Cuyne vnto the saide tent. Moreouer, the third day
they were all in blew robes, and the fourth in most rich robes of
Baldakin cloth. In the wall of boardes, about the tent aforesaid,
were two great gates, by one of the which gates, the Emperour
only was to enter, and at that gate there was no gard of men 5
appointed to stand, although it stood continually open, because
none durst go in or come out the same way : all that were ad-
mitted, entred by another gate, at which there stood watchmen,
Mrith bowes, swords, & arrowes. And whosoeuer approched vnto
the tent beyond the bounds and limit assigned, being caught, was 10
beaten, but if he fled, he was shot at with arrowes or iron. There
were many that to our iudgement, had vpon their bridles, trappers,
saddles, and such like furniture, to the value of 20. markes in pure
gold. The foresaid Dukes (as we thinke) communed together
within the tent, and consulted about the election of their Emperor. 15
But all the residue of the people were placed farre away without
the walles of board, & in this maner they staied almost til noone.
Then began they to drink mares milk, & so continued drinking
til euen tide, and that in so great quantity, as it was wonderfull.
And they called vs in vnto them, and gaue vs of their ale, because 20
we could not drink their mares milke. And this they did vnto vs
in token of great honor. But they compelled vs to drink so much,
that in regard of our customary diet, wee coulde by no means
endure it. Whereupon, giuing them to vnderstand, | that it was
hurtful vnto vs, they ceassed to compel vs any more. Without 25
the doore stoode Duke leroslaus of Susdal, in Russia, and a great
many Dukes of the Kythayans, and of the Solangi. The two
sonnes also of the king of Georgia, the ligier of the Caliph of
Baldach, who was a Soldan, and (as we thinke) aboue ten Soldans
of the Saracens beside. And, as it was tolde vs by the agents, 30
there were more then 4000. ambassadors, partly of such as paide
tributes, and such as presented gifts, and other Soldans, and
Dukes, which came to yeeld themselues, and such as the Tartars
had sent for, and such as were gouernours of lands. All these
were placed without the lists, and had drinke giuen vnto them. 35
But almost continually they all of them gaue vs and Duke
leroslaus the vpper hand, when we were abroad in their companie.

The begin-
nings of
Cuyne his
empire.

How he was exalted to his Empire. Chap. 27.

ANd to our remembrance, we remained there, about the space
jt\, of foure weekes. The election was to our thinking there 40

NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 137

celebrated, but it was not published and proclaimed there. And
it was greatly suspected so to be, because alwayes when Cuyne
came forth out of the tent, he had a noyse of musicke, and was
bowed vnto, or honoured with faire wands, hauing purple wooll
5 vpon the tops of them, and that, so long as he remained abroad :
which seruice was performed to none of the other Dukes. The
foresaid tent or court is called by them Syra Orda. Departing SyraOrda.
thence, wee all with one accord rode 3. or 4. leagues vnto another
place, where, in a goodly plaine, by a riuers side, betweene certaine

10 mountaines, there was another tent erected, which was called the

golden Orda. For there was Cuyne to be placed in the throne The golden
Emperiall, vpon the day of the Assumption of our Ladie. But, -phe 15. of
for the abundance of haile which fell at the same time, as is aboue ^"S"^'-
said, the matter was deferred. There was also a tent erected vpon doth.

15 pillars, which were couered with plates of golde, and were ioyned
vnto other timber with golden nailes. It was couered aboue with
Baldakin cloth, but there was other cloth spread ouer that, next
vnto the ayre. Wee abode there vnto the feast of Saint Bartholo-
mew, what time there was assembled an huge multitude standing

20 with their faces towards the South. And a certaine number of
them beeing a stones cast distant from the residue, making con-
tinuall prayers, and kneeling upon their knees, proceeded farther
and farther towards the South. Howbeit wee, not knowing
whether they vsed inchantments, or whether they bowed their

25 knees to God or to some other, woulde not kneele vpon the
grounde with them. And hauing done so a long time, they
returned to the tent, and placed Cuyne in his throne imperiall,
and his Dukes bowed their knees before him. Afterwarde the
whole multitude kneeled downe in like maner, except our selues,

30 for wee were none of his subiects.

Of his age and demeanour, and of his
scale. Chap. 28.

THis Emperour, when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment,
seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres.
35 He was of a meane stature, very wise and politike, and passing
serious and graue in all his demeanour. A rare thing it was,
for a man to see him laugh or behaue himselfe lightly, as those
Christians report, which abode continually with him. Certaine „. . ,.
Christians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs, tion to
40 that he himselfe was about to become a Christian. A token and tie.

138

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

A lawlesse
authoritie.

argument whereof was, that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of
the Christians. Hee had Ukewise at all times a Chappell of
Christians, neere \Tito his great Tent, where the Clearkes (like
vnto other Christians, and according to the custome of the
Grascians) doe sing publiquely and openly, and ring belles at 5
certaine houres, bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars,
or of other people in presence. And yet none of their Dukes
Hismaiestie. doe the like. It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke
his owne selfe with a stranger, though he be neuer so great, but
heareth and answeareth by a speaker. And when any of his 10
subiects (howe great soeuer they bee) are in propounding anie
matter of importaunce vnto him, or in hearing his answeare, they
continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their confer-
ence. Neither is it lawful! for any man to speake of any affaires,
after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour. The 15
sayde Emperour, hath in his affaires both publike and priuate,
an Agent, and Secretary of estate, with Scribes and all other
Officials, except aduocates. For, without the noyse of pleading,
or sentence giuing, all things are done according to the Emperours
will and pleasure. Other Tartarian princes do the like in those 20
things which belong vnto the. But, be it known vnto al men,
that whilest we remained at the said Emperors court, which hath
bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres, the saide Cuyne
being Emperor new elect, together with al his princes, erected
a flag of defiance against the Church of God, & the Romane 25
empire, and against al | Christian kingdomes and nations of the
West, vnlesse peraduenture (which God forbid) they will con-
descend vnto those things, which he hath inoined vnto our lord
the Pope, & to all potentates and people of the Christias, namely,
that they wil become obedient vnto him. For, except Christen- 30
dom, there is no land vnder heaue, which they stand in feare of,
and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs.
This Emperors father, namely Occoday was poisoned to death,
which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from
warre. But their intent and purpose is (as I haue aboue said) to 35
subdue the whole world vnto themselues, as they were commanded
by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth
after this maner: The power of God, & Emperour of all men. Also,
vpon his seale, there is this posie ingrauen : God in heauen, and
Cuytie Can vpon earth, the power of God : the seale of the Em- 40
perour of all men.

[p. 69]

Warre
intended
against all
Christians.

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

139

Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours
vnto the Emperour. Chap. 29.

» J /-•L • heareth the

And Chingay Legates.

IN the same place where the Emperour was established into Cuyne
his throne, we were summoned before him
5 his chiefe secretary hauing written downe our names, and the
names of them that sent vs, with the name of the Duke of Solangi,
& of others, cried out with a loude voice, rehearsing the said names
before the Emperour, and the assembly of his Dukes. Which
beeing done, ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times, &

10 they gaue vs warning not to touch the threshold. And after they
had searched vs most diligently for kniues, and could not find any
about vs, we entred in at the doore vpon the East side : because
no man dare presume to enter at the West doore, but the Emperour
onely. In like maner, euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West

15 side into his tent. Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly
regard such ceremonies. This therefore was the first time, when
we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence, after he was
created Emperour. Likewise all other ambassadours were there
receiued by him, but very fewe were admitted into his tent. And

20 there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the
saide Ambassadours, that they seemed to be infinite, namely in
Samites, robes of purple, and of Baldakin cloth, silke girdles
wrought with golde, and costly skinnes, with other gifts also.
Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie, or small tent (which

25 was to bee caried ouer the Emperours head) presented vnto him,
being set full of precious stones. And a gouernour of one Prouince
brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins.
They had saddles also vpon their backs, with certaine other instru-
ments, within the which were places for men to sitte vpon. Also

30 they brought many horses & mules vnto him furnished w' trappers
and caparisons, some being made of leather, and some of iron.
And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpo
him or no? But wee were not of abilitie so to doe, hauing in a
maner spent all our prouision. There were also vpon an hill

35 standing a good distance from the tents, more then 500. carts,
which were all ful siluer and of gold, and silke garments. And
they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes, and
euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him.

Gifts pre-
sented vnto
him.

500. Carts ful
of treasure.

140 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Of the place where the Emperor and his mother

tooke their leaues one of another, and of leroslaus

Duke of Russia. Chap. 30.

A tent of T~^ Eparting thence, we came vnto another place, where a

purpe. I J wonderfull braue tent, all of red purple, giuen by the 5

Kythayans, was pitched. Wee were admitted into that also,
and alwaies when we entred, there was giuen vnto vs ale and
wine to drinke, & sodden flesh (when we would) to eate.
There was also a loftie stage built of boords, where the Empe-

A throne of rours throne was placed, being very curiously wrought out of 10
iuorie, wherein also there was golde and precious stones, and
(as we remember) there were certain degrees or staires to ascend
vnto it. And it was round vpon the top. There were benches
placed about the saide throne, whereon the ladies sate towarde
the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles, (but none sate aloft 15
on the right hande) and the Dukes sate vpon benches below, the
said throne being in the midst. Certaine others sate behinde the
Dukes, and euery day there resorted great companie of Indies
thither. The three tents whereof we spake before, were very large,
but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made 20
of white felt. This was the place where the Emperour parted
companie with his mother: for she went into one part of the
land, and the Emperour into another to execute iustice. For
there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour, which
had poysoned his father to death, at the same time when the 25
Tartars armie was in Hungarie, which, for the same cause re-

The death of turned home. Moreouer, vpon the foresaide Concubine, and

Occoday ' r '

reuenged. many Other of her confederats sentence of ludgement was pro-
nounced, and they were put to death. At the same time leroslaus
[p. 70J the great Duke of Soldal, | which is a part of Russia, deceased. 30
Or, Suidai. For being (as it were for honours sake) inuited to eate and drink
with the Emperours mother, and immediately after the banquet,
returning vnto his lodging, he fel sicke, and within seuen dayes,
died. And after his death, his body was of a strange blew colour,
and it was commonly reported, that the said Duke was poisoned, 35
to the ende that the Tartars might freely and totally possesse his
Dukedome.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 141

How the Friers comming at length vnto the
Emperour, gaue, and receiued letters. Chap. 31.

TO be short, the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor, who Cuyne
when he had heard of them, that we were come vnto him, wTth the
5 comanded that we should return, vnto his mother. For he was *2^'"-
determined the next day, (as it is abouesaid) to set vp a flag of
defiace against al y^ countreis of the West, which he would haue
vs in no case to know. Wherefore returning, we staied some few
dayes with his mother, and so returned backe again vnto him.

10 With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in
such extreme hunger and thirst, that we could scarce hold life and
soule together. For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes,
was scantly sufficient for one day. Neither could we buy vs any
sustenance, because the market was too farre off. Howbeit the

15 Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith, named Cosmas, who Cosmas a
being greatly in the Emperours fauour, procured vs some susten- "^**''-
ance. This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour,
which hee had made, before it was set in the proper place, and
his scale, which he also had framed. Afterward the Emperor

20 sent for vs, giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary, The message
that wee should write downe our messages & affaires, and should ° '"^*^"
deliuer them vnto him. Which thing we performed accordingly.
After many daies he called for vs againe, demanding whether
there were any with our Lord the Pope, which vnderstood the

25 Russian, the Sarracen, or the Tartarian language? To whom we
answered, that we had none of those letters or languages. How-
beit, that there were certaine Saracens in the land, but inhabiting
a great distance from our Lord the Pope. And wee saide, that
wee thought it most expedient, that when they had written their

30 mindes in the Tartarian language, and had interpreted the mean-
ing therof vnto vs, we should diligently translate it into our own
tongue, and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof
vnto our Lord the Pope. Then departed they from vs, and went
vnto the Emperour. And after the day of S. Martine, we were

35 called for againe. Then Kadac principal agent for the whole
empire, and Chingay, and Bala, with diuers other Scribes, came
vnto vs, and interpreted the letter word for word. And hauing
written it in Latine, they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche
sentence, to wit if we had erred in any word. And when both

40 letters were written, they made vs to reade them ouer twise more,
least we should haue mistaken ought. For they said vnto vs :

142

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly, for if you
should not vnderstand the whole matter aright, it might breed
some inconuenience. They wrote the said letters also in the
Saracen tongue, that there might be some found in our dominions
which could reade and interprete them, if need should require.

The Legates
are loath to
haue any
Ambassa-
dours sent
from the
Tartars
to the
Christians.

[p. 71]

Nouember

They are
rewarded
with gifts.

How they were licensed to depart. Chap. 32.

ANd (as our Tartars told vs) the Emperour was purposed to
iV send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit, he was desirous
(as we thought) that we our selues should craue that fauour at his
hands. And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man, 10
exhorted vs to make the said petition, we thought it not good
for vs, that the Emperor should send his ambassadours. Wher-
fore we gaue him answere, that it was not for vs to make any
such petition, but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord
to send them, we would diligently (by Gods assistance) see them 15
conducted in safetie. Howbeit, we thought it expedient for vs,
that they should not goe, and that for diuers causes. First,
because we feared, least they, seeing the dissentions and warres
which are among vs, should be the more encouraged to make
warre against vs. Secondly, we feared, that they would be insteade 20
of spies and intelligencers in our dominions. Thirdly, we mis-
doubted that they would be slaine by the way. For our nations
be arrogant and proud. For when as those seruants (which at
the request of the Cardinall, attended vpon vs, namely the legates
of Almaine) returned vnto him in the Tartars attire, they were 25
almost stoned in the way, by the Dutch, and were compelled
to put off those garments. And it is the Tartars custome, neuer
to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours,
till they haue reuenged themselues. Fourthly, least they should
bee taken from vs by mayne force. Fiftly, because there could 30
come no good by their ambassade, for they were to haue none
other commission, or authoritie, but onely to deliuer their
Emperours letter vnto the Pope, and to the Princes of Christ-
endome, which very same letters wee our | selues had, and we
knew right well, that much harme might ensue thereof. Where- 35
fore, the third day after this, namely, vpon the feast of Saint
Brice, they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the
Emperours owne seale, sending vs vnto the Emperours mother,
who gaue vnto eche of vs a gowne made of Foxe-skinnes, with
the furre on the outside, and a piece of purple. And our Tartars 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 143

stole a yarde out of euery one of them. And out of that which
was giuen vnto our seruant, they stole the better halfe. Which
false dealing of theirs, we knew well inough, but would make no
words thereof.

5 How they returned homewards. Chap. 33.

THen taking our iourney to returne, we trauailed all Winter The sore
long, lying in the deserts oftentimes vpon the snow, except oTthe^Le-
with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon. For fetuming.
there were no trees, but the plaine champion field. And often-

10 times in the morning, we found our selues all couered with snow
driuen ouer vs by the winde. And so trauailing till the feast of
our Lordes Ascension, we arriued at the court of Bathy. Of Bathy.
whom when wee had enquired, what answere he would send vnto
our Lord the Pope, he said that he had nothing to giue vs in

15 charge, but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the
Emperour had written. And, hauing receiued letters for our safe
conduct, the thirteenth day after Pentecost, being Saterday, wee
were proceeded as farre as Montij, with whome our foresaide
associates and seruants remained, which were withheld from vs,

20 and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs. From hence we

trauailed vnto Corrensa, to whom, requiring gifts the second time Corrensa.
at our hands, we gaue none, because we had not wherewithall.
And hee appointed vs two Comanians, which liued among the
common people of the Tartars, to be our guides vnto the citie of

25 Kiow in Russia. Howbeit one of our Tartars parted not from vs,
till we were past the vtmost gard of the Tartars, But the other
guides, namely the Comanians, which were giuen vs by Corrensa,
brought vs from the last garde vnto the citie of Kiow, in the space
of sixe dayes. And there we arriued fifteene dayes before the

30 feast of Saint John Baptist. Moreouer, the Citizens of Kiow, june 8.
hauing intelligence of our approch, came foorth all of them to '^"^^g^i^
meete vs, with great ioy. For they reioyced ouer vs, as ouer men comed at

. ■^ . their returne.

that had bene risen from death to life. So like wise they did vnto

vs throughout all Russia, Polonia, and Bohemia. Daniel and his Basiiius and

35 brother Wasilico made vs a royall feast, and interteined vs with Princes,
them against our willes for the space of eight dayes. In the
meane time, they with their Bishops, and other men of account,
being in consultation together about those matters which we had
propounded vnto them in our iourney towards the Tartars,

40 answered vs with common consent, saying : that they would holde
the Pope for their speciall Lord and Father, and the Church of

144 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Rome for their Lady & mistresse, confirming like wise al things
which they had sent concerning this matter, before our comming,
by their Abbate. And for the same purpose, they sent their
Ambassadours and letters by vs also, vnto our Lord the Pope.

Itinerarium fratris Willielmi de Rubrtiqtiis de ordine s
fratrum Minorum, Galli, Anno grati^ 1253. ad
partes Orientales.

Xcellentissimo Domino & Christianissimo, Lodo-
uico Dei gratia Regi Francorum illustri, frater
Willielmus de Rubruquis in ordine fratrum 10
Minorum minimus salutem, & semper trium-
Ecciut. 39. ^ ^^m^^^ phare in Christo. Scriptum est in Ecclesiastico
de sapiente, In terram alienarum gentium trans-
ibit, bona & mala in omnibus tentabit. Hoc
opus, Domine mi Rex, feci : sed vtinam vt sapiens & non 15
stultus. Multi enim faciunt quod facit sapiens, sed non sapienter,
sed magis stult^ : de quorum numero timeo me esse. Tamen
quocunque modo fecerim ; quia dixistis mihi quando recessi
k vobis, vt omnia scriberem vobis, qucecunque viderem inter
Tartaros, & etiam monuistis vt non timerem vobis scribere longas 20
literas, facio quod iniunxistis : Cum timore tamen & verecundia,
quia verba congrua mihi non suppetunt, quze debeam tantte
scribere Maiestati. Nouerit erg6 vestra sancta maiestas, qu6d anno
Domini millessimo ducentessimo, quinquagessimo tertio, nonas
Maij ingressi sumus mare Ponti, quod Bulgarici vocant, Maius 25
Mare : & habet mille octo milliaria in longum, vt didici h, merca-
toribus, & distinguitur quasi in duas partes. Circa medium enim
eius sunt duse prouinciae terrae, vna ad Aquilonem, & alia ad
meridiem. Ilia quae est ad meridiem dicitur Synopolis; & est
castrum & portus Soldani Turchiae. Quag ver6 ad Aquilonem 30
[p. 72] est, est Prouincia quaedam, quae nunc | dicitur ^ Latinis Gasaria,
^ Graecis ver6 qui inhabitant eam super littus maris dicitur
Cassaria, hoc est Caesaria. Et sunt promontoria quaedam exten-
dentia se in mare, & contra meridiem versus Synopolim. Et sunt
Irecenta milliaria inter Synopolim & Cassariam. Ita quod sint 35
septingenta miliaria ab istis punctis versus Constantinopolim in
longum & latum : & septingenta versus Orientem : hoc est,
Hiberiam, quae est prouincia Georgiae. Ad prouinciam Gasariae
siue Casariae applicuimus, quae est quasi triangularis, ad Occidentem

NAVIGATIONS, etc. I45

habens ciuitatem, quae dicitur Kersoua, in qua fuit Sanctus
Clemens marterizatus. Et nauigantes cora ea vidimus insulam
in qua est templum illud quod dicitur Angelicis manibus prae-
paratum. In medio ver6 quasi in cuspide ad meridiem habet

5 ciuitatem quae dicitur Soldaia, que ex transuerso respicit Syno- Soidai
polim : Et illuc applicant omnes Mercatores venientes de Turchia
volentes ire ad terras Aquilonares, & h contrario venientes de
Rossia & terris Aquilonaribus, volentes transire in Turchiam.
lUi portant varium & grisiam, & alias pelles pretiosas. Alij

lo portant telas de cottone siue bombasio, & pannos sericos &
species aromaticas. Ad Oriente ver6 illius prouinciae est ciuitas
quae dicitur Matriga, vbi cadit fluuius Tanais in mare Ponti per Matriga
orificium habens latitudinem duodecem milliarium. Ille enim
fluuius antequam ingrediatur mare Ponti, facit quoddam mare

15 versus Aquilonem, habens in latitudine & longitudine septinginta
milliaria, nusquam habens profunditatem vltra sex passus, vnde
magna vasa non ingrediuntur illud. Sed mercatores de Con-
stantinopoli applicantes ad prasdictam ciuitatem Matertam, mittunt
barcas suas vsque ad flumen Tanaim, vt emant pisces siccatos,

20 sturiones, thosas, borbatas, & alios pisces infinitae multitudinis.
Praedicta ver5 prouincia Cassaria cingitur mari in tribus lateribus :
ad Occidentem scilicet, vbi est Kersoua ciuitas dementis, ad
meridiem vbi est ciuitas Soldaia, ad quam applicuimus, quae est
cuspis prouinciae, & ad Orientem Maricandis, vbi est ciuitas

25 Materta, & orificium Tanais. Vltra illud orificium est Zikia, ziWa.
quae non obedit Tartaris : Et Sueui & Hiberi ad Orientem, qui
non obediunt Tartaris. Poster, versus meridiem est Trapesunda
que habet proprium Dominum nomine Guidonem, qui est de
genere imperatorum Constantinopolitanorum, qui obedit Tartaris :

30 postea Synopolis quae est Soldani Turchiae qui similiter obedit :
postea terra Vastacij cuius filius dicitur Astar ab auo materno,
qui non obedit. Ab orificio Tanais versus Occidentem vsque
ad Danubium totum est subditum. Etiam vltra Danubium versus
Constantinopolim, Valakia, quae est terra Assani, & minor

35 Bulgaria vsque in Solonomam omnes soluunt eis tributum. Et
etiam vltra tributum condictum sumpserunt annis nuper transactis
de qualibet domo securim vnam, & totum frumentum quod inue-
nerunt in massa. Applicuimus erg6 Soldaie in 12. Kalendas lunij :
& praeuenerant nos quidam mercatores de Constantinopoli, qui

40 dixerunt venturos illuc nuncios de terra sancta volentes ire ad

Sartach. Ego tamen prgdicaueram publice in Ramis Palmarum

apud Sanctam Sophiam, quod non essem nuncius, nee vester,

nee alicuius, sed ibam apud illos incredulos secundum re-

H. 10

146 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

gulam nostram. Tunc clim applicuissem, monebant me dicti
mercatores vt caute loquerer, quia dixerunt me esse nuncium,
& si non dicerem me esse nuncium, quod non pneberetur mihi
transitus. Tunc loquutus sum hoc modo ad capitaneos ciuitatis,
im6 ad vicarios capitaneorum, quia capitanei iuerant ad Baatu s
portantes tributum, & non fuerant adhuc reuersi. Nos audiuimus,
dixi, de Domino vestro Sartach in Terra Sancta quod esset
Christianus : & gauisi sunt inde vehementer Christiani, & pne-
cipue Dominus Rex Francorum Christianissimus, qui ibi peregri-
natur, & pugnat contra Saracenos, vt eripiat loca sancta de lo
manibus eorum : vnde volo ire ad Sartach, <S: portare ei literas
Domini R^s, in quibus monet eum de vtilitate totius Christi-
anitatis. Et ipsi receperunt nos gratanter, & dederunt nobis
hospitium in ecclesia Episcopali. Et Episcopus ipsius ecclesiae
fuerat ad Sartach, qui multa bona dixit mihi de Sartach, quaj ego 15
postea non inueni. Tunc dederunt nobis optionem vtrum velle-
mus habere bigas cum bobus ad portandum res nostras vel equos
pro summarijs. Et mercatores Constantinopolitani consuluerunt
mihi quod non acciperem bigas, im6 quod emerem proprias bigas
coopertas, in quibus apportant Ruteni pelles suas, & in illis 20
includerem res nostras quas vellem quotidi^ deponere, quia si
acciperem equos, oporteret me in qualibet Herbergia deponere
& reponere super alios, & praeterei equitarem lentiori gressu iuxta
boues. Et tunc acquieui consilio eorum malo, turn quia fui in
itinere vsq; Sarthach duobus mensibus, quod potuissem vno mense 25
fecisse, si iuissem equis. Attuleram mecum de Constantinopoli
fructus & vinum muscatum, & biscoctum delicatum de consilio
mercatorum ad pr^sentandQ capitaneis primis, vt facilius pateret
mihi transitus ; quia nuUus apud eos respicitur rectis oculis, qui
venit vacua manu. Quae omnia posui in vna biga, quando no 30
inueni ibi capitaneos ciuitatis, quia dicebat mihi, quod gratissima
foret Sarthach, si possem deferre ea vsq; ad eQ. Arripuimus ergo
iter tunc circa Kalend. lunij cum bigis nostris quatuor coopertis
& cG alijs duabus quas accepimus ab eis. In quibus portabantur
lectistemia ad dormiendQ de nocte, & quincjue equos dabant 35
[p- 73] nobis ad equitandum. Eramus enim quinq; | personae. Ego
& socius meus frater Bartholomeus de Cremona, & Goset lator
praesentium, & homo dei Turgemannus, & puer Nicolaus, quern
emeram Constantinopoli de nostra eleemosyna. Dederunt etiam
duos homines qui ducebant bigas & custodiebant boues & equos. 4
Sunt autem alta promontoria super Mare h. Kersoua vsque ad
orificium Tanais : & sunt quadraginta castella inter Kersouam
& Soldaiam, quorum quodlibet fere habet proprium idioma:

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 147

inter quos erant multi Goti, quorum idioma est Teutonicum.
Post ilia montana versus Aquilonem est pulcherrima sylua in
planicie, plena fontibus & riuulis : Et post illam syluam est
planicies maxima, quae durat per quinque dietas ysque ad extre-
5 mitatem illius prouinciae ad aquilonem, quae coarctatur habens
Mare ad Orientem & Occidentem : Ita quod est vnum fossatum
magnum ab vno Mari vsque ad aliud. In ilia planicie solebant
esse Comani antequam venirent Tartari, & cogebant ciuitates
praedictas & castra vt darent eis tributum. Et cum venerunt

10 Tartari, tanta multitudo ComanorQ intrauit prouinciam illam, qui
omnes fugerunt vsque ad ripam Maris, quod comedebant se
mutuo viui morientes : secundum quod narrauit mihi quidam
mercator, qui hoc vidit : Quod viui deuorabant & lacerabant
dentibus carnes crudas mortuorum, sicut canes cadauera. Versus

15 extremitatem illius prouinciae sunt lacus multi & magni : in
quorum ripis sunt fontes salmastri, quorum aqua, qu^m cito
intrat lacum, efficit salem durum ad modum glaciei. Et de illis
salinis habent Baatu & Sartach magnos reditus : quia de tota
Russia veniunt illuc pro sale : & de qualibet biga onusta dant

20 duas telas de cottone valentes dimidiam Ipperperam. Veniunt
& per Mare multae naues pro sale, quae omnes dant tributum
secundum sui quantitatem. Postquam ergo recessimus de Soldaia,
tertia die inuenimus Tartaros : inter quos cum intraueram, visum
fuit mihi recte quod ingrederer quoddam aliud saeculum. Quorum

25 vitam & mores vobis describam prout possum.

I?e Tartaris & domibus eorwn.

NVsquam habent manentem ciuitatem, sed futuram ignorant.
Inter se diuiserunt Scythiam, quae durat a Danubio vsque
ad ortum solis. Et quilibet Capitaneus, secundum quod habet

30 plures vel pauciores homines sub se, scit terminos pascuorum
suorum, & vbi debet pascere hyeme & aestate, vere & autumno.
In hyeme enim descendunt ad calidiores regiones versus meridiem.
In aestate ascendunt ad frigidiores versus aquilonem. Loca pas-
cuosa sine aquis pascunt in hyeme quando est ibi nix, quia niuem

35 habent pro aqua. Domum in qua dormiunt fundant super rotam
de virgis cancellatis, cuius tigna sunt de virgis, & conveniunt in
vnam paruulam rotam superius, de qua ascendit coUum sursum
tanquam fumigatorium, quam cooperiunt filtro albo : & fre-
quentius imbuunt etiam filtrum calce vel terra alba & puluere

40 ossium, vt albens splendeat, & aliquando nigro. Et filtrum illud

148 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

circa collum superius decorant pulchra varietate picturae. Ante
ostium similiter suspendunt filtrum opere polimitario variatum.
Consumunt enim filtrum coloratum in faciendo vites & arbores,
aues & bestias. Et faciunt tales domos ita magnas, quod habent
triginta pedes in latitudine. Ego enim mensuraui semel latitu- s
dinem inter vestigia rotarum vnius bigae viginti pedum : & quando
domus erat super bigam excedebat extra rotas in vtroque latere
quinque pedibus ad minus. Ego numeraui in vna biga viginti
duos boues trahentes vnam domum : Vndecem in vno ordine
secundum latitudinem bigae, & alios vndecem ante illos : Axis lo
bigae erat magnus ad modum arboris nauis : Et vnus homo stabat
in ostio domus super bigam minans boues. Insuper faciunt
quadrangulos de virgulis fissis attenuatis ad quantitatem vnius
arcae magnae : & postea de vna extremitate ad aliam eleuant
testudinem de similibus virgis, & ostiolum faciunt in anteriori 15
extremitate : & postea cooperiunt illam cistam siue domunculam
filtro nigro imbuto seuo siue lacte ouino, ne possit penetrari
pluuia: quod similiter decorant opere polimitario vel plumario.
Et in talibus arcis ponunt totam suppellectilem suam & the-
saurum : quas ligant fortiter super bigas alteras quas trahunt cameli, 20
vt possint transuadare flumina. Tales areas nunquam deponunt
de bigis. Quando deponunt domus suas mansionarias, semper
vertunt portam ad meridiem ; & consequenter collocant bigas
cum arcis hinc & inde prope domum ad dimidium iactum lapidis :
ita quod domus stat inter duos ordines bigarum quasi inter duos 25
[p- 74] muros. I Matronae faciunt sibi pulcherrimas bigas, quas nescirem
vobis describere nisi per picturam. *Imo omnia depinxissem
vobis si sciuissem pingere. Vnus diues Moal siue Tartar habet
bene tales bigas cum arcis ducentas vel centum. Baatu habet
sexdecem vxores : quaelibet habet vnam magnam domum, ex- 30
ceptis alijs paruis, quas collocant post magnam, quae sunt quasi
camerse ; in quibus habitant puellae. Ad quamlibet istarum
domorum appendent ducentae bigae. Et quando deponunt domus,
prima vxor deponit suam curiam in capite occidentali, & postea
aliae secundum ordinem suum : ita quod vltima vxor erit in 35
capite Orientali : & erit spacium inter curiam vnius dominae
& alterius, iactus vnius lapidis. Vnde curia vnius diuitis Moal
apparebit quasi vna magna Villa : tunc paucissimi viri erunt in
ea. Vna muliercula ducet 20. bigas vel 30. Terra enim plana
est. Et ligant bigas cum bobus vel camelis vnam post aliam : 40
& sedebit muliercula in anteriori minans bouem, & omnes aliae

* Nota.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 149

pari gressu sequentur. Si contingat venire ad aliquem malum
passum, soluunt eas & transducunt sigillatim : Vadunt enim lento
gressu, sicut agnus vel bos potest ambulare.

De lectis eorum & poculis.

5 T)Ostquam deposuerint domus versa porta ad meridiem, col-
JL locant lectum domini ad partem aquilonarem. Locus
mulierum est semper ad latus Orientale hoc est ad sinistrum
domini domus cum sedet in lecto suo versa facie ad meridiem :
locus ver6 virorum ad latus occidentale, hoc est ad dextrum.

10 Viri ingredientes domum nullo modo suspenderent pharetram
ad partem mulierum. Et super caput Domini est semper vna
imago quasi puppa & statuuncula de filtro, quam vocant fratrem
domini : alia similis super caput dominse, quam vocant fratrem
dominas, affixa parieti : «& superius inter vtramque illarum est vna

15 paruula, macilenta, quae est quasi custos totius domus. Domina
domus ponit ad latus suum dextrum ad pedes lecti in eminenti
loco pelliculam hoedinam impletam lana vel alia materia, & iuxta
illam statuunculam paruulam respicientem famulas & mulieres.
Iuxta ostium ad partem mulieris est iterum alia imago cum vbere

20 vaccino, pro mulieribus quae mungunt vaccas. De officio faemi-
narum est mungere vaccas. Ad aliud latus ostij versus viros
est alia statua cum vbere equae pro viris qui mungunt equas.
Et cum conuenerint ad potandum primo spargunt de potu illi
imagini, quae est super caput domini : postea alijs imaginibus

25 per ordinem : postea exit minister domum cum cipho & potu,
& spargit ter ad meridiem, qualibet vice flectendo genu ; & hoc
ad reuerentiam ignis : postea ad Orientem ad reuerentiam aeris :
postea ad Occidentem ad reuerentiam aquae : ad aquilonem
proijciunt pro mortuis. Quando tenet dominus ciphum in manu

30 & debet bibere, tunc primo antequam bibat, infundit terrae
partem suam. Si bibit sedens super equum, infundit antequam
bibat, super coUum vel crinem equi. Postquam vero minister
sic sparserit ad quatuor latera mundi, reuertitur in domum
& sunt parati duo famuli cum duobus ciphis & totidem patenis

35 vt deferant potum domino «&: vxori sedenti iuxta eum sursum in
lecto. Et cum habet plures vxores, ilia cum qua dormit in
nocte sedet iuxta eum in die : & oportet quod omnes aliae veniant
ad domum illam ilia die ad bibendum : & ibi tenetur curia
ilia die : & xenia quae deferuntur, ilia deponuntur in thesauris

40 illius dominae. Bancus ibi est cum vtre lactis vel cum alio potu
& cum ciphis.

150 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

De potibus eorum & qualiter prouocant alios
ad bibendum.

^Aciunt in hyeme optimum potum, de risio, de millio, de
melle : claret sicut vinum. Et defertur eis vinum b. remotis
partibus. In gestate non curant nisi de Cosmos. Stat semper 5
infra domum ad introitum portae, & iuxta illud stat citharista
cum citherula sua. Citheras & vielas nostras non vidi ibi, sed
multa alia instrumenta, quae apud nos non habentur. Et cum

Similiter in incipit bibcre tunc vnus ministrorfl exclamat alta voce, HA :
"^^ ^* & citharista percutit cicharum. Et quando faciunt festum mag- 10
num, tunc omnes plaudunt manibus & saltant ad vocem citharce,
viri coram Domino, & mulieres coram domina. Et postquam
dominus biberit, tunc exclamat minister sicut prius, & tacet
citharista : tunc bibunt omnes in circuitu viri & mulieres : &
aliquando bibunt certatim valde turpiter & gulose. Et quando 15
volunt aliquem prouocare ad potQ arripiunt eum per aures
& trahunt fortiter vt dilatent ei gulam, & plaudunt & saltant
coram eo. Item cum aliqui volunt facere magnum festum &
gaudium, vnus accipit ciphum plenum, & alij duo sunt ei k
dextris & sinistris : & sic illi tres veniunt cantantes vsque ad 20
ilium cui debent porrigere ciphum, & cantant & saltant coram

[p- 75] eo : & cum porrigit manum ad recipiendum ciphum, ipsi j subito
resiliunt, & iterum sicut prius reuertuntur, & sic illudunt ei ter
vel quater retrahendo ciphum, donee fuerit bene exhileratus
& bonum habeat appetitum, & tunc dant ei ciphum, & cantant 25
& plaudunt manibus & terunt pedibus donee biberit.

De cibarijs eorum.

DE cibis & victualibus eorum noueritis, quod indifferenter
comedunt omnia morticinia sua. Et inter tot pecora &:
armenta non potest esse quin multa animalia moriantur. Tamen 30
in aestate quamdiu durat eis cosmos, hoc est lac equinum, non
curant de alio cibo. Vnde tunc si contingat eis mori bouem vel
equum, siccant cames scindendo per tenues pecias & suspendendo
ad solem & ventum, quae statim sine sale siccantur absque aliquo
faetore. De intestinis equorum faciunt andulges meliores qu5.m 35
de porcis : quas comedunt recentes : reliquas cames reseruant ad
hyemem. De pellibus boum faciunt vtres magnos, quos mira-
biliter siccant ad fumum. De posteriori parte pellis equi faciunt

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 151

pulcherrimos soculares. De came vnius arietis dant comedere
quinquaginta hominibus vel centum. Scindunt enim minutatim
in scutella cum sale & aqua, aliam enim salsam non faciunt, &
tunc cum puncto cultelli vel furcinula, quas proprias faciunt ad
5 hoc, cum qua solemus comedere pira & poma cocta in vino,
porrigunt cuilibet circumstantium buccellam vnam vel duas, se-
cundum multitudinem comedentium. Dominus antequam pro-
ponitur caro arietis in primo ipse accipit quod placet ei: & etiam
si dat alicui partem specialem, oportet quod accipiens comedat

10 eam solus, & nemini licet dare ei. Si non potest totum comedere,
asportat secum, vel dat garcioni suo, si est presens, qui custodiat
ei: sin aliter, recondit in saptargat suo, hoc est in bursa quadrata,
quam portant ad recondendum omnia talia, in qua & ossa recon-
dunt, quando non habent spacium bene rodendi ea, vt postea

15 rodant, ne pereat aliquid de cibo.

Quomodo faciunt Cosmos.

IPsum Cosmos, hoc est lac iumentinum fit hoc modo. Ex-
tendunt cordam longam super terram ad duos palos fixos
in terra, & ad illam cordam ligant circiter horas tres, puUos

20 equarum quas volunt mungere. Tunc stant matres iuxta puUos
suos & permittunt se pacifice mungi. Et si aliqua est nimis in-
domita, tunc accipit vnus homo pullum & supponit ei permittens
parum sugere, tunc retrahit ilium, & emunctor lactis succedit. Con-
gregata ergo multitudine lactis, quod est ita dulce sicut vaccinum,

25 dum est recens, fundunt illud in magnum vtrem siue bucellam,
& incipiunt illud concutere cum ligno ad hoc aptato, quod grossum
est inferius sicut caput hominis & cauatum subtus: & quam cito
concutiunt illud, incipit bullire sicut vinum nouu, & acescere siue
fermentari, & excutiunt illud donee extrahant butirum. Tunc

30 gustant illud ; & quando est temperate pungitiuum bibunt : pungit
enim super linguam sicut vinum raspei dum bibitur. Et post-
quam homo cessat bibere, relinquit saporem super linguam lactis
amygdalini, & multum reddit interiora hominis iucunda, & etiam
inebriat debilia capita: multum etiam prouocat vrinam. Faciunt

35 etiam Cara-cosmos, hoc est nigrum cosmos ad vsum magnorum
dominorum, hoc modo. Lac equinum non coagulatur. Ratio
enim est: quod nullius animalis lac nisi cuius fetet venter non
inuenitur coagulum. In ventre puUi equi non inuenitur: vnde lac
equae non coagulatur. Concutiunt ergo lac in tantum, quod

40 omnino quod spissum est in eo vadat ad fundum rectk, sicut

152 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

faeces vini, & quod purum est remanet superius, &: est sicut
serum, & sicut mustum album. Faeces sunt albse multum, &
dantur semis, & faciunt multum dormire. Illud clarum bibunt
domini: & est pro certo valde suauis potus & bonae efficaciae.
Baatu habet 30. casalia circa herbergiam suam ad vnam dietam, s
quorum vnumquodq; qualibet die seruit ei de tali lacte centum
equarum, hoc est, qualibet die lac trium millium equarQ, except©
alio lacte albo, quod deferunt alij. Sicut enim in Syria rustici
dant tertiam partem fructuum, quam ipsi afferunt ad curias domi-
norum suorum, ita & isti lac equaril tertiae diei. De lacte vaccino 10
prim6 extrahunt butyrQ & bulliunt illud vsque ad perfecta de-
coctione, & postea recondunt illud in vtribus arietinis quos ad
hoc reseruant. Et non ponunt sal in butiro: tamen propter
magnam decoctione non putrescit: & reseruant illud contra
hyemem. Residufl lac quod remanet post butirum permittunt 15
acescere quantum acrius fieri potest & bulliunt illud, & coagulatur
bulliendo, & coagulum illud desiccant ad solem, & efficitur durum
sicut scoria ferri. Quod recondunt in saccis contra hyemem:
[p. 76] tempore hyemali quando | deficit eis lac, ponunt illud acre coagu-
lum, quod ipsi vocant gri-vt, in vtre, & super infundunt aquam 20
calidam, & concutiunt fortiter donee illud resoluatur in aqua;
qua ex illo efficitur tota acetosa, & illam aquam bibunt loco lactis.
Summ^ cauent ne bibant aquam puram.

De bestijs quas comedunt, & de vestibus, ac

de venatione eorum. aS

MAgni domini habent casalia versus meridiem, de quibus
afferunt eis milium & farinam contra hyemem. pauperes
procurant sibi pro arietibus & pellibus commutando. Sclaui etiam
implent ventrem suum aqua crassa, & hac contenti sunt. Mures
cum longis caudis non comedunt & omne genus murium habens 30
curiam caudam. Sunt etiam ibi multae marmotes, quas ipsi
vocant Sogur: quae conueniunt in vna fouea in hyeme 20. vel 30.
pariter, & dormiunt sex mensibus: quas capiunt in magna multi-
tudine. Sunt etiam ibi, cuniculi habentes longam caudam sicut
cati; & in summitate caudae habent pilos nigros & albos. Habent 35
& multas alias bestiolas bonas ad comedendum: quas ipsi valde
bene discernunt. Ceruos non vidi ibi. lepores paucos vidi, gaselos
multos. Asinos syluestres vidi in magna multitudine, qui sunt
quasi muli. Vidi & aliud genus animalis quod dicitur Artak,
quod habet recte corpus arietis & cornua torta, sed tantae quan- 40
titatis, quod vix poteram vna manu leuare duo cornua: & faciunt

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 153

de cornibus illis ciphos magnos. Habent falcones, girfalcones,
& herodios in magna multitudine: quos omnes portant super
manum dexteram: & ponunt semper falconi vnam corrigiam
paruulam circa coUum, quae pendet ei vsque ad medietatem
5 pectoris: per quam cum proijciunt eum ad predam, inclinant cum
sinistra manu caput & pectus falconis, ne verberetur k vento, vel
ne feratur sursum. Magnum ergo partem victus sui acquirunt
venatione. De vestibus & habitu eorum noueritis, quod de
Cataya & alijs regionibus Orientis, & etiam de Perside & alijs

10 regionibus austri veniunt eis panni serici & aurei, & telae de
bambasio, quibus induuntur in aestate. De Russia, de Moxel,
& Maiore Bulgaria & Pascatir, quae est maior Hungaria, & Kersis : Major Hun-
(que omnes sunt regiones ad Aquilonem & plenae syluis;) & alijs ^^"^'
multis regionibus ad latus aquilonare, quae eis obediunt, addu-

15 cuntur eis pelles preciosas multi generis : quas nunqua vidi in
partibus nostris : Quibus induuntur in hyeme. Et faciunt semper
in hyeme duas pelliceas ad minus: vnam, cuius pilus est ad
carnem : aliam cuius pilus est extra contra ventum & niues, quae
multoties sunt de pellibus lupinis vel vulpibus vel papionibus.

20 Et dum sedent in dome habent aliam delicatiorem. Pauperes
faciunt illas exteriores de canibus & capris. Quum volunt venari
feras, conueniunt magna multitudo & circundant regionem in qua
sciunt feras esse, & paulatim appropinquant sibi, donee conclu-
dant feras inter se quasi infra circulum, & tunc sagitant ad eas.

25 faciunt etiam braccas de pellibus. Diuites etiam furrant vestes
suas de stupa setae, quae est supra modum mollis, & leuis & calida.
Pauperes furrant vestes de tela de bambasio, de delicatiori lana
quam possunt extrahere: de grossiori faciunt filtrum ad cooperi-
endum domos suas & cistas, & ad lectisternia. De lana etiam

30 & tertia parte pilorum equi admixta, faciunt cordas suas. De
filtro etiam faciunt pauellas sub sellis, & capas contra pluuiam.
Vnde multum expendunt de lana. Habitum virorum vidistis. Nota.

JDe rasura virorum & ornatu mulierum.

VIri radunt in summitate capitis quadrangulum, & ab ante-
rioribus angulis ducunt rasuram cristse capitis vsque ad
tempora. Radunt etiam tempora & collum vsque ad summum
concauitatis ceruicis: & frontem anterius vsque ad frontinellam,
super quam relinquunt manipulum pilorum descendentium vsque
ad supercilia : In angulis occipitis relinquunt crines, quibus faciunt
40 tricas, quas succingunt nodando vsque ad aures. Et habitus

154 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

puellarum non differt ab habitu virorum, nisi quod aliquantulum
est longior. Sed in crastino postquam est nupta radit caluariam
suam k medietate capitis versus frontem, & habet tunicam latam
sicut cucullam monialis, & per omnia latiorem & longiorem,
fissam ante, quam ligat sub dextro latere. In hoc enim differunt 5
Tartari k Turcis: quod Turci ligant tunicas suas ad sinistram,
Tartari semper ad dextram. Postea habent ornamentum capitis,
quod vocant botta, quod fit de cortice arboris vel alia materia,
quam possunt inuenire, leuiore: & est grossum & rotundum,
quantum potest duabus manibus complecti; longum vero vnius 10
cubiti & plus, quadrum superius, sicut capitellum vnius columns,
Istud botta coop)eriunt panno serico precioso; & est concauum
[p. 77] interius: & super capitellum in | medio vel super quadratura illam
ponunt virgulam de calamis pennarum vel cannis gracilibus longi-
tudinis scilicet vnius cubiti & plus: & illam sibi virgulam ornant 15
superius de pennis pauonis, & per longum in circuitu pennulis
caudae malardi, & etiam lapidibus pneciosis. Diuites dominae
istud ornamentum ponunt in summitate capitis quod stringunt
fortiter cum almucia, que foramen habet in summitate ad hoc
aptatQ, & in isto recondunt crines suos quos recolligQt h parte 20
posteriori ad summitatem capitis quasi in nodo vno & reponunt
in illo botta, quod postea fortiter ligant sub gutture. Vnde quum
equitant plures dominae simul & videntur k longe, apparent milites,
habentes galeas in capitibus cum lanceis eleuatis. lUud enim
botta apparet galea desuper lancea. Et sedent omnes mulieres 25
super equos sicut viti diuersificantes coxas; & ligant cucullas suas
panno serico aerij colons super renes, & alia fascia stringunt ad
mamillas: & ligant vnam peciam albam sub occulis, quae de-
scendit vsque ad pectus. Et sunt mulieres mirse pinguedinis,
& quae minus habet de naso pulchrior reputatur. Deturpant 30
etiam turpiter pinguedine facies suas : nunquam cubant in lecto
pro puerperio.

De officio mulierum, & operibus earum, ac de
nuptijs earum.

OFicium fceminarum est ducere bigas, ponere domus super eas 35
& deponere, mungere vaccas, facere butirum & griut, parare
f)elles, & consuere eas, quas consuunt filo de neruis. diuidunt enim
neruos in minuta fila, & postea ilia contorquent in vnum longum
filum. Consuunt etiam soculares & soccos & alias vestes. Vestes
vero nunquam lauant, quia dicunt quod Deus tunc irascitur, & 40

paratio.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 155

quod fiant tonitrua si suspendantur ad siccandum : Imo lauantes
verberant & eis auferunt. Tonitrua supra modum timent: tunc
omnes extraneos emittunt de domibus suis; & inuoluunt se in
filtris nigris, in quibus latitant, donee transierit. Nunqua etia

5 lauant scutellos, imo came cocta alueu in quo debent ponere earn
lauant brodio bulliente de caldaria, & postea refundunt in cal-
dariam. faciunt & filtrum & cooperiunt domos. Viri faciunt
solum arcus & sagittas, fabricant strepas & fraena, & faciunt cellas,
carpentant domos & bigas: custodiunt equos & mungunt equas,

10 concutiunt ipsum cosmos & lac equinum, faciunt vtres in quibus
reconditur: custodiunt etiam camelos, & onerant eos. Oues &
Capras custodiunt mixtim & mungunt aliquando viri, aliquando
mulieres. De lacte ouium inspissato & salso parant pelles. Cum Peiiium
volunt manus vel caput lauare implent os suum aqua & paulatim

15 fundunt de ore suo super manus, & eadem humectant crines
suos, & lauant caput suum. De nuptijs eorum noueritis, quod
nemo habet ibi vxorem nisi emat eam: vnde aliquando sunt
puellae multum advltse ante quam nubant: semper enim tenent
eas parentes, donee vendant eas. Seruant etiam gradus consan-

20 guinitatis primum & secundum : nullum autem seruant affinitatis.
Habent enim simul vel successiue duas sorores. Nulla vidua
nubit inter eos, hac ratione; quia credunt quod omnes qui
seruiunt eis in hac vita seruient in futura Vnde de vidua cre-
dunt, quod semper reuertitur post mortem ad primum maritum.

25 Vnde accidit turpis consuetudo inter eos quod filius scilicet ducit
aliquando omnes vxores patris sui, excepta matre. Curia enim
patris & matris semper accidit iuniori filio. Vnde oportet quod
ipse prouideat omnibus vxoribus patris sui, quia adueniunt eae cum
curia paterna. Et tunc si vult vtitur eis pro vxoribus, quia non

30 reputat sibi iniuriam, si reuertatur ad patrem post mortem. Cum
ergo aliquis fecerit pactum cum aliquo de filia accipienda, facit
pater puellae conuiuium, & ilia fugit ad consanguineos, vt ibi
lateat: Tunc pater dicit, Ecce filia mea tua est, accipe eam vbi-
cunque inueneris: Tunc ille quaerit eam cum amicis suis, donee

35 inveniat eam, & oportet, quod vi capiat eam, & ducat eam quasi
violenter ad domum.

De iusticijs eorum & iudicijs, et de morte ac
sepultura eorum.

DE iusticijs eorum noueritis, quod quando duo homines
pugnant, nemo audet se intermittere. Etiam pater non
audet iuuare filium. Sed qui peiorem partem habet, appellat ad

156 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

curiam domini. Et si alius post appellationem tangat eum, inter-
ficitur. Sed oportet quod statim absque dilatione vadat : Et ille
qui passus est iniuriam ducit eum quasi captiuum. Neminem
puniunt capitali sententia, nisi deprehensus fuerit in facto, vel
confessus. Sed quum diffamatus est k pluribus, bene torquent S
eum, vt confiteatur. HomicidiQ puniunt capitali sententia, &
etiam coitum cum non sua. Non suam dico vel vxorem vel
p. 78] famulam : Sua enim sclaua licet vti | prout libet. Item enorme
furtum puniunt morte. Pro leui furto, sicut pro vno ariete,
dummodo non fuerit saepe deprehensus in hoc, verberant crude- 10
liter. Et si dant centum ictus oportet quod habeant centum
baculos, de illis dico, qui verberantur sententia curire. Item
falsos nuncios, quia faciunt se nuncios & non sunt, interficiunt.
Item sacrilegas, de quibus dicam vobis postea plenius, quia tales
reputant veneficas. Quando aliquis moritur plangunt vehenieter 15
vlulando : & tunc sunt liberi quod non dant vectigal vsque ad
annum. Et si quis interest morti alicujus adulti, non ingreditur
domum ipsius Mangucham vsque ad annum. Si imruulus est qui
moritur, non ingreditur vsque post lunationem. lu.xta sepulturam
defuncti sempKjr relinqunt domum vnam. Si est de nobilibus, hoc 20
est de genere Chingis, qui fuit primus pater & dominus eorum,
illius qui moritur ignoratur sepultura : & semper circa loca ilia
vbi sepeliunt nobiles suos est vna herbergia hominum custodien-
tium sepulturas. Non intellexi quod ipsi recondunt thesaurum
cum mortuis. Comani faciunt magnum tumulum super defunctum 35
& erigunt ei statuam versa facie ad orientem, tenentem ciphum
in manu sua ante vmbelicum. fabricant & diuitibus pyramides,
id est domunculas acutas : & alicubi vidi niagnas turres de tegulis
coctis : alicubi lapideas domos, quamuis lapides non inueniantur
ibi. Vidi quendam nouiter defunctum, cui suspenderant pelles 30
sexdecem equorum, ad quodlibet latus mundi quatuor inter per-
ticas altas : & apposuerunt ei cosmos vt bi beret, & carnes vt
comederet : & tamen dicebant de illo quod fuerat baptizatus.
Alias vidi sepulturas versus orientem. Areas scilicet magnas
structas lapidibus, aliquas rotundas, aliquas quadratas, & postea 35
quatuor lapides longos erectos ad quatuor regiones mundi circa
aream. Et vbi aliquis infirmatur cubat in lecto & ponit signum
super domum suam, quod ibi est infirmus, & quod nullus ingre-
diatur : vnde nullus visitat infirmum nisi seruiens eius. Quando
etiam aliquis de magnis curijs infirmatur, ponunt custodes 40
longe circa curiam, qui infra illos terminos neminem permittunt
transire : timent enim ne mali spiritus vel ventus veniant cum
ingredientibus. Ipsos diuinatores vocant tanquam sacerdotes suos.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 157

Qualiter ingressi sunt inter Tartaros, & de
ingratitudine eorum.

QVando ergo ingressi sumus inter illos barbaros, visum fuit
mihi, vt dixi superius, quod ingrederer aliud saeculum.
5 Circumdederunt enim nos in equis postquam diu fecerant nos
expectare sedentes in vmbra sub bigis nigris. Prima quaestio
fuit, vtrum vnquam fuissemus inter eos. habito quod non : in-
ceperunt impudenter petere de cibarijs nostris, & dedimus de
pane biscocto & vino quod attuleramus nobiscum de villa : &

10 potata vna lagena vini, petierunt aliam, dicentes, quod homo non
ingreditur domum vno pede. non dedimus eis, excusantes nos
quod parum haberemus. Tunc quaesiuerunt vnde veniremus, &
quo vellemus ire. dixi eis superiora verba, quod audieramus de
Sartach, quod esset Christianus, & quod vellem ire ad eum, quia

15 habebam deferre ei literas vestras. Ipsi diligenter quaesiuerunt,
vtrum irem de mea voluntate, vel vtrum mitterer. Ego respondi
quod nemo coegit me ad eundum, nee iuissem nisi voluissem :
vnde de mea voluntate ibam, & etiam de voluntate superioris mei.
Bene caui, quod nunquam dixi, me esse nuncium vestrum. Tunc

20 quaesiuerunt quid esset in bigis, vtrum esset aurum vel argentum,
vel vestes preciosae, quas deferrem Sartach. Ego respondi, quod
Sartach videret quid deferremus ei, quando perueniremus ad eum ;
& quod non intererat eorum ista quaerere : sed facerent me deduci
vsque ad capitaneum suum, & ipse si vellet mihi praebere ducatum

25 vsque ad Sartach faceret : sin minus, reuerterer. Erat enim in
ilia prouincia vnus consanguineus Baatu, nomine Scacatai, cui
dominus imperator Constantinopolitanus mittebat literas depreca-
torias, quod me permitteret transire. Tunc ipsi acquieuerunt,
praebentes nobis equos & boues & duos homines, qui deducerent

30 nos. Et alij qui adduxerant nos sunt reuersi. Prius tamen ante-
quam praedicta darent, fecerunt nos diu expectare petentes de
pane nostro pro parvulis suis : Et omnia quae videbant super
famulos nostros, cultellos, chirothecas, bursas, corrigias, omnia
admirantes & volentes habere. Excusabam me, quia longa nobis

35 restabat via, nee debebamus ita cito spoliare nos rebus necessarijs
ad tantam viam perficiendam. Tunc dicebant quod essem ba-
trator. Verum est quod nihil abstulerint vi : Sed valde importune
& impudenter petunt quae vident. Et si dat homo eis perdit,
quia sunt ingrati. Reputant se dominos mundi, & videtur eis,

40 quod nihil debeat eis negari ab aliquo. Si non dat, & postea
indigeat seruicio eorum, male ministrant ei. Dederunt nobis

158 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

bibere de lacte suo vaccino, a quo contractum erat butirum,
acetoso valde, quod ipsi vocant Apram : & sic recessimus ab eis.
Et visum fuit mihi recte, quod euasissem de manibus dsmonum.
In crastino peruenimus ad capitaneum. Ex quo recessimus a
[p. 79] Soldaia vsque ad Sartach in duobus mensibus nunquam iacui|mus s
in domo nee in tentorio, sed semper sub dio, vel sub bigis nostris,
nee vidimus aliquam villam, vel vestigium alicujus aedificij vbi
fuisset villa, nisi tumbas ComanorQ in maxima multitudine. Illo
sero dedit nobis garcio qui ducebat nos bibere cosmos ; ad cuius
haustum totus sudaui propter horrorem & nouitatem, quia nun- lo
quam biberam de eo. valde tamen sapidum videbatur mihi, sicut
vere est.

De curia Scacatay, & quod Christiani non
bibunt cosmos.

Ane ergo obviauimus bigis Scacatay onustis domibus. 15
Et videbatur mihi quod obuiaret mihi ciuitas magna.
Mirabar etiani super multitudine armentorum boum & equorum
& gregum ouium : paucos videbam homines qui ista gubernarent
vnde inquisiui quot homines haberet sub se? & dictum fuit
mihi, quod non plusquam quingentos, quorum medietatem transi- 20
ueramus in alia herbergia. Tunc incepit mihi dicere garcio qui
ducebat nos, quod aliquid oporteret Scacatay dare : & ipse fecit
nos stare, & praecessit nuncians aduentum nostrum. lam erat
hora plusquam tertia, & deposuerunt domos suas iuxta quandam
aquam. Et venit ad nos interpres ipsius, qui statim cognito, 25
quod nunquam fueramus inter illos, poposcit de cibis nostris, &
dedimus ei, poscebat etiam vestimentum aliquod, quia dicturus
erat verbQ nostrum ante dominum suum. Excusauimus nos.
Quaesiuit quid portaremus domino suo? Accepimus vnum flasco-
nem de vino, & impleuimus vnum veringal de biscocto & platellum 30
vnum de pomis & aliis fructibus. Sed non placebat ei, quia non
ferebamus aliquem pannum pretiosum. Sic tamen ingressi sumus
cum timore & verecundia. Sedebat ipse in lecto suo tenens
citharulam in manu, & vxor sua iuxta eum : de qua credeba in
veritate, quod amputasset sibi nasum inter oculos vt simior esset : 35
nihil enim habebat ibi de naso, & vnxerat locum ilium quodam
vnguento nigro, & etiam supercilia : quod erat turpissimum in
Notodiii- oculis nostris. Tunc dixi ei verba supradicta. Vbique enim
genter. oportcbat nos dicere idem verbum. Super hoc enim eramus

bene prf moniti ab illis qui fuerant inter illos, quod nunquam 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 159

mutaremus verba nostra. Rogaui etiam eum vt dignaretur ac-
cipere munusculum de manu nostra, excusans me, quia monachus
eram, nee erat ordinis nostri possidere aurum, vel argentum, vel
vestes preciosas. Vnde non habebam aliquid talium, quod possem

5 ei dare : sed de cibis nostris acciperet pro benedictione. Tunc
fecit recipi, & distribuit statim hominibus suis qui conuenerant
ad potandum. Dedi etiam ei literas Imperatoris Constantinopo-
litani : (Hoc fuit in octauis ascensionis) Qui statim eas Soldaiam
misit vt ibi interpretarentur : quia erant in Graeco, nee habebat

10 secum qui sciret literas Graecas. Quaesiuit etiam a nobis, si vel-
lemus bibere cosmos, hoc est, lac iumentinum. Christiani enim
Ruteni, Graeci, & Alani, qui sunt inter eos, qui volunt stricte
custodire legem suam, non bibunt illud : Imo non reputant se
Christianos postquam biberunt. Et sacerdotes eorum reconciliant

IS eos, tanquam negassent fidem Christianam. Ego respondi, quod
habebamus adhuc sufficienter ad bibendum : & cum ille potus
deficeret nobis, oporteret nos bibere illud, quod daretur nobis.
Quaesiuit etiam quid contineretur in Uteris nostris, quas mittebatis
Sartach. Dixi quod clausae erant bullae nostras : & quod non

20 erant in eis nisi bona verba & amicabilia. Quaesiuit & quae verba
diceremus Sartach? Respondi, Verba fidei Christiane. Quaesiuit
quae ? Quia libenter vellet audire. Tunc exposui ei prout potui
per interpretem meum, qui nullius erat ingenij, nee alicuius elo-
quentiae, symbolu fidei. Quo audito, ipse tacuit & mouit caput.

25 Tunc assignauit nobis duos homines, qui nos custodirent, & equos
& boues : & fecit nos bigare secum, donee reuerteretur nuncius,
quem ipse miserat pro interpretatione literarum imperatoris ; &
iuimus cum eo vsque in crastinum Pentecostes.

Qualiter Alani venerunt ad eos in vigilia
30 Pentecostes.

IN vigilia Pentecostes venerunt ad nos quidam Alani, qui ibi
dicuntur *Acias, Christiani secundum ritum Graecorum ;
habentes literas Grecas & sacerdotes Graecos : tamen non sunt
schismatici sicut Graeci ; sed sine acceptione personarum vene-
35 rantur omnem Christianum : & detulerunt nobis carnes coctas,
rogantes vt comederemus de cibo eorum, & oraremus pro quodam
defuncto eorum. Tunc dixi quod vigilia erat tantae solennitatis,
quod ilia die non comederemus carnes. Et exposui eis de solen-

• Vel Akas.

i6o THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

nitate, super quo fuerunt multum gauisi ; quia omnia ignorabant
quae spectant ad ritum Christianum, solo nomine Christi excepto.
Quassiuerunt & ipsi & alij multi Christiani, Ruteni & Hungari,
vtrum possent saluari, quia oportebat eos bibere cosmos, & come-
[p. 8o] dere morticinia & interfecta k Saracenis & alijs infidelibus : | quae 5
etiam ipsi Gneci & Ruteni sacerdotes reputant quasi morticinia
vel idolis immolata : quia ignorabant tempora ieiunij : nee poterant
custodire etiam si cognouissent. Tunc rectificabar eos prout potui,
docens & confortans in fide. Games quas detulerant reseruauimus
vsque ad diem festum : nihil enim inueniebamus venale pro auro 10
& argento, nisi pro telis & alijs *pannis : & illos non habebamus.
Quum famuli nostri offerebant eis ipperpera, ipsi fricabant digitis,
& ponebant ad nares, vt odore sentirent, vtrum essent cuprum.
Nee dabant nobis cibum nisi lac vaccinum acre valde & foetidum.
Vinum iam deficiebat nobis. Aqua ita turbabatur ab equis, quod 15
non erat potabilis. Nisi fuisset biscoctum quod habebamus, &
gratia dei, fortfe fuissemus mortui.

De Saraceno qui dixit se velle baptizarj, et de homi-
nibus qui apparent leprosi.

IN die pentecostes venit ad nos quidam Saracenus, qui cum 20
loqueretur nobiscum, incepimus exponere fidem. Qui audiens
beneficia dei exhibita humano generi in incarnatione Christi, &
resurrectionem mortuorum, & iudicium futurum, & quod ablutio
peccatorum esset in baptismo : dixit se velle baptizari. Et cum
pararemus nos ad baptizandum eum, ipse subito ascendit equum 25
suum, dicens se iturum domum & habiturum consilium cum vxore
sua. Qui in crastino loquens nobiscum, dixit quod nullo modo
auderet accipere baptisma, quia tunc non biberet cosmos. Chris-
tiani enim illius loci hoc dicebant, quod nullus verus Christianus
deberet bibere : & sine potu illo non posset viuere in solitudine 30
ilia. A qua opinione nullo modo potui diuertere ilium. Vnde
noueritis pro certo quod multQ elongantur k fide propter illam
opinionem quae iam viguit inter illos per Rutenos, quorum maxima
multitudo est inter eos. Ilia die dedit nobis ille capitaneus vnum
hominem, qui nos deduceret vsque ad Sartach : & duos qui duce- 35
rent nos vsque ad proximam herbergiam ; quae inde distabat
quinque dietas prout boues poterant ire. Dederunt etiam nobis
vnam capram pro cibo & plures vtres lactis vaccini, & de cosmos

* Nota diligentissime.

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

i6i

parum : quia illud preciosum est inter illos. Et sic arripientes
iter rect^ in aquilonem, visum fuit mihi quod vnam portam inferni
transissemus. Garciones qui ducebant nos, incipiebant nobis
audacter furari, quia videbant nos parum cautos. Tandem amissis
5 pluribus vexatio dabat nobis intellectum. Peruenimus tandem ad
extremitatem illius prouinciae, quae clauditur vno fossato ab vno
man vsque ad aliud : extra quam erat herbergia eorum apud quos
intrassemus : videbantur nobis leprosi omnes : quia erant viles Salinas.
homines ibi collocati, vt reciperent tributum ab accipientibus sal

lo a salinis superius dictis. Ab illo loco, vt dicebant, oportebat nos
ambulare quindecim diebus, quibus non inueniremus populum.
Cum illis bibimus cosmos : & dedimus illis vnum veringal plenum
fructibus & panem biscoctum. Qui dederunt nobis octo boues,
vnam capram pro tanto itinere, & nescio quot vtres plenos lacte

15 vaccino. Sic mutatis bobus arripuinus iter, quod perfecimus Decem
decern diebus vsque ad aliam herbergiam : nee inuenimus aquam '^'*"
in ilia via nisi in fossis in conuallibus factis, exceptis duobus paruis
fluminibus. Et tendebamus recte in orientem ex quo exiuimus
prjedictam prouinciam Gasariae, habentes mare ad meridiem &

20 vastam solitudinem ad aquilonem : quae durat per viginti dietas
alicubi in latitudine : In qua nulla est sylua, nuUus mons, nullus
lapis. Herba est optima. In hac solebant pascere Comani, qui
dicuntur Capchat. A Tentonicis ver6 dicuntur Valani, & pro-
uincia Valani. Ab Isidoro vero dicitur a flumine Tanai vsque

25 ad paludes Meotidis & Danubium Alania. Et durat ista terra in
longitudine a Danubio vsque Tanaim ; qui est terminus Asiae &
Europae, itinere duorum mensium velociter equitando prout equi-
tant Tartari : Quae tota inhabitabatur a Comanis Capchat, & etiam Comanis
vltra a Tanai vsque *Etiliam: Inter quae flumina sunt decem °"^' " °-

30 dietae magnae. Ad aquilonem ver6 istius prouinci^ iacet Russia, Russia,
que vbique syluas habet, & protenditur a Polonia & Hungaria
vsque Tanaim : quae tota vastata est a Tartaris, & adhuc quotidie
vastatur. Praeponunt enim Rutenis, quia sunt Christiani, Sara-
cenos : & cum non possunt amplius dare aurum vel argentum,

35 ducunt eos & paruulos eorum tanquam greges ad solitudinem vt Prussia,
custodiant animalia eorum. Vltra Russiam ad aquilonem est
Prussia, quam nuper subiugauerunt totam fratres Teutonici. Et
certe de facili acquierent Russiam, si apponerent manum. Si
enim Tartari audirent, quod magnus sacerdos, hoc est, Papa

40 faceret cruce signari contra eos, omnes fugerent ad solitudines
suas.

Etilia quae & Volga flumen.

l62

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES.

De tedijs quce patiedantur, & de sepultura
Comanorum.

[p. 8i]

Calor maxi-
mus ibi in
KStJtte.

Tanais

fluuius.

Casale Ru-
tenorum.

IBbanus ergo versus orientem, nihil vndentes nisi coelum &
terram, & aliquando mare ad dextram, quod dicitur Mare
Tanais, & etiam sepulturas Comanorum, quje apparebant nobis 5
k I duabus leucis secundum quod solebant parentelae eorum sepeliri
simul. Quam diu eramus in solitudine bene erat nobis : qu6d
tedium quod patiebar quum veniebanus ad mansiones eorum non
possem exprimere verbis. Volebat enim dux noster, quod ad
quoslibet capitaneos ingrederer cum xenio : &: ad hoc non suffi- 10
ciebant expensoe. Quotidie enim eramus octo personae comedentes
viaticum nostrfl exceptis seruientibus, qui omnes volebant comedere
nobiscum. Nos enim eramus quinque, & ipsi tres qui ducebant
nos : duo ducentes bigas, & vnus iturus nobiscum vsque ad Sartach.
Games quas dabant non sufficiebant ; nee inueniebamus aliquid 15
venale pro moneta, Et cum sedebamus sub bigis nostris pro
vmbra, quia calor erat ibi maximus illo tempore, ipsi ita importune
ingerebant se nobis, quod conculcabant nos, volentes omnia nostra
videre. Si arripiebat eos appetitus purgandi ventrem, non elonga-
bant se a nobis, quam possit faba iactari. Imo iuxta nos coUo- 20
quentes mutu6 faciebant immunditias suas : & multa alia faciebant
quae erant supra modum tediosa. Super omnia grauabat me, quod
cum volebam dicere eis aliquod verbum aedificationis, interpres
meus dicebat, non facietis me praedicare ; quia nescio talia verba
dicere. Et verum dicebat. Ego enim perpendi postea, quum incepi 25
aliquantulum intelligere idioma, quod quum dicebam vnum, ipse
totum aliud dicebat, secundum quod ei occurrebat. Tunc videns
periculum loquendi per ipsum, elegi magis tacere. Ambulauimus
ergo cum magno labore de mansione in mansionem : ita quod
paucis diebus ante festum beatae Mariae Magdalenas veni ad fluuium 30
magnum Tanais : qui diuidit Asiam ab Europa, sicut Nilus fluuius
^gypti, Asiam ab Africa. In illo loco quo applicuimus fecerunt
Baatu & Sartach fieri quoddam casale de Rutenis in ripa orientali,
qui transferunt nuncios & mercatores cum nauiculis. Ipsi trans-
tulerunt nos primo & postea bigas ponentes vnam rotam in vna 35
barca & aliam in alia, ligantes barcas ad inuicem ; & sic remigantes
transibant. Ibi egit dux noster valde stulte. Ipse enim credebat,
quod illi de casali deberent nobis ministrare equos, &: dimisit
animalia quae adduxeramus in alia biga, vt redirent ad dominos
suos. Et quum postulauimus ab eis animalia, ipsi respondebant 40
quod habebant priuilegiQ k Baatu, quod non tenerentur ad aliud.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 163

nisi transferre euntes & redeuntes : etiam k mercatoribus accipie-
bant magnum tributum. Stetimus ergo ibi in ripa fluminis tribus
diebus. Prima die dederunt nobis magnam borbatam recentem :
secunda die panem de siligine & parum de carnibus, quas acce-
5 perat procurator villae ostiatim per diuersas domos. Tertia die
pisces siccos, quos habent ibi in magna multitudine. Fluuius ille Latitudo
erat ibi tantae latitudinis, quantae est Sequana Parisijs. Et ante-
quam peruenissemus ad locum ilium, transiuimus multas aquas
pulcherrimas & piscosissimas : Sed Tartari nesciunt eos capere :

10 nee curant de pisce nisi sit ita magnus, quod possunt comedere
carnes eius, sicut carnes arietinas. Ille fluuius est terminus Orien-
talis Russiae ; & oritur de paludibus quae pertingunt ad Oceanum Oceanus.
ad aquilonem. Fluuius vero currit ad meridiem in quoddam
magnum Mare septingentorum millium, antequam pertingat ad

15 Mare Ponti : Et omnes aquae quas transiuimus vadunt ad illas
partes. Habet etiam prgdictum flumen magnam syluam in ripa
Occidentali. Vltra locum ilium non ascendunt Tartari versus
Aquilonem : quia tunc temporis * circa introitum Augusti incipiunt
redire versus meridiem. Vnde aliud est casale inferius vbi trans-

20 eunt nuncij tempore hyemali. Eramus igitur ibi in magna angustia,
quia nee equos nee boues inueniebamus pro pecunia. Tandem
postquam ostendi eis, quod laboraui pro communi vtilitate omnium
Christianorum, accomodauerunt nobis boues & homines : nos
autem oportebat ire pedibus. Tunc temporis metebant siliginem :

25 triticum non proficiebat ibi bene. Milium habent in magna copia.
Mulieres Rutenae ornant capita sicut nostrae. Supertunicalia sua
exterius ornant vario vel grisio a pedibus vsque ad genua. Homi-
nes portant capas sicut Teutonici : sed in capite portant pileos de
filtro acutos in summitate longo acumine. Ambulauimus ergo

30 tribus diebus non inuenientes populum. Et cum essemus valde
fatigati & boues similiter, nee sciremus quorsum possemus Tartaros
inuenire, accurrerunt subito duo equi, quos recepimus cum gaudio
magno, & ascenderunt eos dux noster & interpres, vt specularentur
quorsum possemus populum inuenire. Tandem quarta die inuentis

35 hominibus gauisi sumus tanquam naufragi venientes ad portum.
Tunc acceptis equis & bobus iuimus de mansione ad mansionem
donee peruenimus vsque ad herbergiam Sartach secundo Calendas
Augusti.

* Ad introitum Augusti redeunt ad meridiem.

i64 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

De regione Sartach, & de gentibus illius.

Egio ista vltra Tanaim est pulcherrima, habens flumina
& syluas ad aquilonem. Sunt syluie maximae, quas in-
habitant duo genera hominum : Moxel scilicet, qui sunt sine
lege, puri pagani. Ciuitatem non habent sed casulas in syluis. 5

[p. 82] Dominus eorum & magna | pars eorum fuerunt interfecti in
Alemania. Tartari enim duxerant eos ad introitum Alemaniae.
Vnde ipsi multum commendant Alemanos, sperantes quod adhuc
liberabuntur per eos h seruitute Tartarorum. Si mercator veniat
ad eos, oportet quod ille apud quern primo descendit prouideat 10
ei quamdiu vult esse inter eos. Si quis dormiat cum vxore
alterius, ille non curat nisi videat proprijs oculis : vnde non
sunt Zelotypi. Abundant apud eos porci, mel, & cera, pelles
preciosae, & falcones. Post illos sunt alij qui dicuntur Merdas,

Merdui quos latini vocant Merduos, & sunt Saraceni. Post illos est 15
•Etilia, quae est maior fluuius, quam vnquam viderim : & venit
ab Aquilone de maiori Bulgaria tendens ad meridiem : & cadit
in quendam lacum habentem spacium quatuor mensium in cir-
cuitu, de quo postea dicam vobis. Ista ergo duo flumina Tanais
& Etilia versus regiones Aquilonis per quas transiuimus non 20
distant ab inuicem nisi decem dietis, sed ad meridiem multum
diuiduntur ab inuicem. Tanais enim descendit in Mare Ponti :
Etilia facit praedictum Mare siue lacum, cum alijs multis flumi-
nibus, quae cadunt in ilium de Perside. Habebamus autem ad
meridiem montes maximos in quibus habitant in lateribus versus 25
solitudinem illam Cergis & Alani siue t Acas, qui sunt Christiani
& adhuc pugnant contra Tartaros. Post istos prope Mare siue

Lesjji Sara- lacum Etiliae sunt quidam Saraceni qui dicuntur Lesgi, qui simi-
liter obediunt. Post hos est Porta ferrea, quam fecit Alexander
ad excludendas Barbaras gentes de Perside : de cuius situ dicam 30
vobis postea, \ quia transiui per earn in reditu. Et inter ista duo
flumina in illis terris per quas transiuimus habitabant Comani ante-
quam Tartari occuparent eas.

cent.

De Curia Sartach & de gloria eius.

Nuenimus ergo Sartach prope Etiliam per tres dietas : cuius 35
curia valde magna videbatur nobis : quia habet sex vxores,

• vel Volga fluuius. t Kerkis vel Aas.

X Keditus eius per Derbent.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 165

& filius eius primogenitus iuxta eum duas vel tres : & quselibet
habet domum magnam & bigas forte ducentas. Accessit autem
ductor noster ad quendam Nestorinum Coiat nomine, qui est Coiat Nesto-
vnus de maioribus Curias suae. Ille fecit nos ire valde longe ad
5 domini lannam. Ita vocant ilium qui habet officium recipiendi
nuncios. In sero prgecepit nobis dictus Coiat, vt veniremus ad
eum. Tunc incepit quaerere ductor noster quid portaremus ei,
& coepit multum scandalizari, quum vidit quod nihil parabamus
ad portandum. Stetimus coram eo, & ipse sedebat in gloria sua

10 & faciebat sonare citharam & saltare coram se. Tunc dixi ei
verba praedicta qualiter veniremus ad dominum eius, rogans eum
vt iuuaret nos vt Dominus eius videret literas nostras. Excusaui
etiam me quia monachus eram, non habens, nee recipiens, nee
tractans aurum vel argentum vel aliquid preciosum, solis libris

1$ & capella in qua seruiebamus deo exceptis : vnde nullum xenium
afferebamus ei nee domino suo. Qui enim propria dimiseram,
non poteram portator esse alienorum. Tunc respondit satis
mansuete, quod bene faciebam ex quo eram monachus : sic
seruarem votum meum, & non indigebat rebus nostris ; sed

20 magis daret nobis de suis, si indigeremus : & fecit nos sedere
& bibere de lacte suo. Et post pauca rogauit vt diceremus
benedictionem pro eo, quod & fecimus. Quaesiuit & quis esset
maior dominus inter Francos. Dixi, Imperator, si haberet terram
suam in pace. Non, inquit, sed Rex Franciae. Audiuerat enim

25 de vobis k domino Baldewyno de Hannonia. Inueni etiam ibi
vnum de Socijs domus Dominicae, qui fuerat in Cypro, qui narra-
uerat omnia quae viderat. Tunc reuersi sumus ad hospitium
nostrum. In crastino misi ei vnum flasconem de vino Muscato,
quod optime se custodierat in tarn longa via; & cophinum plenum

30 biscocto quod fuit ei gratissimum, & retinuit illo sero famulos
nostros secum. In crastino mandauit mihi quod venirem ad
curiam ; afferens literas regis & capellam & libros mecum, quia
dominus suus vellet videre ea : quod & fecimus, onerantes vnam
bigam libris & capella, & aliam pane & vino & fructibus. Tunc

35 fecit omnes libros & vestes explicari, & circumstabant nos in equis
multi Tartari & Christiani & Saraceni : quibus inspectis, quaesiuit,
si vellem ista omnia dare domino suo, quo audito, expaui, &
displicuit mihi verbum, dissimulans tamen respondi, domine roga-
mus, quatenus dominus noster dignetur recipere panem istum,

40 vinum & fructus non pro xenio quia exiguum quid est, sed pro
benedictione, ne vacua manu veniamus coram eo. Ipse autem
videbit literas domini regis, & per eas sciet, qua de causa venimus
ad eum : & tunc stabimus mandato eius nos & omnes res nostrae.

i66 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Vestes enim sanctae sunt, & non licet eas contingere nisi sacer-
dotibus. Tunc praecepit quod indueremus nos ituri coram domino
suo : quod it fecimus. Ego autem indutus preciosioribus ves-
tibus accepi in pectore puluinar, quod erat valde pulchrum,
& biblium quod dederatis mihi, psalterium pulcherrimum, quod 5
dederat mihi domina regina, in quo erant picturae pulchrae.
Socius meus accepit missale & crucem, clericus indutus super-
cilicio accepit thuribulum : sic accessimus ante dominum eius :
[p- 83] & leuauerunt \ filtrum quod pendebat ante ostium vt nos posset

videre. Tunc fecerunt flectere genua ter clerico & interpreti : 10
a nobis non requisiuerunt. Tunc monuerunt nos valde diligenter,
vt caueremus ingrediendo & egrediendo ne tangeremus limen
domus, & vt cantaremus aliquam benedictionem pro eo. Tunc
ingressi sumus cantando, Salue regina. In introitu autem ostij
stabat bancus cum cosmos & cum ciphis. Et conuenerant omnes 15
vxores eius : & ipsi Moal. Ingredientes nobiscum comprimebant
nos. lUic Coiac tulit ei thuribulum cum incenso, quod ipse
respexit, tenens in manu diligenter : postea tulit ei psalterium quod
valde respexit, & vxor eius sedens iuxta eum. Postea tulit biblium,
& ipse quaesiuit, si euangelium esset ibi. Dixi, etiam tota Scrip- 20
tura Sacra. Accepit etiam crucem in manu sua, & quaesiuit de
imagine, vtrum esset imago Christi ? Respondi quod sic. Ipsi
Nestoriani & Armeni nunquam faciunt super cruces suas figuram
Christi. Vnde videntur male sentire de passione, vel erubescunt
eam. Postea fecit circumstantes nos retrahere se, vt plenius posset 25
videre ornamenta nostra. Tunc obtuli ei literas vestras cum
transcriptis in Arabico & Syriano. Feceram enim eas transferri
in Aeon in vtraque litera & lingua. Et ibi erant sacerdotes
Armeni, qui sciebant Turcicum & Arabicum, & Ille Socius domus
Domini qui sciebat Syrianum, & Turcicum & Arabicum. Tunc 3°
exiuimus & deposuimus vestimenta nostra : & venerunt scriptores
& ille Coiac, & fecerunt literas interpretari. Quibus auditis, fecit
recipi panem & vinum & fructus : vestimentk & libros fecit nos
reportare ad hospitium. Hoc actum est in festo Sancti Petri ad
vincula. 35

Qualiter habuerunt in mandatis adire Baatu
patrenn Sartach.

IN crastino mane venit quidam sacerdos frater ipsius Coiac
postulans vasculum cum chrismate, quia Sartach volebat
illud videre, vt dicebat, & dedimus ei. Hora vespertina vocauit 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 167

nos Coiac, dicens nobis : Dominus rex scripsit bona verba
Domino meo : Sed sunt in eis difficilia, de quibus nihil auderet
facere, sine consilio patris sui. Vnde oportet vos ire ad patrem
suum, & duas bigas quas adduxistis heri cum vestimentis & libris
5 dimittetis mihi, quia Dominus meus vult res diligentius videre.
Ego statim suspicatus sum malum de cupiditate eius, & dixi ei.
Domine, non solum illas sed etiam duas quas adhuc habemus
relinquemus sub custodia vestra. Non inquit, illas relinquetis, de
alijs facietis velle vestrum. Dixi quod hoc nullo modo posset

10 fieri. Sed totam dimitteremus ei. Tunc quaesiuit si vellemus
morari in terra? Ego dixi, Si bene intellexistis literas domini
regis, potestis scire, quod sic. Tunc dixit, quod oporteret nos
esse patientes multum, & humiles. Sic discessimus ab eo illo
sero. In crastino mane misit vnum sacerdotem Nestorinum pro

15 bigis, & nos duximus omnes quatuor. Tunc occurrens nobis
frater ipsius Coiacis, seperauit omnia nostra ab ipsis rebus quas
tuleramus pridie ad curiam, & ilia accepit tanquam sua, scilicet
libros & vestimenta : & Coiac prgeceperat, quod ferremus nobis-
cum vestimenta quibus induti fueramus coram Sartach vt illis

20 indueremur coram Baatu si expediret : quas ille sacerdos abstulit
nobis vi, dicens: Tu attulisti eas ad Sartach, modo vis ferre Baatu?
Et cum vellem ei reddere rationem, respondit mihi, Ne loquaris
nimis, & vade viam tuam. Tunc necessaria fuit patientia, quia
apud Sartach, non patebat nobis ingressus ; nee aliquis erat, qui

25 nobis exhiberet iusticiam. Timebam etiam de interprete, ne ipse
aliquid aliter dixisset, quam ego dixissem ei : quia ipse bene
voluisset, quod de omnibus fecissemus xenium. Vnum erat mihi
solacium, quia quum persensi cupiditatem eorum, ego subtraxi
de libris Biblium & sententias, & alios libros quos magis dili-

30 gebam. Psalterium dominse reginse non fui ausus subtrahere,
quia illud fuerat nimis notatum propter aureas picturas quae erant
in eo. Sic ergo reuersi sumus cum duobus residuis bigis ad
hospitium nostrum. Tunc venit ille, qui debebat ducere nos ad
Baatu, volens cum festinatione arripere iter : cui dixi quod nulla

35 ratione ducerem bigas. Quod ipse retulit ad Coiac. Tunc prae-
cepit Coiac quod relinqueremus eas apud ipsum cum garcione
nostro : quod & fecimus. Sic ergo euntes versus Baatu recta in
Orientem, tertia die peruenimus ad Etiliam : cuius aquas cum Perueniunt
vidi, mirabar vnde ab Aquilone descenderunt tantae aquae. Ante- vei Voigll.

40 quam recederemus a Sartach, dixit nobis supradictus Coiac cum
alijs multis scriptoribus curiae, Nolite dicere quod dominus noster
sit Christianus, sed Moal. Quia nomen Christianitatis videtur eis Tartari

_ , . .^ ^- 1 voluntvocari

nomen cuiusdam gentis. In tantam super biam sunt erecti, quod Moai.

i68

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

quamuis aliquid forte credant de Christo, tamen nolunt did
[p. 84] Christiani volentes nomen suum, hoc est, | Moal exaltare super
omne nomen. Nee volunt vocari Tartari : Tartari enim fuerunt
alia gens de quibus sic didicL

Con can.

Vnde vene-
runt Turci.
Caracatay.

Ocean us.

Vel Nay.

Preb«yter
lohannet.

Kencham
vbi habi>
tauit.
Frater

Andrea* in
Curia Ken-
cham.
Vut can,
vel Vnc.
Caracanim
Villula.
Crit, &
Merkit.

Qualiter Sartach, & Mangucham & Kencham 5
faciunt reuerentiam Christianis.

TEmpore quo Franci ceperunt Antiochiam tenebat monarchiam
in illis lateribus Aquilonis quidam qui vocabatur Concan.
Con est proprium nomen : Can nomen dignitatis quod idem est
qui diuinator. Omnes diuinatores vocant Can. Vnde principes 10
dicuntur Can, quia penes eos spectat regimen populi per diuina-
tionem. Vnde legitur in historia Antiochiae, quod Turci miserunt
propter succursum contra Francos ad regnum Con can. De illis
enim partibus venerunt omnes Turci. Iste Con erat Cara-Catay.
Cara idem est quod nigrum. Catai nomen gentis. Vnde Cara- 15
Catay idem est quod nigri Catay. Et hoc dicitur ad differentiam
ipsorum Catay qui erant in Oriente super Oceanum de quibus
postea dicam vobis. Isti Catay erant in quibusdam alpibus per
quas transiui. Et in quadam planicie inter illas Alpes erat
quidam Nestorinus pastor potens & dominus super populum, 20
qui dicebatur Vayman, qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Mortuo
Con can eleuauit se ille Nestorius in regem, & vocabant eum
Nestoriani Regem lohannem : & plus dicebant de ipso in decuplo
qukm Veritas esset. Ita enim faciunt Nestoriani venientes de
partibus illis. De nihilo enim faciunt magnos rumores. Vnde 25
disseminauerunt de Sartach quod es.set Christianus, & de Mangu
Can & Ken can : quia faciunt maiorem reuerentiam Christianis,
qu^m alijs populis, & tamen in veritate Christiani non sunt. Sic
ergo exiuit magna fama de illo Rege lohanne. Et quando ego
transiui per pascua eius, nullus aliquid sciebat de eo nisi Nestoriani 30
p>auci. In pascuis eius habitat Kencam, apud cuius curiam
fuit frater Andreas : & ego etiam transiui per eam in reditu.
Huic lohanni erat frater quidam potens, pastor similiter, nomine
Vut : & ipse erat vltra Alpes ipsorum Caracatay, distans h. fratre
suo spacium trium hebdomadarum & erat dominus cuiusdam 35
Villulae quae dicitur Caracarum, populum habens sub se, qui dice-
bantur Crit, Merkit, qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Sed ipse
dominus eorum dimisso cultu Christi, sectabatur idola ; habens
sacerdotes idolorum, qui omnes sunt inuocatores daemonum
& sortilegi. Vltra pascua istius ad decem vel quindecem dietas 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

169

sedes.

Cyngis.

erant pascua Moal : qui erant pauperrimi homines sine capitaneo Moai \»a-
& sine lege, exceptis sortilegijs & diuinationibus, quibus omnes in homines,
partibus illis intendunt. Et iuxta Moal erant alij pauperes, qui
dicebantur Tartari. Rex Johannes mortuus fuit sine hserede, Tartarorum
5 & ditatus est frater eius Vnc ; & faciebat se vocari Can : & mitte-
bantur armenta greges eius vsque ad terminos Moal. Tunc
temporis Chingis faber quidam erat in populo Moal : & fura-
batur de animalibus Vnc can quod poterat : In tantum quod
conquesti sunt pastores Vut domino suo. Tunc congregauit

10 exercitum & equitauit in terram Moal, quasrens ipsum Cyngis.
Et ille fugit inter Tartaros & latuit ibi. Tunc ipse Vut accepta
praeda Moal & a Tartaris reuersus est. Tunc ipse Cyngis allocutus
est Tartaros & ipsos Moal dicens, Quia sine duce sumus oppri-
munt nos vicini nostri. Et fecerunt ipsum ducem & capitaneum

15 Tartari & Moal. Tunc latenter congregato exercitu irruit super
ipsum Vut, & vicit ipsum, & ipse fugit in Cathaiam. Ibi capta
fuit filia eius, quam Cyngis dedit vni ex filijs in vxorem, ex quo
ipsa suscepit istum qui nunc regnat Mangu. Tunc ipse Cyngis Mangu-can.
premittebat vbique ipsos Tartaros : & inde exiuit nomen eorum,

20 quia vbique clamabatur, Ecce Tartari veniunt. Sed per crebra
bella modo omnes fere deleti sunt. Vnde isti Moal modo volunt
extinguere illud nomen, & suum eleuare. Terra ilia in qua primo
fuerunt, & vbi est adhuc curia Cyngiscan, vocatur Mancherule.
Sed quia Tartari est regio circa quam fuit acquisitio eorum, illam

25 ciuitatem habent pro regali, & ibi prope eligunt suum Can.

Mancherule.

De Rutenis & Hungaris, & Alanis, & de mari
Caspio,

[p. 85]

DE Sartach autem vtrum credit in Christum vel non nescio.
Hoc scio quod Christianus non vult dici. Imm6 magis
30 videtur mihi deridere Christianos. Ipse enim est in itinere
Christianorum, scilicet Rutenorum, Blacorum, Bulgarorum minoris
Bulgariae, Soldainorum, Kerkisorum, Alanorum : qui omnes trans-
eunt per eum quum vadunt ad curiam patris sui deferre ei
munera, vnde magis amplectitur eos. Tamen si Saraceni veniant,
35 & maius afferant, citiCis expediuntur. Habet etiam circa se
Nestorinos sacerdotes, qui pulsant tabulam, & cantant officium
suum.

Est alius qui dicitur Berta super Baatu, qui pascit versus Bertavei
Portam ferream, vbi est iter Saracenorum omnium qui veniunt de ^"'^
40 Perside & de Turchia, qui euntes ad Baatu, & transeuntes per

I70

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Exacts
maris
Caspij de-
•cripuo.

Canglae
populi, vel
Caogituc.

Frater
Andreas.

Reprehen-
ditur Isidori
error de man
Caspio.

eum, deferunt ei munera. Et ille facit se Saracenum, & non
permittit in terra sua comedi cames porcinas. Baatu in reditu
nostro praeceperat ei, quod transferret se de illo loco vltra Etiliam
ad Orientem, nolens nuncios Saracenorum transire per eum, quia
videbatur sibi damnosum. 5

Quatuor autem diebus quibus fuimus in curia Sartach, nun-
quam prouisum fuit nobis de cibo, nisi semel de modico cosmos.
In via ver6 inter ipsum & patrem suum habuimus magnum
timorem. Ruteni enim & Hungari, & Alani serui eorum, quorum
est magna multitude inter eos, associant se viginti vel triginta lo
simul, & fugiunt de nocte, habentes pharetras & arcus, & qucm-
cunque inueniunt de nocte interficiunt, de die latitantes. Et
quando sunt equi eorum fatigati veniunt de nocte ad multitudi-
nem equorum in pascuis, & mutant equos, & vnum vel duos
ducunt secum, vt comedant quum indiguerint. Occursum ergo 15
talium timebat multum Dux noster. In ilia via fuissemus mortui
fame, si non portauissemus nobiscum modicum de biscocto.

Venimus tandem ad Etiliam maximum flumen. Est enim in
quadruple maius quim Sequana, & profundissimum : Veniens de
maiori Bulgaria, qu£e est ad Aquilonem, tendens in quendam 20
lacum, siue quoddam mare, quod mod6 vocant mare Sircan,
h quadam ciuitate, quae est iuxta ripam eius in Perside. Sed
Isidorus vocat illud mare Caspium. Habet enim montes Caspios,
& Persidem h meridie : montes verb Musihet, hoc est, Assassi-
norum ad Orientem, qui contiguantur cum montibus Caspijs : Ad 25
Aquilonem verb habet illam solitudinem, in qua mod6 sunt
Tartari. Prius verb erant ibi quidam qui dicebantur Canglse : Et
ex illo latere recipit Etiliam, qui crescit in aestate sicut Nilus
i^'gypti. Ad Occidentem verb habet montes Alanorum & Lesgi ;
& Portam feream, & montes Georgianorum. Habet igitur illud 30
mare tria latera inter montes, Aquilonare verb habet ad planiciem.
Frater Andreas ipse circumdedit duo latera eius, meridionale
scilicet & Orientale. Ego verb alia duo j Aquilonare scilicet in
eundo k Baatu ad Mangu cham, Occidentale verb in reuertendo
de Baatu in Syriam. Quatuor mensibus potest circundari. Et 35
non est verum quod dicit Isidorus, qubd sit sinus exiens ab
Oceano : nusquam enim tangit Oceanum, sed vndique circun-
datur terra.

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

171

De curia Baatu, & qualiter recepti fuerunt ab eo. [p- 86]

TOta ilia regio a latere Occidentali istius maris, vbi sunt Porta
ferrea Alexandri, & montes Alanorum, vsq; ad Oceanum
Aquilonarem & paludes Mseotidis vbi mergitur Tanais, solebat
5 dici Albania : de qua dicit Isidorus, qu6d habet canes ita magnos,
tantaeque feritatis, vt tauros premant, leones perimant. Quod
verQ est, prout intellexi a narrantibus, quod ibi versus Oceanum
Aquilonarem faciunt canes trahere in bigis sicut boues propter
magnitudinem & fortitudinem eorum. In illo ergo loco vbi nos

10 applicuimus super Etiliam est casale nouum, quod fecerunt
Tartari de Rutenis mixtim, qui transponunt nuncios euntes, &
redeuntes ad curiam Baatu : quia Baatu est in vlteriori ripa versus
Orientem : nee transit ilium locum vbi nos applicuimus ascendendo
in aestate, sed iam incipiebat descendere. De lanuario enim

15 vsque ad Augustum ascendit ipse, & omnes alij versus frigidas
regiones, & in Augusto incipiunt redire. Descendimus ergo in
naui ab illo casali vsque ad curiam eius. Et ab illo loco vsque ad
villas maioris Bulgaria versus Aquilonem, sunt quinque dietae.
Et miror quis Diabolus portauit illuc legem Machometi. A

20 Porta enim ferrea, quae est exitus Persidis, sunt plusquam triginta
dietae per transuersum, solitudinem ascendendo iuxta Etiliam
vsque in illam Bulgariam, vbi nulla est ciuitas, nisi quaedam casalia
prope vbi cadit Etilia in mare. Et illi Bulgari sunt pessimi
Saraceni, fortius tenentes legem Machometi, quam aliqui alij.

25 Quum ergo vidi curiam Baatu, expaui ; quia videbantur prope
domus eius, quasi quaedam magna ciuitas protensa in logum,
& populus vndiq; circumfusus, vsq; ad tres vel quatuor leucas. Et
sicut populus Israel sciebat vnusquisq;, ad quam regionem taber-
naculi deberet figere tentoria : ita ipsi sciunt ad quod latus curise

30 debeant se collocare, quando ipsi deponunt domus. Vnde dicitur
curia Orda lingua eorum, quod sonat medium, quia semper est in
medio hominum suorum : hoc excepto, quod recta ad meridiem
nullus se coUocat, quia ad partem illam aperiuntur portae Curiae :
Sed a dextris & a sinistris extendunt se quantum volunt secundum

35 exigentiam locorum : dummodo recte ante curiam, vel ex opposito
curiae non descendunt. Fuimus ergo ducti ad quendam Sara-
cenum, qui non prouidebat nobis de aliquo cibo : sequenti die
fuimus ad curiam, & fecerat extendi magnum tentorium, quia
domus non potuisset capere tot homines & mulieres, quot con-

40 uenerant. Monuit nos ductor noster vt non loqueremur, donee
Baatu praeciperet : & tunc loqueremur breuiter. Quaesiuit etiam

Oceanus
Aquilonaris.

Isidorus.

Oceanus
Aquilonaris.

Descendit
naui per
flumen
Volga.

Nota.

30 diet^ k

Porta ferrea.

Astracan.

Decscriptio
curiae Baatu.

Horda sonat
medium.

172 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Misitrex vtruiTi itiisissetis nuncios ad eos. Dixi qualiter niiseratis ad

r rancue ad j • •

Kencham KenchaiTi, & quod nec ad ipsum misissetis nuncios, nee ad
Sartach literas, nisi credidissetis eos fuisse Christianos : quia non
pro timore aliquo, sed ex congratulatione, quia audiueratis eos
esse Christianos, misistis. Tunc duxit nos ad papilionem : & 5
monebamur, ne tangeremus cordas tentorij, quas ipsi reputant
loco liminis domus. Stetimus ibi nudis pedibus in habitu nostro
discoopertis capitibus, &: eramus spectaculum magnum in oculis

lohannesde eonim. Fucrat enim ibi frater lohannes de Piano carpini, sed

Piano . ... . *^ ' .

carpini. ipsc mutaucrat habitum ne contemneretur ; quia erat nuncms »o
Domini Papse. Tunc inducti fuimus vsque ad medium tentorij,
nec requisiuerunt vt faceremus aliquam reuerentiam genua flec-
tendo, sicut solent facere nuncij. Stetimus ergo coram eo quantum
possit dici. Miserere mei Deus : & omnes erant in summo silentio.
Ipsever6 super solium longum sedebat & latum sicut lectus, totum iS
deauratum, ad quod ascendebatur tribus gradibus, & vna domina
iuxta eum. Viri vero difTusi sedebant k dextris dominae & k
sintstris : quod non implebant mulieres ex parte vna, quia erant
ibi solae vxores Baatu, implebant viri. Bancus ver6 cum cosmos
& ciphis maximis aureis & argenteis, ornatis lapidibus prsetiosis 20
erat in introitu tentorij. Respexit ergo nos diligentius, & nos
eum : & videbatur mihi similis in statura T)omino lohanni de
Bello monte cuius anima requiescit in pace. Erat etiam vultus
eius tunc perfusus gutta rosea. Tandem pnecepit vt loquerer.
Tunc ductor noster precepit vt flecteremus genua, & loqueremur. 25
Flexi vnum genu tanquam homini : tunc innuit quod ambo
flecterem, quod & feci, nolens contendere super hoc. Tunc prse-
cepit quod loquerer. Et ego cogitans quod orarem Dominum,
quia flexeram ambo genua, Incepi verba oratione, dicens : Domine,
nos oramus Dominum, k quo bona cuncta procedunt, qui dedit 30
vobis ista terrena, vt det vobis post h?c coelestia : quia hoec sine
illis vana sunt. Et ipse diligenter auscultauit, & subiunxi :
Noueritis pro certo qu6d coelestia non habebitis, nisi fueritis
Christianus. Dicit enim Deus, Qui crediderit & baptizatus fuerit,
saluus erit : qui vero non crediderit, condemnabitur. Ad illud 35
verbum ipse modest^ subrisit, & alij Moal inceperunt plaudere
manus deridendo nos. Et obstupuit interpres meus, quem
oportuit me confortare ne timerem. Tunc facto silentio, dixi :
Literx Ego veni ad filium vestrum, quia audiuimus qu6d esset Christi-
Francorum. anus, & attuH ei literas ex parte Domini Regis P'rancorum : ipse 40
[p. 87] misit me hue ad vos, Vos debetis | scire qua de causa. Tunc
fecit me surgere. Et quaesiuit nomen vestrum, & meum, & socij
mei, & interpretis, & fecit omnia scribi. Quaesiuit etiam, quia

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 173

intellexerat quod exieratis terrain vestram cum exercitu vt haberetis
bellum. Respond!, Contra Saracenos violantes domum Dei
Hierusalem. Quaesiuit etiam si vnquam misissetis nuncios ad
eum. Ad vos dixi nunquam. Tunc fecit nos sedere, & dari de
5 lacte suo ad bibendum, quod ipsi valde magnum reputant, quando
aliquis bibit cosmos cum eo in dome sua. Et dum sedens
respicerem terram, praecepit vt eleuarem vultuni, volens adhuc nos
amplius respicere, vel forte pro sortilegio : quia habent pro malo
omine vel signo, vel pro mala Prognostica, quando aliquis sedet

10 coram eis inclinata facie quasi tristis, maxime quum appodiat
maxillam, vel mentum super manum. Tunc exiuimus, & post
pauca, venit Ductor noster ad nos, & ducens nos ad hospitium,
dixit mihi, Dominus Rex rogat, quod retinearis in terra ista : &
hoc non potest Baatu facere sine conscientia Mangu cham. Vnde

15 oportet quod tu & interpres tuus eatis ad Mangu cham. Socius
ver5 tuus & alius homo reuertentur ad curiam Sartach ibi ex-
pectantes donee reuertatis. Tunc incepit homo DEI Interpres
lugere reputans se perditum : Socius etiam meus contestari, quod
citius amputarent ei caput, quam quod diuideretur a me. Et ego

20 dixi, quod sine socio non possem ire : Et etiam quod bene indige-
bamus duobus famulis, quia si contingeret vnum infirmari, non
possem solus remanere. Tunc ipse reuersus ad curiam dixit verba
Baatu. Tunc praecepit : vadant duo sacerdotes & interpres : &
Clericus reuertatur ad Sartach. Ille reuersus dixit nobis sum-

25 mam. Et quando volebam loqui pro Clerico, quod iret nobiscum,
dixit, Non loquamini amplius, quia Baatu definiuit, & eo amplius
non audeo redire ad curiam. De eleemosyna habebat Goset
clericus viginti sex ipperpera, & non plus : quorum decem retinuit
sibi & puero : & sexdecem dedit homini Dei pro nobis. Et sic

30 diuisi sumus cum lachrimis ab inuicem : lUo redeunte ad curiam
Sartach, & nobis ibi remanentibus.

De itinera fratrum versus curiam Mangu cham.

IN Vigilia Assumptionis peruenit ipse clericus ad Curiam
Sartach : & in crastino fuerunt Sacerdotes Nestorini induti
3 vestimentis nostris coram Sartach. Tunc ducti fuimus ad alium
hospitem, qui debebat nobis prouidere de domo & cibo & equis.
Sed quia non habuimus quod daremus ei, omnia male faciebat.
Et bigauimus cum Baatu descendendo iuxta Etiliam quinque 2"'t"manas
septimanas. Aliquando habuit socius meus tantam famem, quod juxta Eti-

. . -11 M • 1 liam de-

40 dicebat mihi quasi lachrymando : videbatur mihi quod nunquam scendebant.

174

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Quidam
Hungari.

Comanus.

Iter quatuor
mensitim h
Volga.
Ingens
frigus.

[p. 88]

1 6. Septemb,

Cangle
populi.

comederim. Forum sequitur semper Curiam Baatu. Sed illud
erat tam longe k nobis, quod non poteramu^ ire. Oportebat enim
nos ire pedibus pro defectu equorum. Tandem inuenerunt nos
quidam Hungari, qui fuerant Clericuli, quorum vnus sciebat adhuc
cantare multa corde, & habebatur ab alijs Hungaris quasi Sacerdos, 5
& vocabatur ad exequias suorum defunctorum : Et alius fuerat
competenter instructus in Grammatica : qui intelligebat quicquid
dicebamus ei literaliter, sed nesciebat respondere : qui fecerunt
nobis magnam consolationem, afferentes cosmos ad bibendum, &
carnes aliquando ad comedendum : qui quum postulassent h nobis 10
aliquos libros, & non haberem quos possem dare, nullos enim
habebam, nisi Biblium & breuiarium, dolui multum. Tunc dixi
eis, afiferte nobis chartas, & ego scribam vobis, quamdiu erimus
hie : quod & fecerunt. Et scripsi vtrasque boras Beatae Virginis
& officium defunctorum. Quodam die iunxit se nobis quidam 15
Comanus, salutans nos verbis latinis, dicens, Saluete Domini.
Ego mirans, ipso resalutato, quaesiui ab eo, quis eum docuerat
illam salutationem. Et ipse dixit quod in Hungaria fuit baptizatus
k fratribus nostris qui docuerant ilium eam. Dixit etiam quod
Baatu quaesiuerat ab eo multa de nobis, & quod ipse dixerat ei 20
conditiones ordinis nostri. Ego vidi Baatu equitantem cum turba
sua, & omnes patres familias equitantes cum eo, secundum aesti-
mationem meam non erant quingenti viri. Tandem circa finem
exaltationis sanctae crucis venit ad nos quidam diues Moal, cuius
pater erat millenarius, quod magnum est inter eos, dicens, Ego vos 25
debeo ducere ad Mangu cham, & est iter quatuor mensium : &
tantum frigus est ibi, quod finduntur ibi lapides & arbores pro
frigore : Videatis vtrum poteritis sustinere. Cui respondi : Spero
in virtute Dei, quod nos sustinebimus, quod alij homines po.ssunt
sustinere. Tunc dixit : Si non poteritis sustinere, ego relinquam 30
vos in via. Cui respondi, hoc non esset iustum : quia non
iuimus pro nobis, nisi missi k Domino vestro : Vnde ex quo vobis
committimur, non debetis nos dimittere. Tunc dixit, henh erit.
Post I hoc fecit nos ostendere sibi omnes vestes nostras, & quod
sibi videbatur minus necessarium fecit deponere sub custodia 35
hospitis nostri. In crastino attulerunt cuilibet no.strum vnam
pelliceam villosam arietinam & braccas de eadem, & botas siue
bucellos secundum morem eorum cum soccis de filtro ; & almucias
de pellibus secundum modum eorum. Et secunda die post
exaltationem Sanctae crucis incepimus equitare nos tres habentes 40
signarios : & equitauimus continue versus Orientem vsque ad
festum Omnium Sanctorum, per totam illam terram, & adhuc
amplius habitabant Cangle, quaedam parentela Romanorum. Ad

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 175

Aquilonem habebamus maiorem Bulerariam, & ad meridiem prae- Maior

. ,. • C> ' X- Bulgaria.

dictum mare Caspium.

De flumine lagag, & de diuersis regionibus siue
nationibus.

c T^Ostquam iueramus duodecim diebus ab Etilia inuenimus lagag

r""^ T o • -L A M flumen 12,

X magnum flumen, quod vocant lagag : & venit ab Aquilone dietis k
de terra Pascatir descendens in predictum mare. Idioma Pascatir ° ^^'
& Hungarorum idem est : & sunt pastores sine ciuitate aliqua. Et Pascatir
contiguatur maiori Bulgariae ab Occidente. Ab ilia terra versus Basci'rdorum

10 Orientem in latere illo Aquilonari non est amplius aliqua ciuitas. zibtJ!'
Vnde Bulgaria maior est vltima regio habens ciuitatem. De ilia
regione Pascatir exierunt Huni, qui postea dicti sunt Hungari. Hungaria
Vnde ipsa est maior Bulgaria. Et dicit Isidorus, qu6d pernicibus oriundi.
equis claustra Alexandri rupibus Caucasi feras gentes cohibentia

15 transierunt : ita quod usque in .^gyptum soluebatur eis tributum.
Destruxerunt etiam omnes terras usque in Franciam. Vnde
fuerunt maioris potentise, quam sunt adhuc Tartari. Cum illis
occurrerunt Blaci & Bulgari & Vandali. De ilia enim maiori
Bulgaria venerunt illi Bulgari : Et qui sunt vltra Danubium prope

20 Constantinopolin, & iuxta Pascatir sunt Ilac, quod idem est quod Nota.
Blac : sed B. nesciunt Tartari sonare : a quibus venerunt illi qui
sunt in terra Assani. Vtrosque enim vocant Ilac, & hos & illos
lingua Rutenorum & Polonorum, & Boemorum. Sclauorum est
idem idioma cum lingua Vandalorum, quorum omnium manus

25 fuit cum Hunis : & nunc pro maiori parte est cum Tartaris quos
Deus suscitauit a remotioribus partibus, populum multum, &
gentem stultam, secundum quod dicit Dominus, Prouocabo eos, id Deut.32. 21.
est, non custodientes Legem suam, in eo qui non est populus, & in
gente stulta irritabo eos : Hoc completur ad literam super omnes

30 nationes non custodientes Legem Dei. Hoc quod dixi de terra
Pascatir scio per fratres Praedicatores,* qui iuerunt illuc ante
aduentum Tartarorum. Et ex tunc erant ipsi subiugati a vicinis
Bulgaris Saracenis, & plures eorum facti Saraceni. Alia possunt
sciri per Chronica : quia constat quod illae prouincise post Con-

35 stantinopolim, quae modo dicuntur Bulgaria, Valachia, Sclauonia,
fuerunt prouinciae Grgcorum. Hungaria fuit Pannonia. Equi-
tauimus ergo per terram Cangle a festo Sanctae crucis vsque ad Candle
festum Omnium Sanctorum, quolibet die fere quantum est a ingens.

* Qui fuerunt isti fratres ?

1/6

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Parisijs vsque Aurelianum, secundiim quod possum estimare, &
plus aliquando: secundum quod habebamus copiam equorum.
Aliquando enim mutabamus bis in die vel ter equos. Aliquando
ibamus duobus diebus vel tribus, quibus non inueniebamus popu-
lum, & oportebat leuius ire. De viginti vel triginta equis nos 5
semper habebamus peiores, quia extranei eramus. Omnes enim
accipiebant ante nos equos meliores. Mihi semper prouidebant
de forti equo, quia eram ponderosus valde : sed vtrum suauiter
ambularet vel non, de hoc non auderem facere quaestionem. Nee
etiam audebam conqueri, si dure portaret. Sed fortunam suam 10
oportebat vnumquemque sustinere. Vnde oriebatur nobis diffi-
cillimus labor : quia multoties fatigabantur equi, antequam posse-
mus peruenire ad populum. Et tunc oportebat nos percutere &
flagellare equos, ponere etiam vestes super alios saginarios, mutare
equos saginarios ; aliquando nos duos ire in vno equo. iS

[p. 89]

Defectus

materi^

ignis.

Aliqua
flumina.

Vasta soli-
tudo.

De fame & siti, & alijs miserijs quas sustinuerunt

in itinere.

DE fame & siti, frigore & fatigatione non est numerus. Non
enim dant cibum nisi in sero. In mane dant aliquid
bibere, vel sorbere milium. In sero dabant nobis carnes, scapulam 20
arietis cum costis & de brodio ad mensuram bibere. Quando
habebamus de brodio carnium ad satietatem optimfe reficiebamur.
Et videbatur mihi suauissimus potus & | maxim^ nutriens. Feria
sexta permanebam ieiunus vsq; ad noctem, nihil hauriens. Tunc
oportebat me in tristitia & dolore comedere carnes. Aliquando 25
oportebat nos comedere carnes semicoctas vel fere crudas propter
defectum materiae ignis, quando iacebamus in campis & de nocte
descendebamus : quia tunc non poteramus bene colligere stercora
equorum vel boum : aliam materiam ignis rar6 inueniebamus ; nisi
forte alicubi aliquas spinas. In ripis etiam aliquorum fluminum 30
sunt alicubi syluje. Sed hoc rarb. In principio despiciebat nos
multlim Ductor noster, & fastidiebat eum ducere tarn viles
homines. Postea tamen quando incepit nos melius cognoscere,
ducebat nos per curias diuitum Moallorum : & oportebat nos orare
pro ipsis. Vnde si habuissem bonum interpretem, habebam 35
oportunitatem seminandi multa bona. lUe Chingis primus Cham
habuit quatuor filios, de quibus egressi sunt multi, qui omnes
habent modo magnas curias : & quotidie multiplicantur & diffun-
duntur per illam Vastam solitudinem, quae est sicut mare. Per
multos erg6 illorum ducebat nos Ductor noster, Et mirabantur 40

178 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Et quadam die dum esset ebrius, loquebatur ita cum hominibus
suis. Nonne sum de genere Chingis can sicut Baatus (Et ipse
erat nepos Baatu vel frater) quare non vadam super ripam Etilise,
sicut Baatu, vt pascam ibi? Quae verba relata fuerunt Baatu.
Tunc ipse Baatu scripsit hominibus illius, vt adducerent ei domi- 5
num ipsorum vinctum: quod & fecerunt. Tunc Baatu quaesiuit
Casaie. ab CO si dixisset tale verbum: & ipse confessus est, tamen ex-
cusauit se, quia ebrius erat: (quia solent condonare ebrijs:) &
Baatu respondit: Quomodo audebas me nominare in ebrietate
tua ? Et fecit ei amputari caput. De illis Teutonicis nihil potui 10
Boiac villa, cogtiosccre vsque ad curiam Mangu. Sed in supradicto casali
Aurifodinae. jj^^gUg^^j^ q^Q^j Talas crat post nos iuxta motes per sex dietas.
intrat Quando veni ad curiam Mangu cham, intellexi quod ipse Mangu

M^^ transtulerat eos de licentia Baatu versus Orientem spacio itineris
***""■ vnius mensis h Talas ad quandam villam quae dicitur Bolac: vbi 15

fodiunt aurum, & fabricant arma. Vnde non potui ire nee redire
per eos. Transiui eundo satis prope, per tres dietas forte, ciui-
tatem illam: sed ego ignoraui: nee potuissem etiam declinasse
extra viam, si bene sciuissem. A praedicto casali iuimus ad Orien-
tem iuxta montes praedictos : & ex tunc intrauimus inter homines 20
Mangu cham, qui vbique cantabant & plaudebant coram ductore
nostro : quia ipse erat nuncius Baatu. Hunc enim honorem exhi-
bent sibi mutuo, vt homines Mangu cham recipiant nuncios Baatu
[p- 90] I prsedicto modo : Et similiter homines Baatu nuncios Mangu.

Tamen homines Baatu superiores sunt, nee exequuntur ita dili- 25
Aipesin genter. Faucis diebus post hoc intrauimus Alpes, in quibus
haWubant solcbant habitare Cara catay: & inuenimus ibi magnum fluuium,
Caracatay. ^^^ oportuit nos transire nauigio. Post haec intrauimus quan-
fluuius. dam vallem, vbi vidi castrum quoddam destructum, cums mun
Terra cuita. non crant nisi de luto, & terra colebatur ibi. Et p6st inuenimus 30
Equius villa q^^j^^j^^ bonam villam quae dicitur Equius, in qua erant Saraceni
Longissime loqucntes Persicum : longissime tamen erant a Perside. Sequenti
a Perside. ^.^ transgressis illis Alpibus quae descendebant k magnis montibus
ad meridiem, ingressi sumus pulcherrimam planiciem habentem
montes altos a dextris, & quoddam mare a sinistris, siue quendam 35
Lacus quin- kcum qui durat quindecem dietas in circuitu. Et ilia planicies
dtewmm tota irrigabatur ad libitum aquis descendentibus de montibus,
*^"''"- quae omnes recipiuntur in illud mare. In aestate rediuimus ad
latus Aquilonare illius maris, vbi similiter erant magni montes.
In planicie pradicta solebant esse multae villae : sed pro maiori 40
parte omnes erant destructae, vt pascerent ibi Tartari: quia optima
pascua erant ibi. Vnam magnam villam inuenimus ibi nomine
SS villa Cailac, in qua erat forum, & frequentabant eam multi mercatores.

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

177

supra modum, quia nolebamus recipere aurum, vel argentum, vel
vestes pneciosas. Quaerebant etiam de magno Papa, si esset ita
senex sicut audierant : audierant enim quod esset quingentorum
annorum. Quaerebant de terris nostris si ibi essent multse oues, &

5 boues, & equi. De Oceano mari non potuerunt intelligere, quod
esset sine termino vel sine ripa. In vigilia omnium Sanctorum
dimisimus viam in Orientem, *quia iam populus descenderat
multum versus meridiem : Et direximus iter per quasdam Alpes
rect^ in meridiem continue per octo dies. In ilia solitudine vidi

10 multos asinos, quos vocant Colan, qui magis assimulantur mulis :
quos multum prosequuti sunt Dux noste & socij eius, sed nihil
profecerunt propter nimiam velocitatem eorum. Septima die ince-
perunt nobis apparere ad meridiem montes altissimi : & intrauimus
planiciem, quae irrigabatur sicut hortus, & inuenimus terras cultas.

15 In octauis omnium Sanctorum intrauimus villam quandam Sara-
cenorum nomine Kenchat : cuius capitaneus occurrebat extra
villam duci nostro cum ceruisia & ciphis. Hie est enim mos
eorum ; quod de omnibus villis subditis eis, occurratur nuncijs
Baatu, & Mangu cham cum cibo & potu. Tunc temporis ibant ibi

20 super glaciem. Et prius a festo Sancti Michaelis habueramus gelu
in solitudine. Quassiui de nomine Prouinciae illius : sed quia iam
eramus in alio territorio nescierunt mihi dicere, nisi k nomine
ciuitatis, quae erat valde parua. Et descendebat magnus fluuius
de montibus, qui irrigabat totam regionem, secundtim quod vole-

25 bant aquam ducere : nee descendebat in aliquod mare, sed
absorbebatur k terra : & faciebat etiam multas paludes. Ibi vidi
vites, & bibi bis de vino.

Iter versus
meridiem
octo dierum.

Asini velo-
cissimi.
Montes
altissimi.
Terra; cultx;.

Kenchat
villa Sara-
cenorum.

Septimo die
Nouerabris
ibant super
glaciem.

Citiitas

valde parua.

Magnus

fluuius.

Multx

paludes.

Vites.

De interfectione Ban & habitatione Teuto-

nicorum.

30 OEquenti die venimus ad aliud casale propinquius montibus.
w3 Et quaesiui de montibus, de quibus intellexi, qu6d essent
montes Caucasi: qui contiguantur ex vtraque parte maris ab
Occidente vsque ad Orientem : & quod transiueramus mare supra-
dictum, quod intrat Etilia. Quaesiui etiam de Talas ciuitate, in

35 qua erant Teutonici serui Buri, de quibus dixerat frater Andreas,
de quibus etiam quaesiueram multum in curia Sartach & Baatu.
Sed nihil poteram intelligere, nisi quod Ban dominus eorum
fuerat interfectus tali occasione. Ipse non erat in bonis pascuis.

Casale.

Montes

Caucasi

contiguantur

mari

Oriental!.

Talas, vel

Chincitalas

ciuitas.

F'rater
Andreas.

Nota diligenter.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 179

In ilia quieuimus quindecem diebus, expectantes quendam scrip- & plena
torem Baatu, qui debebat esse socius ducis nostri in negotijs bus'!"'""
expediendis in curia Mangu. Terra ilia solebat dici Organum:
& solebant habere proprium idioma, & propriam literam: Sed
5 haec tota erat occupata h Contomannis. Etiam in literatura ilia ContomannL
& idiomate solebant facere Nestorini de partibus illis. Dicuntur
Organa, quia solebant esse optimi Organistae vel Citharistae, vt
dicebatur mihi. Ibi primo vidi Idolatrias, de quibus noueritis,
quod sunt multse sectae in Oriente.

10 Quod Nestorini et Saracen! sunt mixti & Idolatry.

PRimi sunt lugures, quorum terra contiguatur cum terra prae- lugures
dicta Organum inter montes illos versus Orientem: Et in jdoialrae.
omnibus ciuitatibus eorum sunt mixti Nestorini & Saraceni. Et
ipsi etia sunt diflFusi versus Persidem in ciuitatibus Saracenorum.

15 In predicta ciuitate Cealac habebant etiam ipsi tres Idolatrias, Caiiac.
quarum duas intraui, vt viderem stultitias eorum. In prima inueni
quendam, qui habebat cruciculam de atramento super manum
suam. Vnde credidi quod esset Christianus : quia ad omnia quae
quaerebam ab eo, respondebat vt Christianus. Vnde qugsiui ab

20 eo : Quare ergo non habetis crucem & imaginem lesu Christi ?
Et ipse respondit, non habemus consuetudinem. vnde ego credidi
quod essent Christiani: sed ex defectu doctring omitterent.
Videbam enim ibi post quandam cistam, quae erat eis loco
altaris, super quam ponunt lucernas & oblationes, quandam ima-

25 ginationem habentem alas quasi Sancti Michaelis : & alias quasi
ipsorum tenentes digitos sicut ad benedicendum. Illo sero non
potui aliud inuenire. Quia Saraceni in tantu inuitant eos, quod
nee etiam volunt loqui inde eis. Vnde quando quaerebam a
Sararcenis de ritu talium, ipsi scandalizabantur. In crastino fu-

30 erunt kalendae & pascha Saracenorum & mutaui hospitium : ita
quod fui hospitatus prope aliam Idolatriam. Homines enim
coUigunt nuncios, quilibet secuudum posse suum vel portionem
suam. Tunc intrans Idolatriam praedictam inueni sacerdotes
Idolorum. In kalendis enim aperiunt templa sua, & ornant se

35 sacerdotes, & offerunt populi oblationes de pane & fructibus.
Prim6 ergo describo vobis ritus communes omnes Idolatrarum:
& postea istorum lugurum; qui sunt quasi secta diuisa ab alijs. lugures
Omnes adorant ad Aquilonem complosis manibus: & proster- ab*^^ifs"'**
nentes se genibus flexis ad terram, ponentes frontem super manus. I'lo'oia"^-

40 Vnde Nestorini in partibus illis nullo modo iungunt manus orando :

i8o THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

sed orant extensis palmis ante pectus. Porrigunt templa sua ab

Oriente in Occidentem: &: in latere Aquilonari faciunt cameram

vnam quasi eoru exeuntem : vel aliter, Si est domus quadrata,

in medio domus ad latus aquilonare intercludunt vnam cameram

in loco chori. Ibi ergo coUocant vnam arcam longam & latam 5

sicut mensam vnam. Et post illam arcam contra meridiem

Fuitapud collocant principale idolum: quod ego vidi apud Caracarum, ita

fniterWii- magnum sicut pingitur Sanctus Christopherus. Et dixit mihi

' ""*■ quidam sacerdos Nestorinus, qui venerat ex Cataya, quod in terra

ilia est Idolum ita magnum, quod potest videri k duabus dietis. 10
Et collocant alia idola in circuitu, omnia pulcherrime deaurata:
Super cistam illam, quje est quasi mensa vna, ponunt lucernas
& oblationes. Omnes portae templorum sunt apertae ad meridiem
contrario modo Saracenis. Item habent campanas magnas sicut
nos. Ideo credo quod orientales Christiani noluerunt habere eas. 15
Ruteni tamen habent & Graeci in Gasaria.

[p- 91] I De tempHs eorum & idolis, & qualiter se habent

in officio deorum suorum.

OMnes sacerdotes eorum rasum habent totum caput & bar-
bam ; sunt vestiti de croceo, & seruant castitatem, ex quo 20
radunt caput: Et viuunt pariter centum vel ducenti in vna con-
gregatione. Diebus quibus intrant templum, ponunt duo scamna,
& sedent ^ regione chorus contra chorum habentes libros in
manibus, quos aliquando deponunt super ilia scamna: & habent
capita discooperta quadiu insunt in tSplo, legentes in silencio, 25
& tenentes silencium. Vnde cCim ingressus fuissem apud Ora-
torium quoddam eorum, & inuenissem eos ita sedentes, multis
modis tentaui eos prouocare ad verba, & nullo modo potui.
Habent etiam quocunque vadunt quendam restem centum vel
ducentorum nucleorum, sicut nos portamus pater noster : Et 30
dicunt semper haec verba : Ou mam Hactaui: hoc est, Deus tu
nosti; secundum quod quidem eorum interpretatus est mihi.
Et toties expectant remunerationem h. Deo, quoties hoc dicendo
memoratur Dei. Circa templum suum semper faciunt pulchrum
atrium, quod bene includunt muro: & ad meridiem faciunt 35
portam magnam, in qua sedent ad colloquendum. Et super
illam portam erigunt perticam longam, quae emineat si possint,
super totam villam. Et per illam perticam potest cognosci, quod
domus ilia sit templum Idolorum. Ista communia sunt omnibus
Idolatris. Quando ergo ingressus fui predictam Idolatriam, in- 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

i8i

Bombustio
mortuorum.

ueni sacerdotes sedentes sub porta exteriori. lUi quos vidi,
videbantur mihi fratres Franci esse rasis barbis. Tyaras habe- Tyar?
bant in capitibus cartaceas. Istorum lugurum sacerdotes habent '="'^<=**-
talem habitum quocunque vadunt : semper sunt in tunicis croceis
5 satis strictis accincti desuper recte sicut Franci: & habent pallium
super humerum sinistrum descendens inuolutu per pectus &
dorsum ad latus dextrum sicut diaconus portans casulam in quad-
ragesima. Istorum literas acceperunt Tartari. Ipsi incipiunt Chinenses
scribere sursum, & ducunt lineam deorsum, & eodem modo ipsi so-ibunt.

lo legunt & multiplicant lineas a sinistra ad dextram. Isti multum

vtuutur cartis & caracteribus pro sortilegio. Vnde templa sua Sortiiegi.
plena sunt breuibus suspensis, Et Mangu-cham mittit vobis
literas in idiomate Moal & literatura eorum. Isti comburunt
mortuos suos secundum antiquum modum, & recondunt puluerem

IS in summitate pyramidis. Cum ergo sedissem iuxta praedictos
sacerdotes, postquam ingressus fueram templum & vidissem idola
eorum multa magna & parua : quaesiui ab eis, quid ipsi crederent de
Deo. Qui responderunt, Non credimus nisi vnum Deum. Et
ego quaesiui. Creditis quod ipse sit spiritus vel aliquid corporale ?

20 Dixerunt, credimus quod sit spiritus. Et ego: Creditis quod
nunquam sumpserit humanam naturam? Dixerunt, minime. Tunc
ego: ex quo creditis, quod non sit nisi vnus spiritus, quare facitis
ei imagines corporales, & tot insuper? Et ex quo non creditis
quod factus sit homo, quare facitis ei magis imagines hominum,

25 quam alterius animalis ? Tunc responderunt, Nos non figuramus
istas imagines Deo. Sed quando aliquis diues moritur ex nostris,
vel filius, vel vxor, vel aliquis charus eius facit fieri imaginem
defuncti, & ponit eam hie: & nos veneramur eam ad memoriam
eius. Quibus ego. Tunc ergo non facitis ista nisi propter adu-

30 lationem hominum. Immo dixerunt ad memoriam. Tunc quae-
siuerunt k me quasi deridendo: vbi est Deus? Quibus ego.
Vbi est anima vestra? Dixerunt, in corpore nostro. Quibus
ego. Nonne est vbique in corpore tuo & totum regit, & tamen
non videtur ? Ita Deus vbique est, & omnia gubernat, inuisibilis

35 tamen, quia intellectus & sapientia est. Tunc cum vellem plura
ratiocinari cum illis, interpres meus fatigatus, non valens verba
exprimere, fecit me tacere. Istorum sectg sunt Moal siue Tartari,
quantum ad hoc, quod ipsi non credunt nisi vnum Deum: tamen
faciunt de filtro imagines defunctorum suorum, & induunt eas

40 quinque pannis preciocissimis, & ponunt in vna biga vel duabus,
& illas bigas nullus audet tangere: & sunt sub custodia diui-
natorum suorum, qui sunt eorum sacerdotes, de quibus postea
narrabo vobis. Isti diuinatores semper sunt ante curiam ipsius

l82

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Mangu & alioril diuitum: pauperes enim non habent eos; nisi
illi qui sunt de genere Chingis. Et cum debent bigare, ipsi praece-
dunt, sicut columna nubis filios Israel, & ipsi considerant locum
metandi castra, & post deponunt domos suas ; & post eos tota
curia. Et tunc cum sit dies festus sive kalendae ipsi extrahunt 5
prsedictas imagines & ponunt eas ordinate per circuitum in domo
sua. Tunc veniunt Moal & ingrediuntur domum illam, & in-
clinant se imaginibus illis & venerantur illas. Et illam domum
nemini ingredi extraneo licet: Quadam enim vice volui ingredi
& multum dur^ increpatus fui. 10

[p- 92] I De diuersis nationibus, & de illis qui comedere

solebant parentes sues.

Patria

Prcsbiteri

lohannis.

Tan gut
populi,
ibrtissimi.

Boues pilosis
caudis : his
similes sunt
in Quiuera
Americx
septen-
tnonalis

Tebet populi.

Auri abun-
dantia.

PRaedicti vero lugures, qui sunt mixti cum Christianis & Sara-
cenis, per frequentes disputationes, vt credo, peruenerunt
ad hoc, quod non credunt nisi vnum deum. Et isti fuerunt 15
habitantes in ciuitatibus, qui post obediuerunt Chingis Cham:
vnde ipse dedit regi eorum filiam suam. Et ipsa Caracarum est
quasi in territorio eorum: Et tota terra regis siue presbyteri
lohannis & Vut fratris eius circa terras eorum: Sed isti in pascuis
ad aquilonem, illi lugures inter monies ad meridiem. Inde est 20
quod ipsi Moal sumpserunt literas eorum. Et ipsi sunt magni
scriptores eorum: & omnes fere Nestorini sciunt literas eorum.
Post istos sunt ipsi Tangut ad orientem inter montes illos,
homines fortissimi, qui ceperunt Chingis in bello. Et pace facta
dimissus ab eis, postea subiugauit eos. Isti habent boues fortis- 25
simos habentes caudas plenas pilis sicut equi, & ventres pilosos
& dorsa. Bassiores sunt alijs bobus in tibijs, sed ferociores
multum. Isti trahunt magnas domos Moallorum : & habent cornua
gracilia, longa, acuosa, acutissima: ita quod oportet semper secare
summitates eorum. Vacca non permittit se iniungi nisi cantetur 30
ei. Habent etiam naturam bubali quia si vident hominem in-
dutum rubeis, insiliunt in eum volentes interficere. Post illos
sunt Tebet homines solentes comedere parentes suos defunctos,
ut causa pietatis non facerent aliud sepulchrum eis nisi viscera
sua. Modo tamen hoc dimiserunt, quia abominabiles erant omni 35
nationi. Tamen adhuc faciunt pulchros ciphos de capitibus
parentum, vt illis bibentes habeant memoriam eorum in iocun-
ditate sua. Hoc dixit mihi qui viderat. Isti habent multum de
auro in terra sua. Vnde qui indiget auro, fodit donee reperiat,
& accipiat quando indiget, residuum condens in terra : quia si re- 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

183

poneret in area vel in thesauro, crederet quod Deus auferret ei
aliud quod est in terra. De istis hominibus vidi personas multum
deformes. Tangut vidi homines magnos sed fuscos. lugures
sunt mediocris staturae sicut nostri. Apud lugures est fons &
5 radix ideomatis Turci & Comanici. Post Tebet sunt Langa
& Solanga, quorum nuncios vidi in curia : Qui adduxerant magnas
bigas plusquam decem, quarum quaelibet trahebatur sex bobus.
Isti sunt parui homines & fusci sicut Hispani : & habent tunicas
sicut supertunicale diaconi manicis parum strictioribus : & habent

10 in capitibus mitras sicut episcopi. Sed pars anterior est parum
interior qu^m posterior, & non terminatur in vnum angulum:
sed sunt quadras desuper, & sunt de stramine rigidato per calorem
magnum, & limato in tantum, quod fulget ad radium solis sicut
speculum vel galea bene burnita. Et circa tempora habent longas

15 bendas de eadem materia assutas ipsi mitrae; quae se extendunt
ad ventum sicut duo cornua egredientia de temporibus. Et
quando ventus nimis iactat eas plicant eas per medium mitrae
superius a tempore in tempus : & iacent sicut circulus ex trans-
uerso capitis. Et principalis nuncius quando veniebat ad curiam,

20 habebat tabulam de dente elephantino ad longitudinem vnius
cubiti, & ad latitudinem vnius palmi, rasam multum : Et quando-
cunque loquebatur ipsi Cham, vel alicui magno viro, semper
aspiciebat in illam tabulam, ac si inueniret ibi ea quae dicebat:
nee respiciebat ad dextram vel sinistram, nee in faciem illius cui

25 loquebatur. Etiam accedens coram domino & recedens nusquam
respicit nisi in tabulam suam. Vltra istos sunt alij homines, vt
intellexi pro vero, qui dicuntur Muc, qui habent villas, sed nulla
animalia sibi appropriant: tamen sunt multi greges & multa
armenta in terra ipsorum, & nullus custodit ea. Sed cum aliquis

30 indiget aliquo, ascendit collem & clamat, & omnia animalia au-
dientia clamorem accedunt circa ilium, & permittunt se tractari
quasi domestica. Et si nuncius vel aliquis extraneus accedat ad
regionem illam, ipsi includunt eum in domo, & ministrant ei
necessaria: donee negocium eius fuerit expeditum. Quia si iret

35 extraneus per regionem, animalia ad odorem eius fugerent, &
efficerentur syluestria. Vltra est magna Cathaya, cuius incolae
antiquitus vt credo dicebantur Seres. Ab ipsis enim veniunt
optimi panni serici. Et ille populus dicitur Seres a quodam
oppido eorum. Bene intellexi, quod in ilia regione est oppidum

40 habens muros argenteos & propugnacula aurea. In ista terra
sunt multae prouinciae, quarum plures adhuc non obediunt Moallis.
Et inter*

Aliqua desiderantur.

Tan^t
homines
magni sed
fusci.

Langa &
Solanga.

Solangi
similes
Hispanis,
& fusci.

Tabula de

dente

elephantino.

Muc popuH.

Magna
Cathaya.

i84 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

[p- 93] I The iournal of frier William de Rubrtiquis a French
man of the order of the minorite friers, vnto the East
parts of the worlde. An. Dom. 1253.

|0 his most Soueraigne, & most Christian Lord
Lewis, by Gods grace the renowmed king of 5
France, frier William de Rubruk, the meanest of
the Minorites order, wisheth health & cotinual
triumph in CHRIST.
Eccius. 39. ^^K ^&^ Ij J5 w^ritten in the booke of Ecclesiasticus con-

cerning the wise man : He shall trauell into forren 10
countries, and good and euill shall he trie in all things. The very
same action (my lord and king) haue I atchieued : howbeit I wish
that I haue done it like a wise man, and not like a foole. For
many there be, that performe the same action which a wise man
doth, not wisely but more vndiscreetly : of which number I feare 15
my selfe to be one. Notwithstanding howsoeuer I haue done it,
because you commanded mee, when I departed from your highnes,
to write all things vnto you, which I should see among the Tartars,
and you wished me also that I should not feare to write long
letters, I haue done as your maiestie inioined me : yet with feare 20
and reuerence, because I want wordes and eloquence sufficient to
wTite vnto so great a maiestie. Be it knowen . therefore vnto your
sacred Maiestie, that in the yeare of our Lord 1253. about the
Nones of May, we entered into the sea of Pontus, which the
Bulgarians call the great sea. It containeth in length (as I learned 25
of certaine merchants) 1008 miles, and is in a maner, diuided into
two parts. About the midst thereof are two prouinces, one to-
wards the North, and another towards the South. The South
prouince is called Synopolis, and it is the castle and porte of the
Soldan of Turkic : but the North prouince is called of the Latines, 30
Gasaria : of the Greeks, which inhabite vpon the sea shore
thereof, it is called Cassaria, that is to say Caesaria. And there
are certaine head lands stretching foorth into the sea towards
Synopolis. Also, there are 300. miles of distance betweene
Synopolis and Cassaria. Insomuch that the distance from those 35
points or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is about
700. miles : and 700. miles also from thence to the East, namely
to the countrey of Hiberia which is a prouince of Georgia. At
Gasaria. the prouince of Gasaria or Cassaria we arriued, which prouince is,

in a maner, three square, hauing a citie on the West part thereof 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 185

called Kersoua, wherein S. Clement suffered martyrdome. And
sayling before the said citie, we sawe an island, in which a Church
is sayd to be built by the hands of angels. But about the midst
of the said prouince toward the South, as it were, vpon a sharpe
5 angle or point, standeth a citie called Soldaia directly ouer Soidaia.
against Synopolis. And there doe all the Turkie merchants,
which traffique into the North countries, in their iourney outward, .
arriue, and as they returne homeward also from Russia, and the
said Northerne regions, into Turkie. The foresaid merchants
10 transport thither ermines and gray furres, with other rich and
costly skinnes. Others carrie cloathes made of cotton or bom-
bast, and silke, and diuers kindes of spices. But vpon the East
part of the said prouince standeth a citie called Matriga, where the The citie of

. . • 1 r n u Matriga.

nuer Tanais dischargeth his streames mto the sea 01 rontus, the

IS mouth wherof is twelue miles in breadth. For this riuer, before it
entreth into the sea of Pontus, maketh a little sea, which hath in
breadth and length seuen hundreth miles, & it is in no place thereof
aboue sixe paces deepe, whereupon great vessels cannot sayle ouer
it. Howbeit the merchants of Constantinople, arriuing at the

20 foresayd citie of *Materta, send their barkes vnto the riuer of
Tanais to buy dried fishes. Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an
infinite number of other fishes. The foresayd prouince of Cassaria
is compassed in with the sea on three sides thereof : namely on
the West side, where Kersoua the citie of Saint Clement is situate :

25 on the South side the citie of Soldaia whereat we arriued : on the
East side Maricandis, and there stands the citie of Matriga vpon
the mouth of the riuer Tanais. Beyond the sayd mouth standeth
Zikia, which is not in subiection vnto the Tartars : also the people zikia.
called Sueui and Hiberi towards the East, who likewise are not

30 vnder the Tartars dominion. Moreouer towards the South, standeth
the citie of Trapesunda, which hath a gouernour proper to it
selfe, named Guydo, being of the linage of the emperours of Con-
stantinople, and is subiect vnto the Tartars. Next vnto that is
Synopolis the citie of the Soldan of Turkie, who likewise is in

35 subiection vnto them. Next vnto these lyeth the countrey of
Vastacius, whose sonne is called Astar, of his grandfather by the
mothers side, who is not in subiection. All the land from the
mouth of Tanais Westward as farre as Danubius is vnder their
iurisdiction. Yea beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople,

40 Valakia, which is the land of Assanus, and Bulgaria minor as farre

as Solonia, doe all pay tribute vnto them. And besides the | tribute [p. 94]

* Matriga.

i86 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES.

imposed, they haue also, of late yeares, exacted of euery houshold
an axe, and all such come as they found lying on heapes. We
arriued therefore at Soldaia the twelfth of the Kalends of lune.
And diuers merchants of Constantinople, which were arriued
there before vs, reported that certaine messengers were comming 5
thither from the holy land, who were desirous to trauell vnto
Sartach. Notwithstanding I my self had publikely giuen out vpon
Palme Sunday within y'= Church of Sancta Sophia, that I was not
your nor any other mans messenger, but that I trauailed vnto those
infidels according to the rule of our order. And being arriued, the 10
said merchats admonished me to take diligent heede what I spake :
because they hauing reported me to be a messenger, if I should
say the contrary, that I were no messenger, I could not haue free
passage granted vnto me. The I spake after this maner vnto the
gouernors of the citie, or rather vnto their Lieutenats, because 15
the gouernors theselues were gone to pay tribute vnto Baatu, &
were not as yet returned. We heard of your lord Sartach (quoth I)
in the holy land, that he was become a Christian : and the
Christians were exceeding glad therof, & especially the most
Christian king of France, who is there now in pilgrimage, 20
& fighteth against the Saracens to redeeme the holy places out of
their handes : wherfore I am determined to go vnto Sartach, & to
deliuer vnto him y« letters of my lord the king, wherein he
admonisheth him concerning the good and commoditie of all
Christendome. And they receiued vs with gladnes, and gaue vs 25
enterteinement in the cathedrall Church. The bishop of which
Church was with Sartach, who told me many good things concern-
ing the saide Sartach, which afterward I found to be nothing so.
Then put they vs to our choyce, whither we woulde haue cartes
and oxen, or packe horses to transport our cariages. And the 30
marchants of Constantinople aduised me, not to take cartes of the
citizens of Soldaia, but to buy couered cartes of mine owne, (such
as the Russians carrie their skins in) and to put all our carriages,
which I would daylie take out, into them : because, if I should vse
horses, I must be constrained at euery baite to take downe my 35
carriages, and to lift them vp againe on sundry horses backs : and
besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the oxen draw-
ing the cartes. Wherfore, contenting my selfe with their euil
counsel, I was traueiling vnto Sartach 2. moneths which I could
haue done in one, if I had gone by horse. I brought with me 40
from Constantinople (being by the marchants aduised so to doe)
pleasant fruits, muscadel wine, and delicate bisket bread to pre-
sent vnto the gouernours of Soldaia, to the end I might obtaine free

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 187

passage : because they looke fauourablie vpon no man which
commeth with an emptie hand. All which thinges I bestowed in
one of my cartes, (not finding the gouernours of the citie at home)
for they told me, if I could carrie them to Sartach, that they
5 would be most acceptable vnto him. Wee tooke our iourney
therefore about the kalends of June, with fower couered cartes of
our owne and with two other which wee borrowed of them, wherein
we carried our bedding to rest vpon in the night, and they allowed
vs fiue horses to ride vpon. For there were iust fiue persons in

10 our company : namely, I my selfe and mine associate frier Frier Bar-
Bartholomew of Cremona, and Goset the bearer of these presents, de Cremona.
the man of God Turgemannus, and Nicolas my seruant, whome I
bought at Constantinople with some part of the almes bestowed
vpon me. Moreouer, they allowed vs two men, which draue our

15 carts and gaue attendance vnto our oxen and horses. There be
high promontories on the sea shore from Kersoua vnto the mouth
of Tanais. Also there are fortie castles betweene Kersoua and
Soldaia, euery one of which almost haue their proper languages :
amongst whom there were many Gothes, who spake the Dutch

20 tongue. Beyond the said mountaines towards the North, there is
a most beautifull wood growing on a plaine ful of fountaines
& freshets. And beyond the wood there is a mightie plaine
champion, continuing fiue dayes iourney vnto the very extremitie
and borders of the said prouince northward, and there it is a

25 narrow Isthmus or neck land, hauing sea on the East & West The necke
sides therof, insomuch that there is a ditch made fro one sea vnto cher^sonesus.
the other. In the same plaine (before the Tartars sprang vp) were
the Comanians wont to inhabite, who compelled the foresayd cities
and castles to pay tribute vnto them. But when the Tartars came

30 vpon them, the multitude of the Comanians entred into the fore
said prouince, and fled all of them, euen vnto the sea shore, being
in such extreame famine, that they which were aliue, were con-
strained to eate vp those which were dead : and (as a marchant
reported vnto me who sawe it with his owne eyes) that the liuing

35 men deuoured and tore with their teeth, the raw flesh of the dead,
as dogges would gnawe vpon carrion. Towards the borders of
the sayd prouince there be many great lakes : vpon the bankes
whereof are salt pits or fountaines, the water of which so soone as
it entereth into the lake, becommeth hard salte like vnto ice.

40 And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great
reuenues : for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte : and
for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting
to the value of half an Yperpera. There come by sea also many

i88 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

ships for salt, which pay tribute euery one of them according to

their burden. The third day after wee were departed out of the
The Tartars, precincts of Soldaia, we found the Tartars. Amongst whome
[p- 95] being enjtered, me thought I was come into a new world. Whose

life and maners I wil describe vnto your Highnes aswell as s

I can.

Of the Tartars, and of their houses. Chap. 2.

THey haue in no place any setled citie to abide in, neither
knowe they of the celestiall citie to come. They haue
diuided all Scythia among themselues, which stretcheth from the 10
riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne. And euery of
their captaines, according to the great or or small number of his
people, knoweth the bounds of his pastures, and where he ought
to feed his cattel winter and summer. Spring and autumne. For
in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward. 15
And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward.
In vrinter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground, they feede their
cattell vpon pastures without water, because then they vse snow
in stead of water. Their houses wherein they sleepe, they ground
vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and com- 20
pacted together : the roofe whereof consisteth, (in like sortc) of
wickers, meeting aboue into one little roundell, out of which
roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a chimney, which
they couer with white felte, and oftentimes they lay morter or
white earth vpon the sayd felt, with the powder of bones, that it 25
may shine white. And sometimes also they couer it with blacke
felte. The sayd felte on the necke of their house, they doe
garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures. Before the doore
likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer. For they spend
all their coloured felt, in painting vines, trees, birds, and beastes 30
thereupon. The sayd houses they make so large, that they con-
teine thirtie foote in breadth. For measuring once the breadth
betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes, I found it to be
20 feete ouer : and when the house was vpon the carte, it stretched
ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least. I told 35
22. oxen in one teame, drawing an house vpon a cart, eleuen in
one order according to the breadth of the carte, and eleuen more
before them : the axletree of the carte was of an huge bignes like
vnto the mast of a ship. And a fellow stood in the doore of the
house, vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen. 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 189

Moreouer, they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender
wickers as big as great chestes : and afterward, from one side to
another, they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers,
and make a doore in the fore side thereof. And then they couer

5 the sayd chest or little house with black felt rubbed ouer with
tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through,
which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers. And in
such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe & treasure. Also
the same chests they do strongly bind vpon other carts, which are

10 drawen with camels, to y^ end they may wade through riuers.
Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off
their carts. When they take down their dwelling houses, they
turne the doores alwayes to the South : & next of all they place
the carts laden with their chests, here & there, within half a stones

15 cast of y^ house : insomuch that the house standeth between two
ranks of carts, as it were, between two wals. The matrons make
for theselues most beautiful carts, which I am not able to describe
vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie : for I would right willingly The benefite
haue painted al things for you, had my skill bin ought in that art. °n strange '^

20 One rich Moal or Tartar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests. '^°"°"^"*-
Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues, euery one of which hath one
great house, besides other little houses, which they place behind
the great one, being as it were chambers for their maidens to
dwel in. And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200.

25 cartes. When they take their houses from off the cartes, the
principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier, and so all
the rest in their order : so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East
frontier : and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another
about a stones cast. Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or

30 Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village, very few men abiding
in the same. One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once, for
their countries are very plaine, and they binde the cartes with
camels or oxen, one behind another. And there sittes a wench in
the foremost carte driuing the oxen, and al the residue follow

35 on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage,
they let them loose, and guide them ouer one by one : for they
goe a slowe pace, as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke.

Of their beds, and of their drinking pots. Chap. 3.

HAuing taken downe their houses from off their cartes, and
turning the doores Southward, they place the bed of the
master of the house, at the North part thereof. The womens

190 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

place is alwaies on the East side, namely on the left hand of the
good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face South-
wards : but the mens place is vpon y« West side, namely at the
right hand of their master. Men when they enter into the house,
[p. 96] wil not in any case hang their quiuers on | the womens side. Ouer 5
the masters head there is alwayes an image, like a puppet, made of
felte, which they call the masters brother : and another ouer the
head of the good wife or mistresse, which they call her brother
being fastened to the wall : and aboue betweene both of them,
there is a little leane one, which is, as it were the keeper of the 10
whole house. The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth
aloft at her beds feete, on the right hand, the skinne of a Kidde
stuffed with wooll or some other matter, and neare vnto that a little
image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women. Next
vnto the doore also on the womens side, there is another image 15
with a cowes vdder, for the women that milk the kine. For it is
the duety of their women to milke kine. On the other side of the
doore next vnto the men, there is another image with the vdder
of a mare, for the men which milke mares. And when they come
together to drinke and make merie, they sprinckle parte of their 20
drinke vpon the image which is aboue the masters head : after-
ward vpon other images in order : then goeth a seruant out of the
house with a cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards
the South, and bowing his knee at euer)' time : and this is done
for the honour of the fire. Then perfourmeth he the like super- 25
stitious idolatrie towards the East, for the honour of the ayre :
and then to the West for the honour of the water : & lastly to the
North in the behalfe of the dead. When the maister holdeth
a cuppe in his hande to drinke, before he tasteth thereof, hee
powreth his part vpon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on horse 30
backe, hee powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or maine of
his horse before hee himselfe drinketh. After the seruaunt afore-
saide hath so discharged his cuppes to the fower quarters of the
world, hee retumeth into the house : and two other seruants stand
ready with two cuppes, and two basons, to carrie drinke vnto their 35
master and his wife, sitting together vpon a bed. And if he hath
more wiues then one, she with whome hee slept the night before,
sitteth by his side the daye following : and all his other wiues
must that day resorte vnto the same house to drinke : and there
is the court holden for that day : the giftes also which are pre- 40
sented that daye are layd vp in the chests of the sayd wife. And
vpon a bench stands a vessell of milke or of other drinke and
drinking cuppes.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 191

Of their drinkes, and how they prouoke one
another to drinking. Chap. 4.

IN winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise, of Mill,
and of honie, being well and high coloured like wine. Also

5 they haue wine brought vnto them from farre countries. In
summer time they care not for any drinke, but Cosmos. And it
standeth alwaies within the entrance of his doore, and next vnto it
stands a minstrell with his fidle. I sawe there no such citerns and
vials as ours commonly be, but many other musicall instruments

10 which are not vsed among vs. And when the master of the house
begins to drinke, one of his seruants cryeth out with a lowde voice
HA, and the minstrell playes vpon his fidle. And when they They vse the
make any great solemne feast, they all of them clap their hands in Florida.
& daunce to the noyse of musique, the men before their master

15 and the women before their mistresse. And when the master
hath drunke, then cries out his seruant as before, and the minstrell
stayeth his musique. Then drinke they all around both men and
women : and sometimes they carowse for the victory very filthily
and drunkenly. Also when they will prouoke any man, they pul

20 him by the eares to the drinke, and so lug and draw him strongly
to stretch out his throate clapping their handes and dauncing
before him. Moreouer when some of them will make great
feasting and reioycing, one of the company takes a full cuppe, and
two other stand, one on his right hand and another on his left,

25 and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the
cuppe reached vnto him, still singing and dauncing before him :
and when he stretcheth foorth his hand to receiue the cuppe, they
leape suddenly backe, returning againe as they did before, and so
hauing deluded him thrice or fower times by drawing backe the

30 cuppe vntill he be merie, and hath gotten a good appetite, then
they giue him the cuppe, singing and dauncing and stamping with
their feete, vntill he hath done drinking.

Of their foode and victuals. Chap. 5.

Concerning their foode and victuals, be it knowen vnto your
Highnesse that they do, without al difference or exception,
eat all their dead carrions. And amongst so many droues it
cannot be, but some cattell must needes die. Howbeit in
summer, so long as their Cosmos, that is, their mares milke

192 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

lasteth, they care not for any foode. And if they chance to haue
Drwig of an oxe or an horse dye, they drie the flesh thereof : for cutting it
wind.'" ' ' into thin slices and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind,
it is presently dried without salt, and also without stenche or
[p. 97] corruption. They | make better puddings of their horses then of S
their hogs, which they eate being new made : the rest of the flesh
they reserue vntill winter. They make of their oxe skins great
bladders or bags, which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake.
Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals
& pantofles. They giue vnto 50. or an 100. men the flesh of one 10
ram to eat. For they mince it in a bowle with salt and water
(other sauce they haue none) and then with the point of a knife,
or a litle forke which they make for the same purpose (such as
wee vse to take rosted peares or apples out of wine withal) they
reach vnto euery one of the company a morsell or twaine, accord- 15
ing to the multitude of guestes. The master of the house, before
the rams flesh be distributed, first of all himselfe taketh thereof,
what he pleaseth. Also, if he giueth vnto any of the company
a speciall part, the receiuer therof must eat it alone, and must
not impart ought therof vnto any other. Not being able to eate 20
it vp all, he caries it with him, or deliuers it vnto his boy, if he be
present, to keepe it : if not, he puts it vp into his Saptargat, that
is to say, his foure square buget, which they vse to cary about with
them for the sauing of all such prouision, and wherein they lay vp
their bones, when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly, 25
that they may burnish them afterward, to the end that no whit of
their food may come to nought.

How they make their drinke called Cosmos.
Chap. 6.

THeir drinke called Cosmos, which is mares milke, is prepared 30
after this maner. They fasten a long line vnto 2. posts
standing firmely in the ground, & vnto the same line they tie the
young foles of those mares, which they mean to milke. Then
come the dams to stand by their foles gently suffering themselues
to be milked. And if any of them be too vnruly, then one takes 35
her fole, & puts it vnder her, letting it suck a while, and presently
carying it away againe, there comes another man to milke the said
mare. And hauing gotten a good quantity of this milke together
(being as sweet as cowes milke) while it is newe they powre it into a
great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 193

wood made for the purpose, hauing a club at the lower ende like
a mans head, which is hollow within : and so soone as they beat
vpon it, it begins to boile like newe wine, & to be sower and sharp
of taste, and they beate it in that maner till butter come thereof.
5 Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharpe they drinke
it : for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes, when it is
drunk. After a man hath taken a draught therof, it leaueth
behind it a taste like the taste of almon milke, and goeth downe
very pleasantly, intoxicating weake braines : also it causeth vrine

10 to be auoided in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos, that is to
say black Cosmos, for great lords to drink, they make on this
maner. First they beat the said milke so long till the thickest
part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of
white wine, and that which is thin and pure remaineth aboue,

15 being like vnto whay or white must. The said lees or dregs being
very white, are giuen to seruants, and will cause them to sleepe
exceedingly. That which is thinne and cleare their masters
drinke : and in very deed it is marueilous sweete and holesome
liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirty cottages or granges within a daies

20 iourney of his abiding place : euery one of which serueth him
dayly with the Caracosmos of an hundreth mares milk, and so all
of them together euery day with the milke of 3000. mares, besides
white milke which other of his subiects bring. For euen as the
husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruicts and

25 carie it vnto the courts of their lords, euen so doe they their mares
milke euery third day. Out of their cowes milke they first churne
butter, boyling the which butter vnto a perfect decoction, they put
it into rams skinnes, which they reserue for the same purpose.
Neither doe they salte their butter : and yet by reason of the long

30 seething, it putrifieth not : and they keepe it in store for winter.
The churnmilke which remaineth of the butter, they let alone till
it be as sowre as possibly it may be, then they boile it and in
boiling, it is turned all into curdes, which curds they drie in the
sun, making them as hard as the drosse of iron : and this kind of

35 food also they store vp in sachels against winter. In the winter
season when milke faileth them, they put the foresaid curds
(which they cal Gry-vt) into a bladder, and powring hot water
thereinto, they beat it lustily till they have resolued it into the said
water, which is thereby made exceedingly sowre, and that they

40 drinke in stead of milke. They are very scrupulous, and take
diligent heed that they drinke not fayre water by it selfe.

194 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Of the beastes which they eat, of their garments,
and of their maner of hunting. Chap. 7.

GReat lords haue cottages or granges towards the South, from
whence their tenants bring them Millet and meale agamst
winter. The poorer sort prouide themselues of -ch necessanes 5
for v* exchange of rams, & of other beasts skms. The 1 artars
slaurs fil their bellies with thick water, & are therewithall con-
tented They wil neither eate mise with long tailes nor any kmde
of mise with short tailes. They haue also certame htle beasts
r nS^ llTd by the Sogur, which lie in a caue I twenty or thirty of them 10

^'- ^ SX al the Ihde winter sleeping there for the space of s.xe
moneths: and these they take in g-^Vf ""f "^*^;^ /^^^^^ ^
also a kind of conies hauing long tayles like vnto cats 6^ on the
outside of their tailes grow blacke & white haires. Ihey haue
niany other small beasts good to eat, which they know and 15
disceme right well. 1 saw no Deere there, & but a fewe hares,
but a great nQber of Roes. I saw wild asses in great abundance,
which be like vnto Mules. Also I saw another kind of beast
Lied /^ak, hauing in al resemblance the body o a ram
& crooked homes, which are of such bignes, that I could scarce
Uft u7a paire of them with one hand: & of these homes they
mike greafdrinking cups./They haue Falcons, Gerfalcons & other
b:7.. hatkes^n great pleLy: all which they caryvponth.^^^^^^^^
foi A.o>h., , j bout their Falcons necks a string ol leatner,

, SSriSU ^'l"^ Ceth dol to r -id^' of 'heir gorges, by the wh.ch .5

S=.. Cdthey bow downe the heads & breasts of the sayd hauk^
S they should be tossed vp St downe, & beaten w,th the w,nd
oT^lit they should soare too high. Wherefore they get a great
. -. _ plrt^ hel victuals, by hunting & hauking/Concer^ngh^^^

Uents and attire be '^J^^^ZT: ^^^^^^^
r. -es : ri'oX tht rCU v^o the™ stu.es of
Ske cloth of gold, & cotton cloth, which they weare in time of

— • '"'T ".^^^'^^^^^
l:Z;^::r^:T^<^'^^^^U a.so ». of .any other
countries of the North, which are subiect vnto them, the ujhabit^
a^ts bring them rich and costly skins of diuers -'- (whch I
neuer saw in our countries) wherewithal they are clad in wmter. 40
Td alwaies against winter ihey make themselues two gownes, one

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 195

with the fur inward to their skin, & another with the furre out-
ward, to defend them from wind & snow, which for the most part
are made of woolues skins, or Fox skins, or els of Papions. And
whe they sit within the house, they haue a finer gowne to weare.
5 The poorer sort make their vpper gowne of dogs or of goats skins.
When they goe to hunt for wild beasts, there meets a great
company of them together, & inuironing the place round about,
where they are sure to find some game, by litle & litle they
approch on al sides, til they haue gotten the wild beasts into

10 the midst, as it were into a circle, & then they discharge their
arrowes at them. Also they make theselues breeches of skins.
The rich Tartars somtimes fur their gowns with pelluce or silke
shag, which is exceeding soft, light, & warme. The poorer sort do
line their clothes with cotto cloth which is made of the finest

15 wooU they can pick out, & of the courser part of the said wool,
they make felt to couer their houses and their chests, and for their
bedding also. Of the same wool, being mixed with one third part
of horse haire, they make all their cordage. They make also of Great
the said felt couerings for their stooles, and caps to defende their of wooU.

20 heads from the weather : for all which purposes they spend a
great quantity of their wooU. And thus much concerning the
attyre of the men.

Of the fashion which the Tartars vse in cutting
their haire, and of the attire of their women.
25 Chap. 8.

THe men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their
heads, and from the two formost corners they shaue, as it
were, two seames downe to their temples : they shaue also their
temples and the hinder part of their head euen vnto the nape of

30 the necke : likewise they shaue the forepart of their scalp downe
to their foreheads, & vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke
of hayre reaching downe vnto their eye browes : vpon the two
hindermost corners of their heads, they haue two lockes also,
which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them

35 vnder each eare one. Moreouer their womens garments differ not
from their mens, sauing that they are somwhat longer. But on
the morrowe after one of their women is maried, shee shaues her
scalpe from the middest of her head down to her forehead,
& weares a wide garment like vnto the hood of a Nunne, yea

40 larger and longer in all parts then a Nuns hood, being open before

13—2

196 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

and girt vnto them vnder the right side. For herein doe the
Tartars differ from the Turkes : because the Turkes fasten their
garments to their bodies on the left side : but the Tartars alwaies
on the right side. They haue also an ornament for their heads
which they call Botta, being made of the barke of a tree, or of 5
some such other lighter matter as they can find, which by reason
of the thicknes & roundnes therof cannot be holden but in both
hands together : & it hath a square sharp spire rising fro the top
therof, being more then a cubite in length, & fashioned like vnto
a pinacle. The said Botta they couer al ouer with a piece of rich 10
silke : & it is hollow within : & vpon the midst of the sayd spire
or square toppe, they put a bunch of quils or of slender canes
a cubite long and more : & the sayd bunch, on the top thereof,
they beautifie with Peacocks feathers, & round about al y' length
therof, with the feathers of a Malards taile, & with precious 15
stones also. Great ladies weare this kind of ornament vpon their
heads binding it strongly with a certain hat or coyfe, which hath
[p- 99] ^" ^o^^ in the crowne, fit for the spire to | come through it : &
vnder the foresaid ornament they couer the haires of their heads,
which they gather vp round together fro the hinder part therof to 20
the crowne, & so lap them vp in a knot or bundel within the said
Botta, which afterward they bind strongly vnder their throtes.
Hereup>on when a great company of such gentlewomen ride
together, and are beheld afar off, they seem to be souldiers with
helmets on their heads carrying their launces vpright : for the 25
said Botta appeareth like an helmet with a launce ouer it. Al
their women sit on horsebacke bestriding their horses like men :
& they bind their hoods or gownes about their wastes with a skie
coloured silke skarfe, & with another skarfe they girde it aboue
their breasts : & they bind also a piece of white silke like a mufler 30
or maske vnder their eyes, reaching down vnto their breast.
These gentlewomen are exceeding fat, & the lesser their noses be,
the fairer are they esteemed : they daube ouer their sweet faces
with grease too shamefully : and they neuer lie in bed for their
trauel of childbirth. 35

Of the dueties inioined vnto the Tartarian women,

and of their labours, and also of their mariages. ^

Chap. 9. jn

THe duties of women are, to driue carts, to lay their houses ''^
vpon carts & to take them downe again : to milke kine : 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 197

to make butter & Gry-vt : to dresse skins & to sow them, which
they vsually sowe mth thread made of sinewes, for they diuide
sinewes into slender threads, & then twine the into one long
thread. They make sandals & socks & other garments. Howbeit
5 they neuer wash any apparel : for they say that God is then angry,
& that dreadful thunder wil ensue, if washed garmets be hanged
forth to drie : yea, they beat such as wash, & take their garments
fro them. They are wonderfully afraid of thunder : for in the
time of thunder they thrust all strangers out of their houses,

10 & then wrapping thgselues in black felt, they lie hidden therein,
til the thunder be ouerpast. They neuer wash their dishes or
bowles : yea, when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter
wherein it must be put, with scalding hot broth out of the pot,
& then powre the said broth into the pot againe. They make

15 felte also, & couer their houses therewith. The duties of the men
are to make bowes & arrowes, stirrops, bridles, and saddles : to
build houses & carts, to keepe horses : to milke mares : to churne
Cosmos and mares milke, & to make bags wherein to put it : they
keepe camels also & lay burthens vpon them. As for sheepe

20 & goates they tend and milke them, aswell the men as the
women. With sheeps milke thicked & salted they dresse and tan
their hides. When they wil wash their hands or their heads, they
fil their mouthes full of water, & spouting it into their hands
by little and little, they sprinckle their haire & wash their heades

25 therwith. As touching mariages, your Highnes is to vnderstand,
that no man can haue a wife among them till he hath bought her:
whereupon sometimes their maids are very stale before they be
maried, for their parents alwaies keepe th§ till they can sel them.
They keepe the first and second degrees of consanguinitie in-

30 uiolable, as we do : but they haue no regard of the degrees of
affinity : for they wil marrie together, or by succession, two sisters.
Their widowes marie not at al, for this reason : because they
beleeue, that al who haue serued them in this life, shall do them
seruice in the life to come also. Whereupon they are perswaded,

35 that euery widow after death shal returne vnto her own husband.
And herehence ariseth an abominable & filthy custome among
them, namely that the sonne marieth sometimes all his fathers wiues
except his own mother : For the court or house of the father or
mother falleth by inheritance alwaies to the yonger son. Where-

40 upon he is to prouide for all his fathers wiues, because they are
part of his inheritance aswel as his fathers possessions. And then
if he will he vseth them for his owne wiues : for he thinks it no
iniurie or disparagement vnto himselfe, although they returne vnto

198 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

his father after death. Therfore wh5 any man hath bargained
with another for a maid, the father of the said damosel makes him
a feast : in the meane while she fleeth vnto some of her kinsfolks
to hide her selfe. Then saith her father vnto the bridegrome :
Loe, my daughter is yours, take her wheresoeuer you can find her. 5
Then he and his friends seek for her till they can find her, and
hauing found her hee must take her by force and cary her, as it
were, violently vnto his owne house.

Of their execution of iustice and iudgement : and of

their deaths and burials. Chap. lo. lo

Concerning their lawes or their execution of iustice, your
Maiesty is to be aduertised, that when two men fight, no
third man dare intrude himself to part them. Yea, the father
dare not help his owne sonne. But he that goes by the worst
must appeale vnto the court of his lord. And whosoeuer els 15
offereth him any violence after appeale, is put to death. But he
must go presently without all delay : and he that hath suffered the
iniury, carieth him, as it were captiue. They punish no man with
sentence of death, vnles hee bee taken in the deede doing, or con-
fesseth the same. But being accused by the multitude, they put 20
him vnto extreme torture to make him confesse the trueth. They
punish murther with death, and carnall copulation also with any
[p. 100] j other besides his owne. By his own, I meane his wife or his maid
seruant, for he may vse his slaue as he listeth himself. Heinous
theft also or felony they punish with death. For a light theft, as 25
namely for stealing of a ram, the party (not being apprehended in
the deed doing, but otherwise detected) is cruelly beaten. And if
y* executioner laies on an loo. strokes, he must haue an 100. staues,
namely for such as are beaten vpon sent§ce giuen in the court.
Also counterfeit messengers, because they feine themselues to be 30
messengers, when as indeed they are none at all, they punish with
death. Sacrilegious persons they vse in like maner (of which kind
of malefactors your Maiesty shall vnderstand more fully hereafter)
because they esteeme such to be witches. When any man dieth,
they lament & howle most pitifully for him : & the said mourners 35
are free from paying any tribute for one whole yeare after. Also
whosoeuer is present at the house where any one growen to mans
estate lieth dead, he must not enter into the court of Mangu-Can
til one whole yere be expired. If it were a child deceased he
must not enter into the said court til the next moneth after. 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 199

Neere vnto the graue of the partie deceased they alwaies leaue one
cottage. If any of their nobles (being of the stock of Chingis,
who was their first lord & father) deceaseth, his sepulcher is
vnknowen. And alwayes about those places where they interre
5 their nobles, there is one house of men to keep the sepulchers.
I could not learn that they vse to hide treasures in the graues
of their dead. The Comanias build a great toomb ouer their
dead, & erect the image of the dead party thereupon, with his
face towards the East, holding a drinking cup in his hand, before

10 his nauel. They erect also vpon the monuments of rich men,
Pyramides, that is to say, litle sharpe houses or pinacles : & in
some places I saw mighty towers made of brick, in other places
Pyramides made of stones, albeit there are no stones to be found
thereabout. I saw one newly buried, in whose behalfe they

15 hanged vp 16. horse hides, vnto each quarter of the world 4,
betweene certain high posts : & they set besides his graue
Cosmos for him to drink, & flesh to eat : & yet they sayd that he
was baptized. I beheld other kinds of sepulchers also towards
the East : namely large flowres or pauemets made of stone, some

20 roud & some square, & then 4. long stones pitched vpright, about
the said pauement towards the 4. regions of the world. When
any man is sicke, he lieth in his bed, & causeth a signe to
be set vpon his house, to signifie that there lieth a sicke person
there, to the end that no man may enter into the sayd house :

25 whereupon none at all visit any sicke party but his seruant only.
Moreouer, when any one is sicke in their great courts, they appoint
watchmen to stand round about the said court, who wil not suffer
any person to enter within the precincts thereof. For they feare
lest euill spirits or winds should come together with the parties

30 that enter in. They esteeme of soothsayers, as of their priests.

Of our first entrance among the Tartars, and of
their ingratitude. Chap, 11.

ANd being come amogst those barbarous people, me thought
(as I said before) y' I was entred into a new world : for
35 they came flocking about vs on horse back, after they had made
vs a long time to awaite for them sitting in the shadow, vnder
their black carts. The first question which they demanded was
whether we had euer bin with them heretofore, or no ? And giuing
thg answere that we had not, they began impudently to beg our
40 victuals fro us. And we gaue them some of our bisket & wine,

200 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

which we had brought with vs from the towne of Soldaia. And
hauing drunke off one flagon of our wine they demanded another,
saying, that a man goeth not into the house with one foote. How-
beit we gaue them no more, excusing our selues that we had but
a litle. Then they asked vs, whence we came, & whither we were s
bound ? I answered them with the words aboue mentioned : that
we had heard concerning duke Sartach, that he was become a
Christian, & that vnto him our determination was to trauel, hauing
your Maiesties letters to deliuer vnto him. They were very in-
quisitiue to know whether I came of mine own accord, or whether lo
I were sent? I answered that no man compelled me to come,
neither had I come, vnles I my selfe had bin willing : & that
therefore I was come according to mine own wil, tS: to the will of
my superior. I tooke diligent heed neuer to say that I was your
Maiesties ambassador. Then they asked what I had in my carts; 15
whether it were gold or siluer, or rich garments to carie vnto
Sartach? I answered that Sartach should see what we had
brought, when we were once come vnto him, & that they had
nothing to do to aske such questions, but rather ought to conduct
me vnto their captaine, and that he, if he thought good, should 20
cause me to be directed vnto Sartach : if not, that I would returne.
For there was in the same prouince one of Baatu his kinsmen
called Scacati, vnto whom my lord the Emperor of Constantinople
had written letters of request, to suffer me to passe through his
territory. With this answere of ours they were satisfied, giuing vs 25
horses & oxen, & two men to conduct vs. Howbeit before they
would allow vs the foresayd necessaries for our iourney, they made
vs to awayt a long while, begging our bread for their yong brats,
wondering at all things which they sawe about our seruants, as
their kniues, gloues, purses, & points, and desiring to haue them. 30
[p. lOI] I excused my self that | we had a long way to trauel, & that we
must in no wise so soon depriue our selues of things necessary, to
finish so long a iourney. Then they said that I was a very varlet.
True it is, that they tooke nothing by force fro me : howbeit they
wil beg that which they see very importunatly & shamelesly. 35
And if a man bestow ought vpon th§, it is but cost lost, for they
are thankles wretches. They esteeme thSselues lords & think y'
nothing should be denied th§ by any man. If a man giues them
nought, & afterward stands in neede of their seruice, they will do
right nought for him. They gaue vs of their cowes milke to drink 40
after y^ butter was cherned out of it, being very sower, which they
cal Apram. And so we departed from th§. And in very deed it
seemed to me y' we were escaped out of the hands of diuels.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 201

On the morrow we were come vnto the captain. From the time
wherin we departed fro Soldaia till we arriued at the court of
Sartach, which was the space of two moneths, we neuer lay in
house or tent, but alwaies vnder the starry canopy, & in the open
5 aire, or vnder our carts. Neither yet saw we any village, nor any
mention of building where a village had bin, but the graues of
the Comanians in great abundance. The same evening our
guide which had conducted vs, gaue vs some Cosmos. After
I had drunke thereof I sweat most extreamly for the nouelty and
10 strangenes, because I neuer dranke of it before. Notwithstanding
me thought it was very sauory, as indeed it was.

Of the court of Scacatai: and how the Christians
drinke no Cosmos. Chap. 12.

ON the morrowe after we met with the cartes of Scacatai laden
with houses, and me thought that a mighty citie came to
meete me. I wodered also at the great multitude of huge droues
of oxen, & horses, and at the flockes of sheepe. I could see but
a fewe men that guided all these matters : wherupon I inquired
how many men he had vnder him, & they told me that he had not

20 aboue 500. in all, the one halfe of which number we were come
past, as they lay in another lodging. Then the seruant which was
our guide told me, that I must present somwhat vnto Scacatay :
& so he caused vs to stay, going himselfe before to giue notice of
our comming. By this time it was past three of the clocke, and

25 they vnladed their houses nere vnto a certain water : And there
came vnto vs his interpreter, who being aduertised by vs that wee
were neuer there before, demanded some of our victuals, & we
yeelded vnto his request. Also he required of vs some garment
for a reward, because he was to interpret our sayings vnto his

30 master. Howbeit we excused our selues as well as wee could.
Then he asked vs, what we would present vnto his Lord ? And
we tooke a flagon of wine, & filled a maund with bisket, & a
platter with apples and other fruits. But he was not contented
therewith, because we brought him not some rich garment. Not-

35 withstanding we entred so into his presence with feare and bash-
fulnes. He sate vpon his bed holding a citron in his hand, and
his wife sate by him : who (as I verily thinke) had cut and pared
her nose betweene the eyes, that she might seeme to be more
flat and saddle-nosed : for she had left her selfe no nose at all

40 in that place, hauing annointed the very same place with a black

202 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

ointment, and her eye browes also : which sight seemed most vgly
in our eies. Then I rehearsed vnto him the same wordes, which
I had spoken in other places before. For it stoode vs in hand
A caueat to vse One and the same speech in all places. For we were wel
"he noting. ^ forewarned of this circumstance by some which had been amongst 5
the Tartars, that we should neuer varie in our tale. Then I
besought him, that he would vouchsafe to accept that small gifte
of our hands, excusing my selfe that I was a Monke, and that it
was against our profession to possesse gold, or siluer, or precious
garments, and therefore that I had not any such thing to giue 10
him, howbeit he should receiue some part of our victuals in stead
of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our present to be receiued,
and immediately distributed the same among his men, who were
mette together for the same purpose, to drinke and make merrie.
I deliuered also vnto him the Emperor of Constantinople his 15
letters (this was eight dayes after the feast of Ascension) who sent
them forthwith to Soldaia to haue them interpreted there : for they
were written in Greeke, and he had none about him that was
skilfull in the Greeke tongue. He asked vs also whether we
would drink any Cosmos, that is to say mares milke? (For those 20
that are Christians among them, as namely the Russians, Grecians,
and Alanians, who keep their own law very strictly, wil in no case
drinke thereof, yea, they accompt themselues no Christians after
they haue once drunke of it, & their priests reconcile them vnto
the Church as if they had renounced the Christian faith.) I gaue 25
him answere, that we had as yet sufficient of our owne to drinke,
and that when our drinke failed vs, we must be constrained to
drink such as should be giuen vnto vs. He enquired also what
was contained in our letters, which your Maiestie sent vnto
Sartach ? I answered : that they were sealed vp, and that there 30
was nothing conteined in them, but good and friendly wordes.
And he asked what wordes wee would deliuer vnto Sartach?
I answered : the words of Christian faith. He asked again what
these words were ? For he was very desirous to heare thS. Then
[p. 102] I expouded vnto him as well as I | could, by mine interpreter, 35
(who had no wit nor any vtterance of speech) the Apostles creed.
Which after he had heard, holding his peace, he shooke his head.
Then hee assigned vnto vs two men, who shoulde giue attendance
vpon our selues, vpon our horses, and vpon our Oxen. And hee
caused vs to ride in his companie, till the messenger whome hee 40
had sent for the interpretation of the Emperours letters, was
returned. And so we traueiled in his companie till the morowe
after Pentecost.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 203

Howe the Alanians came vnto vs on Pentecost or
Whitson euen. Chap. 13.

VPon the euen of Pentecost, there came vnto vs certaine
Alanians, who are there called *Acias, being Christians

5 after the maner of the Grecians, vsing greeke bookes and Grecian
priests : howbeit they are not schismatiques as the Grecians are,
but without acceptio of persons, they honour al Christias. And
they brought vnto vs sodden flesh, requesting vs to eat of their
meat, and to pray for one of their company being dead. Then

10 1 sayd, because it was the euen of so great and so solemne
a feast day, that we would not eate any flesh for that time. And
I expounded vnto them the solemnitie of the sayd feast, whereat
they greatly reioyced : for they were ignorant of all things apper-
tayning to Christian religion, except only the name of Christ.

15 They and many other Christians, both Russians, and Hungarians

demanded of vs, whether they might be saued or no, because they

were constrained to drinke Cosmos, & to eate the dead carkases of

.such things, as were slaine by the Saracens, and other infidels?

Which euen the Greeke & Russian priests themselues also esteeme

20 as things strangled or offered vnto idoles : because they were
ignorant of the times of fasting, neither could they haue obserued
them albeit they had knowen them. Then instructed I them
aswell as I could and strengthened them in the faith. As for the
flesh which they had brought we reserued it vntill the feast day.

25 For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for gold

& siluer, but only for cloth and garments, of the which kind of ciothis
marchandise wee had none at all. When our seruants offered marchadise
them any coine called Yperpera, they rubbed it with their fingers,
and put it vnto their noses, to try by the smell whether it were

30 copper or no. Neither did they allow vs any foode but cowes
milke onely which was very sowre & filthy. There was one thing
most necessary greatly wanting vnto vs. For the water was so
foule and muddy by reason of their horses, that it was not
meete to be drunk. And but for certaine bisket, which was

35 by the goodnes of God remaining vnto vs, we had vndoubtedly
perished.

♦ Or, Akas.

in Tartarie.

204 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptized :

and of certaine men which seemed to be lepers.

Chap. 14.

Ton the day of Pentecost there came vnto vs a certain
Saracen, vnto whome, as hee talked with vs, we expounded 5
the Christian faith, ^^'ho (hearing of Gods benefits exhibited
vnto mankind by the incarnation of our Sauiour Christ, and the
resurrection of the dead, & the iudgement to come, & that in
baptisme was a washing away of sinnes) sayd, that hee would be
baptized. But when we prepared our selues to the baptizing of 10
him, he suddenly mounted on horsebacke, saying that he would
goe home and consult with his wife what were best to be done.
And on the morrow after he told vs, that he durst in no case
receiue baptisme, because then he should drinke no more Cosmos.
For the Christians of that place affirme that no true Christians 15
ought to drinke thereof : and that without the said liquor he could
not Hue in that desert. From which opinion, I could not for my
life remoue him. Wherefore be it knowen of a certainty vnto
your highnes, that they are much estranged from the Christian
faith by reason of that opinion which hath bin broached & con- 20
firmed among them by the Russians, of whom there is a great
multitude in that place. The same day Scacatay the captaine
aforesayd gaue vs one man to conduct vs to Sartach, and two
other to guide vs vnto the next lodging, which was distant from
that place fiue dayes iourney for oxen to trauell. They gaue vnto 25
vs also a goate for victuals, and a great many bladders of cowes
milke, & but a little Cosmos, because it is of so great estimation
among them. And so taking our iourney directly toward the
North, me thought that wee had passed through one of hell gates.
The seruants which conducted vs began to play the bold theeues 30
with vs, seeing vs take so little heed vnto our selues. At length
hauing lost much by their theeuery, harme taught vs wisdome.
And then we came vnto the extremity of that prouince, which
is fortified with a ditch from one sea vnto another : without the
bounds wherof their lodging was situate. Into the which, so 35
sooue as we had entred, al the inhabitants there seemed vnto vs
to be infected with leprosie : for certain base fellowes were placed
Salt pits. there to receiue tribute of al such as tooke salt out of the salt pits
[p. 103] aforesaid. From that place | they told vs that we must trauel

fifteen dales iourney, before we shuld find any other people. With 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

205

them wee dranke Cosmos, and gaue vnto them a basket full of
fruites and of bisket. And they gaue vnto vs eight oxen and
one goate, to sustaine vs in so great a iourney, and I knowe not
how many bladders of milke. And so changing our oxen, we
5 tooke our iournie which we finished in tenne dayes, arriuing at Tendayes
another lodging : neither found we any water all that way, but '°"''"^y"
onely in certaine ditches made in the valleys, except two small
riuers. And from the time wherein we departed out of the fore-
said prouince of Gasaria, we trauailed directly Eastward, hauing

10 a Sea on the South side of vs, and a waste desert on the North,
which desert, in some places, reacheth twenty daies iourney in
breadth, and there is neither tree, mountaine, nor stone therein.
And it is most excellent pasture. Here the Comanians, which
were called Capthac, were wont to feede their cattell. Howbeit

15 by the Dutch men they are called Valani, and the prouince it selfe
Valania. But Isidore calleth all that tract of land stretching from
the riuer of Tanais to the lake of Meotis, and so along ac farre as
Danubius, the countrey of Alania. And the same land continueth
in length from Danubius vnto Tanais (which diuideth Asia from

20 Europe) for the space of two moneths iourney, albeit a man
should ride poste as fast as the Tartars vse to ride : and it was all
ouer inhabited by the Comanians, called Capthac : yea and be-
yond Tanais, as farre as the riuer of Edil or Volga : the space
betweene the two which riuers is a great and long iourney to bee

25 trauailed in ten dayes. To the North of the same prouince

lieth Russia, which is full of wood in all places, and stretcheth Russia,
from Polonia and Hungaria, euen to the riuer of Tanais : and
it hath bene wasted all ouer by the Tartars, and as yet is daily
wasted by them.

The length
of Comania.

30 Of our afflictions which we sustained : and of the
Comanians maner of buriall. Chap. 15.

THey preferre the Saracens before the Russians, because they
are Christians, and when they are able to giue them no
more golde nor siluer, they driue them and their children like
35 flockes of sheepe into the wildernes, constraining them to keepe

their cattell there. Beyond Russia lieth the countrey of Prussia, Prussia,
which the Dutch knights of the order of Saint Maries hospitall of
lerusalem haue of late wholly conquered and subdued. And in
very deede they might easily winne Russia, if they would put to
40 their helping hand. For if the Tartars should but once knowe,

2o6 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

that the great Priest, that is to say, the Pope did cause the ensigne
of the crosse to bee displaied against them, they would flee all
into their desert and solitarie places. We therefore went on
towards the East, seeing nothing but heauen and earth, and some-
times the sea on our right hand, called the Sea of Tanais, and the s
sepulchres of the Comanians, which appeared vnto vs two leagues
off, in which places they were wont to burie their kinred altogether.
So long as we were trauelling through the desert, it went reason-
ably well with vs. For I cannot sufficiently expresse in words
the irkesome and tedious troubles which I susteined, when I came lo
at any of their places of abode. For our guide would haue vs goe
in vnto euery Captaine with a present, and our expenses would
not extend so farre. P^or we were euery day eight persons of vs
spending our waifaring prouision, for the Tartars seruants would all
of them eate of our victuals. We our selues were fiue in number, 15
and the seruants our guides were three, two to driue our carts, and
one to conduct vs vnto Sartach. The flesh which they gaue vs
was not sufficient for vs : neither could we finde any thing to be
bought for our money. And as we sate vnder our carts in the
Extreme coolc shadowe, by reason of the extreame and vehement heate 20
Sommer. which was there at that time, they did so importunately and
shamelesly intrude themselues into our companie, that they would
euen tread vpon vs, to see whatsoeuer things we had. Hauing
list at any time to ease themselues, the filthy lozels had not the
maners to withdrawe themselues farther from vs, then a beane 25
can bee cast. Yea, like vile slouens they would lay their tailes
in our presence, while they were yet talking with vs : many other
things they committed, which were most tedious and loathsome
vnto vs. But aboue all things it grieued me to the very heart,
that when I would vtter ought vnto them, which might tend 30
to their edification, my foolish interpreter would say : you shall
not make me become a Preacher now : I tell you, I cannot nor
I will not rehearse any such wordes. And true it was which he
saide, For I perceiued afterward, when I began to haue a litle
smattering in the language, that when I spake one thing, he would 35
say quite another, whatsoeuer came next vnto his witlesse tongues
end. Then seeing the danger I might incurre in speaking by such
an interpreter, I resolued much rather to holde my peace, and
thus we traueiled with great toile from lodging to lodging, till at
the length, a fewe dayes before the feast of Saint Marie Magdalene, 40
Tanais. wc arriucd at the banke of the mightie riuer Tanais which diuideth
Asia from Europa, euen as the riuer Nilus of ^^gypt disioyneth
Asia from Africa. At the same place where wee arriued, Baatu

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 207

and Sartach did cause a certaine cot|tage to be built, vpon [p. IO4]
the Easterne banke of the riuer, for a companie of Russians to
dwell in to the ende they might transport Ambassadours and
merchants in ferrie-boates ouer that part of the riuer. First they
5 ferried vs ouer, and then our carts, putting one wheele into one
lyter, and the other wheele into another lyter, hauing bounde both
the lyters together, and so they rowe them ouer. In this place
our guide played the foole most extreamely. For hee imagining
that the said Russians, dwelling in the cottage, should haue

10 prouided vs horses, sent home the beasts which we brought with
vs, in another cart, y^ they might returne vnto their owne masters.
And when we demanded to haue some beasts of th9, they
answered, that they had a priuiledge from Baatu, wherby they
were bound to none other seruice, but only to ferry ouer goers

15 & commers : and that they receiued great tribute of marchants in
regard therof. We staied therfore by the said riuers side three
daies. The first day they gaue vnto vs a great fresh turbut : the
second day they bestowed rye bread, and a litle flesh vpon vs,
which the purueyer of the village had taken vp at euerie house for

20 vs : and the third day dried fishes, which they haue there in great

abundance. The saide riuer was euen as broad in that place, as The breadth
the riuer of Sein is at Paris. And before we came there, we passed ° ^"^'^'
ouer many goodly waters, and full of fish : howbeit the barbarous
and rude Tartars know not how to take them : neither do they

25 make any reckoning of any fish, except it be so great, that they
may pray vpon the flesh therof, as vpon the flesh of a ram. This
riuer is the limite of the East part of Russia, and it springeth out He is much
of the fennes of Maeotis, which fennes stretch vnto the North ^ "^^ '
Ocean. And it runneth Southward into a certain great sea 700.

30 miles about, before it falleth into the sea called Potus Euxinus.
And al the riuers, which we passed ouer, ran with ful stream into
those quarters. The foresaid riuer hath great store of wood also
growing vpon the West side thereof. Beyond this place the
Tartars ascend no farther vnto the North : for at that season of

35 the yeere, about the first of August, they begin to returne backe About the
vnto the South. And therfore there is another cottage somwhat of August,
lower, where passengers are ferried ouer in Winter time. And in retum^e'^'^*
this place wee were driuen to great extremitie, by reason that we Southward,
could get neither horses, nor oxen for any money. At length,

40 after I had declared vnto them, that my comming was to labour
for the common good of all Christians, they sent vs oxen & men ;
howbeit we our selues were faine to trauel on foote. At this time
they were reaping their rye. Wheat prospereth not wel in that

2o8 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

soile. They haue the seed of Millium in great abundance. The
Russian women attire their heads like vnto our women. They
imbroder their safegards or gowns on the outside, from their feet
vnto their knees with particoloured or grey stuffe. The Russian
men weare caps like vnto the Dutch men. Also they weare vpon 5
their heads certain sharpe, & high-crowned hats made of felt,
much like vnto a sugar loafe. Then traueiled we 3. daies together,
not finding any people. And when our selues and our oxen were
exceeding weary and faint, not knowing how far off we should
find any Tartars, on the sudden, there came two horses running 10
towards vs, which we tooke with great ioy, and our guide and
interpreter mounted vpon their backes, to see, how far off they
could descry any people. At length vpon the fourth day of our
iourney, hauing found some inhabitants, we reioyced like sea-
faring men, which had escaped out of a dangerous tempest, and 15
had newly recouered the hauen. Then hauing taken fresh horses,
and oxen, we passed on from lodging to lodging, till at the last,
vpon the second of the Kalends of August, we arriued at the
habitation of Duke Sartach himselfe.

Of the dominion of Sartach, and of his Subiects. 20
Chap. 16.

THe region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly countrey,
hauing store of riuers and woods toward the North part
thereof There be mighty huge woods which two sorts of people
The people do inhabite. One of them is called Moxel, being meere Pagans, 25
Pagans. and without law. They haue neither townes nor cities, but only
cottages in y* woods. Their lord & a great part of themselues
were put to the sword in high Germanie. Whereupon they highly
commend the braue courage of the Almans, hoping as yet to be
deliuered out of the bondage of the Tartars, by their meanes. If 30
any merchant come vnto them, he must prouide things necessary
for him, with whom he is first of all enterteined, all the time of
his abode among them. If any lieth with another mans wife, her
husband, vnles he be an eiewitnes therof, regardeth it not : for
they are not ielous ouer their wiues. They haue abundance of 35
hogs, and great store of hony & waxe, and diuers sorts of rich
N^ and costly skins, and plentie of falcons. Next vnto them are
The people other people called Merclas, which the Latines call Merdui, and
Merdui they are Saracens. Beyond them is the riuer of Etilia or Volga,
s^ens. which is y' mightiest riuer that euer I saw. And it issueth from 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

209

The circuite
of the Cas-
pian sea.

the North part of Bulgaria the greater, & so trending along South-
ward, disimboqueth into a certain lake cotaining in circuit the
space of 4. moneths trauel, whereof I will speak hereafter. The
two foresaid riuers, namely Tanais & Etilia, otherwise called
5 Volga, towards the Northern regions through the which we
traueiled, are not distat asunder aboue x. daies iourney, | but [p. 105]
Southward they are diuided a great space one from another. For
Tanais descSdeth into the sea of Pontus : Etilia maketh the fore-
said sea or lake, with the help of many other riuers which fal

10 therinto out of Persia. And we had to the South of vs huge high
mountains, vpon the sides wherof, towards the said desert, doe
the people called Cergis, and the Alani or Acas inhabit, who are
as yet Christians, & wage warre against the Tartars. Beyond thg,
next vnto the sea or lake of Etilia, there are certaine Saracens

15 called Lesgi, who are in subiection vnto the Tartars. Beyond
these is Porta ferrea, or the yron gate, no we called Derbent, which
Alexander built to exclude the barbarous nations out of Persia.
Concerning the situation whereof, your maiestie shall vnderstand
more about the end of this Treatise : for I trauailed in my returne

20 by the very same place. Betweene the two foresaid riuers, in the
regions through the which we passed did the Comanians of olde
time inhabite, before they were ouerrun by the Tartars.

Kergis or
Aas.

The

Saracens
called Lesgi.

Hereturneth
by Derbent.

Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magnificence
thereof. Chap. 17.

ANd we found Sartach lying within three daies iourney of the

Nestorian.

riuer Etilia : whose Court seemed vnto vs to be very great.
For he himselfe had sixe wiues, and his eldest sonne also had
three wiues : euery one of which women hath a great house,
& they haue ech one of them about 200. cartes. Our guide went

30 vnto a certaine Nestorian named Coiat, who is a man of great Coiat the
authoritie in Sartachs Court. He made vs to goe very farre vnto
the Lordes gate. For so they call him, who hath the office of
enterteining Ambassadours. In the euening Coiac commanded
vs to come vnto him. Then our guide began to enquire what we

35 would present him withal, & was exceedingly offended, when he
saw that we had nothing ready to present. We stoode before him,
and he sate maiestically, hauing musicke and dauncing in his
presence. Then I spake vnto him in the wordes before recited,
telling him, for what purpose I was come vnto his lorde, and

40 requesting so much fauour at his hands, as to bring our letters
H. 14

2IO THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

vnto the sight of his Lord. I excused my selfe also, that I was
a Monke, not hauing, nor receiuing, nor vsing any golde, or siluer,
or any other precious thing, saue onely our bookes, and the vesti-
ments wherein wee serued God : and that this was the cause why
I brought no present vnto him, nor vnto his Ix)rd. For I that 5
had abandoned mine owne goods, could not be a transporter of
things for other men. Then hee answered very courteously, that
being a Monke, and so doing, I did well : for so I should obserue
my vowe : neither did himselfe stand in neede of ought that we
had, but rather was readie to bestow vpon vs such things as we 10
our selues stood in neede of : and he caused vs to sit downe, and
to drinke of his milke. And presently after he requested vs to say
our deuotions for him : and we did so. He enquired also who
was the greatest Prince among the Franckes? And I saide, the
Emperour, if he could inioy his owne dominions in quiet. No 15
(quoth he) but the king of France. For he had heard of your
Highnes by lord Baldwine of Henault. I found there also one of
the Knights of the Temple, who had bene in Cyprus, and had
made report of all things which he sawe there. Then returned
wee vnto our lodging. And on the morow we sent him a flagon of 20
Muscadel wine (which had lasted very wel in so long a iourney)
and a boxe full of bisket, which was most acceptable vnto him.
And he kept our seruants with him for that euening. The next
morning he commanded me to come vnto the Court, and to bring
the kings letters and my vestimentes, and bookes with me : because 25
his Lorde was desirous to see them. Which we did accordingly,
lading one cart with our bookes and vestiments, and another with
bisket, wine, and fruites. Then he caused all our bookes and
vestiments to bee laide forth. And there stoode round about vs
many Tartars, Christians and Saracens on horseback. At the 30
sight whereof, he demanded whether I would bestow all those
things vpon his Lord or no ? Which saying made me to tremble,
and grieued me full sore. Howbeit, dissembling our griefe as well
as we could, we shaped him this answere : Sir, our humble request
is, that our Lorde your master would vouchsafe to accept our 35
bread, wine, and fruits, not as a present, because it is too meane,
but as a benediction, least we should come with an emptie hand
before him. And he shall see the letters of my souereigne Lord
the king, and by them he shall vnderstand for what cause we are
come vnto him, and then both our selues, and all that we haue, 40
shall stand to his curtesie : for our vestiments be holy, and it is
vnlawfuU for any but Priests to touch them. Then he com-
maunded vs to inuest our selues in the saide garments, that we

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 2II

might goe before his Lord : and wee did so. Then I my selfe
putting on our most precious ornaments, tooke in mine armes
a very faire cushion, and the Bible which your Maiesty gaue me,
and a most beautiful! Psalter, which the Queenes Grace bestowed
5 vpon me, wherein there were goodly pictures. Mine associate
tooke a missal and a crosse : and the clearke hauing put on his
surplesse, tooke a censer in his hand. And so wee came vnto the
presence of his Lord : and they lifted vp the felt hanging before
his doore, that hee might | behold vs. Then they caused the [p. I06]

lo clearke and the interpreter thrise to bow the knee : but of vs they
required no such submission. And they diligently admonished vs
to take heed, that in going in, and in comming out, we touched
not the threshold of the house, and requested vs to sing a benedic-
tion for him. Then we entred in, singing Salue Regina. And

IS within the entrance of the doore, stood a bench with cosmos, and
drinking cups thereupon. And all his wiues were there assembled.
Also the Moals or rich Tartars thrusting in with vs pressed vs sore.
Then Coiat caried vnto his lord the censer with incense, which he
beheld very diligently, holding it in his hand. Afterward hee

20 caried the Psalter vnto him, which he looked earnestly vpon, and
his wife also that sate beside him. After that he caried the Bible :
then Sartach asked if the Gospel were contained therein? Yea
(said I) and all the holy scriptures besides. He tooke the crosse
also in his hand, and demanded concerning the image, whether it

25 were the image of Christ or no ? I said it was. The Nestorians
& the Armenians do neuer make the figure of Christ vpo their
crosses. Wherfore either they seem not to think wel of his No good
passion, or els they are ashamed of it. Then he caused them that
stood about vs, to stand aside, that he might more fully behold

30 our ornaments. Afterward I deliuered vnto him your Maiesties
letters, with the translation therof into the Arabike, & Syriake
languages. For I caused them to be translated at Aeon into the
character, & dialect of both the saide tongues. And there were
certain Armenian priests, which had skil in the Turkish &

35 Arabian languages. The aforesaid knight also of the order of the
Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, & Arabian tongues.
Then we departed forth, and put off our vestiments, and there
came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat,
& caused our letters to be interpreted. Which letters being heard,

40 he caused our bread, wine and fruits to be receiued. And he
permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our
owne lodging. This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad
vincula.

14—2

consequence.

212 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu
the Father of Sartach. Chap. i8.

THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest, who
was brother vnto Coiat, requesting to haue our boxe of
Chrisme, because Sartach (as he said) was desirous to see it : and 5
so we gaue it him. About euentide Coiat sent for vs, saying : My
lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach.
Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concerning
which he dare not determine ought, without the aduise and
counsell of his father. And therfore of necessitie you must 10
depart vnto his father, leauing behind you the two carts, which
you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes, in my
custodie : because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view
thereof I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his
couetousnes, said vnto him : Sir, we will not onely leaue those 15
with you, but the two other carts also, which we haue in our
possession, will we commit vnto your custodie. You shall not
(quoth he) leaue those behinde you, but for the other two carts
first named, we will satisfie your request. I saide that this could
not conueniently be done : but needes we must leaue all with 20
him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarie in the land ? I
answered : If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the
king, you know that we are euen so determined. Then he replied,
that we ought to bee patient and lowly : and so we departed from
him that euening. On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian 25
Priest for the carts, and we caused all the foure carts to be
deliuered. Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs,
and separated all those things, which we had brought the day
before vnto the Court, from the rest, namely, the bookes and
vestiments, and tooke them away with him. Howbeit Coiat had 30
commanded, that we should carie those vestiments with vs, which
wee ware in the presence of Sartach, that we might put them on
before Baatu, if neede should require : but the said Priest tooke
them from vs by violence, saying : thou hast brought them vnto
Sartach, and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu ? And when I 35
would have rendred a reason, he answered : be not too talkatiue,
but goe your wayes. Then I sawe that there was no remedie but
patience : for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe,
neither was there any other, that would doe vs iustice. I was
afraide also in regard of the interpreter, least he had spoken other 40

NAVIGATIONS, ETC. 213

things then I saide vnto him : for his will was good that we
should have giuen away all that wee had. There was yet one
comfort remaining vnto me : for when I once perceiued their
couetous intent, I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible,
5 and the sentences, and certaine other bookes which I made special!
account of. Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my
soueraigne Lady the Queene, because it was too wel known, by
reason of the golden pictures therein. And so we returned with
the two other carts vnto our lodging. Then came he that was

10 appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu, willing vs to
take our iourney in all poste-haste : vnto whom I said, that I would
in no case haue the carts to goe with me. Which thing he
declared vnto Coiat. Then Coiat commaun|ded, that we should [p. 107]
leaue them and our seruant with him : And we did as he com-

15 manded. And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu, the

third day we came to Etilia or Volga : the streams whereof when They are
I beheld, I wondered from what regions of the North such huge as Volga,
and mighty waters should descend. Before we were departed
from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many other Scribes of the

20 court said vnto vs : doe not make report that our Lord is a The Tartars
Christian, but a Moal. Because the name of a Christian seemeth Moai.
vnto them to be the name of some nation. So great is their pride,
that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerning Christ,
yet will they not bee called Christians, being desirous that their

25 owne name, that is to say, Moal should be exalted aboue all other
names. Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars. For
the Tartars were another nation, as I was informed by them.

Howe Sartach, and Mangu-Can, and Ken-Can doe
reuerence vnto Christians. Chap. 19.

30 AT the same time when the P>ench-men tooke Antioch, a This history

J~\. certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the lohnln th"

Northren regions, lying thereabouts. Con is a proper name : Can ^aiiead^ed

is a name of authority or dignitie, which signifieth a diuiner or oe'rardus''^

soothsayer. All diuiners are called Can amongst them. Where- Mercator in

•^ _ " his general!

35 upon their princes are called Can, because that vnto them mappe.
belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination. Wee doe
reade also in the historic of Antiochia, that the Turkes sent for
aide against the French-men, vnto the kingdome of Con Can.
For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came, whe'nce the

40 The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catay. Kara signifieth Jj^^^g '*''*'

214

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES.

An Ocean
sea.

Nayman.

Presbicer
lohn.

The place of
Ken Kan
hisaboade.

Vut Can, or
VncCan.

The village
of Cara
Carum.
Crit and
Merkit.

Moal in olde
time a
beggerly
people.

The place of
the Tartars.

Cyngis.

blacke, and Catay is the name of a countrey. So that Kara-
Catay signifieth the blacke Catay. This name was giuen to make
a difference between the foresaid people, and the people of
Catay, inhabiting Eastward ouer against y*= Ocean sea : concerning
whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter. These S
Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes, by the which I trauailed.
And in a certain plaine countrey within those Alpes, there in-
habited a Nestorian shepheard, being a mighty gouernour ouer the
people called Yayman, which were Christians, following the sect
of Nestorius. After the death of Con Can, the said Nestorian lo
exalted himselfe to the kingdome, and they called him King lohn,
reporting ten times more of him then was true. For so the
Nestorians which come out of those parts, vse to doe. For they
blaze abroade great rumors, and reports vpon iust nothing. Where-
upon they gaue out concerning Sartach, that he was become 15
a Christian, and the like also they reported concerning Mangu
Can, and Ken Can : namely because these Tartars make more
account of Christians, then they doe of other people, and yet in
very deede, themselues are no Christians. So likewise there went
foorth a great report concerning the said king lohn. Howbeit, 20
when I trauailed along by his territories, there was no man that
knew any thing of him, but onely a fewe Nestorians. In his
pastures or territories dwelleth Ken Can, at whose Court Frier
Andrew was. And I my selfe passed by it at my returne. This
lohn had a brother, being a mightie man also, and a shepheard 25
like himselfe, called Vut, and he inhabited beyond the Alpes of
Cara Catay, being distant from his brother lohn, the space of
three weekes iourney. He was lord ouer a certain village, called
Cara Carum, hauing people also for his subiects, named Crit, or
Merkit, who were Christians of the sect of Nestorius. But their 30
Lorde abandoning the worship of Christ, followed after idoles,
reteining with him Priests of the saide idoles, who all of them are
worshippers of deuils and sorcerers. Beyond his pastures some
tenne or fifteene dayes iourney, were the pastures of Moal, who
were a poore and beggerly nation, without gouernour, and without 35
Lawe, except their soothsayings, and their diuinations, vnto the
which detestable studies, all in those partes doe apply their mindes.
Neere vnto Moal were other poore people called Tartars. The
foresaid king lohn died without issue male, and thereupon his
brother Vut was greatly inriched, and caused himselfe to be 40
named Can : and his droues and flockes raunged euen vnto the
borders of Moal. About the same time there was one Cyngis,
a blacke smith among the people of Moal. This Cyngis stole as

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 215

many cattel from Vut Can, as he could possibly get : insomuch
that the shepheards of Vut complained vnto their Lord. Then
prouided he an armie, and marched vp into the countrey of Moal
e to seeke for the saide Cyngis. But Cyngis fiedde among the
Tartars, and hidde himselfe amongest them. And Vut hauing taken
some spoiles both from Moal, and also from the Tartars, returned
home. Then spake Cyngis vnto the Tartars, and vnto the people
of Moal, saying : Sirs, because we are destitute of a gouernour

10 and Captaine, you see howe our neighbours do oppresse vs. And
the Tartars and Moals appointed him to be their Chieftaine.
Then hauing secretly gathered together an armie, he brake in
suddenly vpon Vut, and ouercame him, and Vut fiedde into
Cataya. At the same time was the daughter of Vut taken, which

15 Cyngis | married vnto one of his sonnes, by whom she conceiued, [p. 108]
& brought forth the great Can, which now reigneth, called Mangu- Mangu-Can.
Can. Then Cyngis sent y^ Tartars before him in al places where
he came : and thereupon was their name published and spread
abroade : for in all places the people woulde crie out : Loe, the

20 Tartars come, the Tartars come. Howbeit, through continuall
warres, they are nowe, all of them in a maner, consumed and
brought to nought. Whereupon the Moals indeuour what they
can, to extinguish the name of the Tartars, that they may exalt
their owne name. The countrey wherein they first inhabited, and

2c where the Court of Cyngis Can as yet remaineth, is called

Mancherule. But because Tartaria is the region, about which Mancheruie.
they haue obtained their conquests, they esteeme that as their
royall and chiefe citie, and there for the most part doe they elect
their great Can.

Of the Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians : and
of the Caspian Sea. Chap. 20.

NOw, as concerning Sartach, whether he beleeues in Christ, or
no, I knowe not. This I am sure of, that he will not be
called a Christian. Yea rather he seemeth vnto mee to deride

~r and skoffe at Christians. He lieth in the way of the Christians, as
namely of the Russians, the Valachians, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria
the lesser, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Alanians : who all
of them passe by him, as they are going to the Court of his father
Baatu, to carie giftes : whereupon he is more in league with them.

40 Howbeit, if the Saracens come, and bring greater giftes then they,
they are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certaine Nestorian

2i6 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Priestes, who pray vpon their beades, and sing their deuotions.

Or, Berca. Also, there is another vnder Baatu called Berta, who feedeth his
cattell toward Porta ferrea, or Derbent, where lieth the passage of
all those Saracens, which come out of Persia, and out of Turkic to
goe vnto Baatu, and passing by, they giue rewards vnto him. 5
And he professeth himselfe to be a Saracene, and will not permit
swines flesh to be eaten in his dominions. Howbeit, at the time
of our retume, Baatu commanded him to remoue himselfe from
that place, and to inhabite vpon the East side of Volga : for hee
was vnwilling that the Saracens messengers should passe by the 10
saide Berta, because he sawe it was not for his profite. For the
space of foure dayes while we remained in the court of Sartach, we
had not any victuals at all allowed vs, but once onely a litle
Cosmos. And in our iourney betweene him and his father, wee
traueiled in great feare. For certaine Russians, Hungarians, and 15
Alanians being seruants vnto the Tartars (of whom they haue
great multitudes among them) assemble themselues twentie or
thirtie in a companie, and so secretly in the night conueying
themselues from home, they take bowes and arrowes with them,
and whomesoeuer they finde in the night season, they put him to 20
death, hiding themselues in the day time. And hauing tired their
horses, they goe in the night vnto a company of other horses
feeding in some pasture, and change them for newe, taking with
them also one or two horses besides, to eate them when they
stand in neede. Our guide therefore was sore afraide, least we 25
should haue met with such companions. In this iourney wee
had died for famine, had we not caried some of our bisket with vs.
At length we came vnto the mighty riuer of Etilia, or Volga. For
it is foure times greater, then the riuer of Sein, and of a wonderfull
depth : and issuing forth of Bulgaria the greater, it runneth into a 3°
certaine lake or ^a, which of late they cal the Hircan sea, accord-
ing to the name of a certain citie in Persia, standing vpon the
shore thereof. Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Caspian sea. For
it hath the Caspian mountaines and the land of Persia situate on
the South side thereof : and the mountaines of Musihet, that is to 35
say, of the people called Assassini towards the East, which moun-
taines are conioyned vnto the Caspian mountaines : but on the
North side thereof lieth the same desert, wherein the Tartars doe
now inhabite. Howbeit heretofore there dwelt certaine people

Changiae. called Changlse. And on that side it receiueth the streams of 40
Etilia ; which riuer increaseth in Sommer time, like vnto the riuer
Nilus in ^gypt. Upon the West part thereof, it hath the moun-
taines of Alani, and Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 217

mountaines of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on
three sides with the mountaines, but on the North side with
plaine grounde. Frier Andrew, in his iourney traueiled round Frier
about two sides therof, namely the South and the East sides :
5 and I my selfe about other two, that is to say, the North side in
going from Baatu to Mangu-Can, and in returning likewise : and
the West side in comming home from Baatu into Syria. A man
may trauel round about it in foure moneths. And it is not true
which Isidore reporteth, namely that this Sea is a bay or gulfe
10 comming forth of the Ocean : for it doeth, in no part thereof,
ioyne with the Ocean, but is inuironed on all sides with lande.

Of the court of Baatu : and howe we were inter- [p. 109]
teined by him. Chap. 21.

L the region extending from the West shore of the foresaid
sea, where Alexanders Iron gate, otherwise called the city of
Derbent, is situate, and from the mountaines of Alania, all along
by the fennes of Meotis, whereinto the riuer of Tanais falleth, and
so forth, to the North Ocean, was wont to be called Albania. Of The North
which countrey Isidore reporteth, that there be dogs of such an

20 huge stature, and so fierce, that they are able in fight to match
bulles, and to master lions. Which is true, as I vnderstand by
diuers, who tolde me, that there towardes the North Ocean they The North
make their dogges to draw in carts like oxen, by reason of their
bignesse and strength. Moreouer, vpon that part of Etilia where

25 we arriued, there is a new cottage built, wherein they haue placed
Tartars and Russians both together, to ferrie ouer, and transport
messengers going and comming to and fro the court of Baatu.
For Baatu remaineth vpon the farther side towards the East.
Neither ascendeth hee in Sommer time more Northward then the

30 foresaide place where we arriued, but was euen then descending to
the South. From lanuarie vntill August both he and all other
Tartars ascend by the banks of riuers towards cold and Northerly
regions, and in August they begin to returne backe againe. We He descend-
passed downe the streame therefore in a barke, from the foresaid the riuer

35 cottage vnto his court. From the same place vnto the villages of barke.*"*
Bulgaria the greater, standing toward the North, it is fiue dayes
iourney. I wonder what deuill caried the religion of Mahomet
thither. For, from Derbent, which is vpon the extreame borders
of Persia, it is aboue 30. daies iourney to passe ouerthwart the

40 desert, and so to ascend by the banke of Etilia, into the foresaid

2i8 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

countrey of Bulgaria. All which way there is no citie, but onely
Astracan. ccrtainc cottages neere vnto that place where Etilia falleth into the
sea. Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly
professing the danable religion of Mahomet, then any other nation
The descrip- whatsoeuer. Moreouer, when I first beheld the court of Baatu, I 5
his court. was astonicd at the sight thereof : for his houses or tents seemed
as though they had bene some huge and mighty citie, stretching
out a great way in length, the people ranging vp and downe about
it for the space of some three or foure leagues. And euen as the
people of Israel knew euery man, on which side of the tabernacle 10
to pitch his tent : euen so euery one of them knoweth right well,
towards what side of the court he ought to place his house when
he takes it from off the cart. Wherupon the court is called in
Horda sjgni- their language Horda, which signifieth, the midst : because the
midst. gouernour or chieftaine among them dwels alwaies in the middest 15

of his people : except onely that directly towards the South no
subiect or inferiour person placeth himselfe, because towards that
region the court gates are set open : but vnto the right hand, and
the left hand they extend thSselues as farre as they will, according
to the conueniencie of places, so that they place not their houses 20
directly opposite against the court. At our arriual we were con-
ducted vnto a Saracen, who prouided not for vs any victuals at
all. The day following, we were brought vnto the court : and
Baatu had caused a large tent to be erected, because his house or
ordinarie tent could not containe so many men and women as 25
were assembled. Our guide admonished vs not to speake, till
Baatu had giuen vs commandement so to doe, and that then we
should speake our mindes briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether
your Maiestie had sent Ambassadours vnto him or no ? I answered,
that your Maiestie had sent messengers to Ken-Can : and that 30
you would not haue sent messengers vnto him, or letters vnto
Sartach, had not your Highnes bene pers waded that they were
become Christians : because you sent not vnto them for any feare,
but onely for congratulation, and curtesies sake, in regard that you
heard they were conuerted to Christianitie. Then led he vs vnto 35
his pauilion : and wee were charged not to touch the cordes of the
tent, which they account in stead of the threshold of the house.
There we stoode in our habite bare-footed, and bare-headed, and
were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes. For indeed Frier
lohn de lohn dc Plano Carpini had byn there before my coming : howbeit, 40
Ca^?ni. because he was the Popes messenger, he changed his habit that he
might not be contemned. Then we were brought into the very
midst of the tent, neither required they of vs to do any reuerence

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 219

by bowing our knees, as they vse to doe of other messengers.
Wee stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man
might haue rehearsed the Psalme, Miserere mei Deus : and there
was great silence kept of all men. Baatu himselfe sate vpon
5 a seate long and broad like vnto a bed, guilt all ouer, with three
staires to ascend thereunto, and one of his ladies sate beside him.
The men there assembled, sate downe scattering, some on the
right hand of the saide Lady, and some on the left. Those places
on the one side which the women filled not vp (for there were

10 only the wiues of Baatu) were supplied by the men. Also, at the
very entrance of the tent, stoode a bench furnished with cosmos,
and with stately great cuppes of siluer, and golde, beeing richly set
with precious stones. Baatu beheld vs earnestly, and we him :
and he seemed to me to resemble in personage, Mon|sieur lohn [p. 1 10]

15 de beau mont, whose soule resteth in peace. And hee had
a fresh ruddie colour in his countenance. At length he com-
manded vs to speake. Then our guide gaue vs direction, that
wee should bow our knees & speak. VVherupon I bowed one
knee as vnto a man : then he signified that I should kneele vpon

20 both knees : and I did so, being loath to contend about such
circumstaunces. And again he commanded me to speak. Then I
thinking of praier vnto God, because I kneeled on both my knees,
began to pray on this wise : Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom
all good things doe proceed, and who hath giuen you these earthly

25 benefites, that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker
of his heauSly blessings : because the former without these are but
vain and improfitable. And I added further. Be it knowen vnto
you of a certainty, that you shal not obtain the ioyes of heauen,
vnles you become a Christian : for God saith, Whosoeuer be-

30 leeueth & is baptized, shalbe saued : but he that beleeueth not,
shalbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled : but the
other Moals began to clap their hands, and to deride vs. And my
silly interpreter, of whom especially I should haue receiued com-
fort in time of need, was himself abashed & vtterly dasht out of

35 countenance. Then, after silence made, I said vnto him, I came
vnto your sonne, because we heard that he was become a
Christian : and I brought vnto him letters on the behalfe of my The letters
souereigne Lord the king of France: and your sonne sent me French king,
hither vnto you. The cause of my comming therefore is best

40 known vnto your selfe. Then he caused me to rise vp. And he
enquired your maiesties name, and my name, and the name of
mine associate and interpreter, and caused them all to be put
down in writing. He demaunded likewise (because he had bene

220 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

informed, that you were departed out of your owne countreys with
an armie) against whom you waged warre ? I answered : against
the Saracens, who had defiled the house of God at lerusalem.
He asked also, whether your Highnes had euer before that time
sent any messengers vnto him, or no? To you sir? (said I) neuer. 5
Then caused he vs to sit downe, and gaue vs of his milke to
drinke, which they account to be a great fauour, especially when
any man is admitted to drinke Cosmos with him in his own house.
And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground, he commanded me
to lift vp my countenance, being desirous as yet to take more 10
diligent view of vs, or els perhaps for a kinde of superstitious
obseruation. For they esteeme it a signe of ill lucke, or a prog-
nostication of euill vnto them, when any man sits in their
presence, holding downe his head, as if he were sad : especially
when he leanes his cheeke or chinne vpon his hand. Then we 15
departed forth, and immediatly after came our guide vnto vs, and
conducting vs vnto our lodging, saide vnto me : Your master the
King requesteth that you may remaine in this land, which request
Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of
Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your interpreter must of 20
necessitie goe vnto Mangu-Can. Howbeit your associate, and
the other man shall returne vnto the court of Sartach, staying
there for you, till you come backe. Then began the man of God
mine interpreter to lament, esteeming himselfe but a dead man.
Mine associate also protested, that they should sooner chop off 25
his head, then withdrawe him out of my companie. Moreouer I
my selfe saide, that without mine associate I coulde not goe : and
that we stood in neede of two seruants at the least, to attend vpon
vs, because, if one should chance to fall sicke, we could not be
without another. Then returning vnto the court, he told these 30
sayings vnto Baatu. And Baatu commanded saying : let the two
Priests and the interpreter goe together, but let the clearke returne
vnto Sartach. And comming againe vnto vs, hee tolde vs euen so.
And when I would haue spoken for the clearke to haue had him
with vs, he saide : No more words : for Baatu hath resolued, 35
that so it shall be, and therefore I dare not goe vnto the court any
more. Goset the clearke had remaining of the almes money
bestowed vpon him, 26. Yperperas, and no more ; 10. whereof he
kept for himselfe and for the lad, and 1 6. he gaue vnto the man of
God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares : he 40
returning vnto the court of Sartach, and our selues remaining still
in the same place.

NAVIGATIONS, etc.

221

They trauell
fiue weekes
by the banke
of Etilia.

[p. Ill]

Hungarians.

Of our iourney towards the Court of Mangu Can.

Chap. 22.

VPon Assumption euen our clearke arriued at the court of
Sartach. And on the morrow after, the Nestorian Priestes
5 were adorned with our vestments in the presence of the saide
Sartach. Then wee our selues were conducted vnto anbther
hoste, who was appointed to prouide vs houseroome, victualles,
and horses. But because wee had not ought to bestowe vpon
him, hee did all things vntowardly for vs. Then wee rode on for-

lo warde with Baatu, descending along by the banke of Etilia, for the
space of fiue weekes together : Sometimes mine associate was so
extremelie hungric, that hee would tell mee in a manner weeping,
that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in
all his life before. There is a faire or market following the court

15 of Baatu at all times : but it was so farre distant from vs that we
could I not haue recourse thereunto. For wee were constrained to
walke on foote for want of horses. At length certaine Hungarians
(who had sometime bene after a sort Cleargie men) found vs out :
and one of them could as yet sing many songs without booke, and

20 was accompted of other Hungarians as a Priest, and was sent for
vnto the funerals of his deceased countrey men. There was
another of them also pretily wel instructed in his Grammer : for
hee could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that wee spake,
but could not answere vs. These Hungarians were a great

25 comfort vnto vs, bringing vs Cosmos to drinke, yea, and some-
times flesh for to eate also : who, when they requested to haue
some bookes of vs, and I had not any to giue them (for indeede
we had none but onely a Bible, and a breuiarie) it grieued mee
exceedingly. And I saide vnto them : Bring mee some inke and

30 paper, and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here :
and they did so. And I copied out for them Horas beatae
Virginis, and Officium defunctorum. Moreouer, vpon a certaine
day, there was a Comanian that accompanied vs, saluting vs in AComanian,
Latine, and saying : Saluete Domini. Wondering thereat and

35 saluting him againe, I demaunded of him, who had taught him
that kinde of salutation ? Hee saide that hee was baptized in
Hungaria by our Friers, and that of them hee learned it. He
saide moreouer, that Baatu had enquired many things of him
concerning vs, and that hee tolde him the estate of our order.

40 Afterwarde I sawe Baatu riding with his companie, and all his

222

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

A loumey

subiects that were housholders or masters of families riding with
him, and (in mine estimation) they were not fiue hundred persons
in all. At length about the ende of Holy roode, there came
a certaine rich Moal vnto vs (whose father was a Millenarie, which
is a great office among them) saying : I am the man that must 5
conduct you vnto Mangu-Can, and wee haue thither a iourney of
from'vdga!* foure moneths long to trauell, and there is such extreame colde in
those parts, that stones and trees doe euen riue asunder in regarde
thereof. Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your
selues, whether you be able to indure it or no. Vnto whome I 10
answered : I hope by Gods helpe that we shalbe able to brooke
that which other men can indure. Then he saide : if you cannot
indure it, I wil forsake you by the way. And I answered him : it
were not iust dealing for you so to doe : for wee goe not thither
vpon anie businesse of our owne, but by reason that we are sent 15
by your lord. \Vherfore sithence we are committed vnto your
charge, you ought in no wise to forsake vs. Then he saide : all
shalbe well. Afterward he caused vs to shewe him all our
garments : and whatsoeuer hee deemed to be lesse needfull for vs,
he willed vs to leaue it behind in the custodie of our hoste. On 20
the morrow they brought vnto ech of vs a furred gowne, made all
of rammes skinnes, with the wool stil vpon them, and breeches of
the same, and bootes also or buskins according to their fashion,
and shooes made of felt, and hoods also made of skinnes after their
maner. The second day after Holy rood, we began to set forward 25
on our iourney, hauing three guides to direct vs : and we rode
continually Eastward, till the feast of All Saints. Throughout all
that region, and beyonde also did the people of Changle inhabite,
who were by parentage descended from the Romanes. Vpon the
North side of vs, wee had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, 30
the foresaid Caspian sea.

The i6. of
September.

46. dayes.

Or, Kan-
gitUE.

Or, laic.

laic twelue
dayes
iourney
from Volga.
Pascatir.

Of the riuer of lagac : and of diuers regions or
nations. Chap. 23.

HAuing traueiled twelue dayes iourney from Etilia, wee found
a mightie riuer called lagac : which riuer issuing out of 35
the North, from the land of Pascatir, descSdeth into the foresaid
sea. The language of Pascatir, and of the Hungarians is all one,
and they are all of them shepheards, not hauing any cities. And
their countrey bordereth vpon Bulgaria the greater, on the West
frontier thereof. From the Northeast part of the said countrey, 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 223

there is no citie at all. For Bulgaria the greater is the farthest
countrey that way, that hath any citie therein. Out of the fore-
named region of Pascatir, proceeded the Hunnes of olde time,
who afterwarde were called Hungarians. Next vnto it is Bulgaria The
5 the greater. Isidore reporteth concerning the people of this descfndeT*
nation, that with swift horses they trauersed the impregnable Ba&cirdes.
walles and bounds of Alexander, (which, together with the rocks
of Caucasus, serued to restraine those barbarous and blood-thirstie
people from inuading the regions of the South) insomuch that

10 they had tribute paied vnto them, as farre as ^gypt. Likewise they
wasted all countreis euen vnto France. Whereupon they were more
mightie then the Tartars as yet are. And vnto them the Blacians,
the Bulgarians, and the Vandals ioyned themselues. For out of
Bulgaria the greater, came those Bulgarians. Moreouer, they Vaiachians.

15 which inhabit beyond Danubius, neere vnto Constantinople, and
not farre from Pascatir, are called Ilac, which (sauing the pro-
nCiciation) is al one with Blac, (for the Tartars cannot pronounce
the letter B) from whom also descended the people which inhabit
the land of Assani. For they are both of thS called Ilac (both

20 these, & the other) in y* languages of the Russians, y^ Polonians,

&: the Bohemians. | The Sclauonians speake all one language [p. II2]
with the Vandals, all which banded themselues with the Hunnes :
and now for the most part, they vnite themselues vnto the Tartars :
who God hath raised vp from the vtmost partes of the earth,

25 according to that which the Lord saith : I will prouoke them to Deut. 32.
enuy (namely such as keepe not his Law) by a people, which is no Rom. 10.
people, and by a foolish nation will I anger them. This prophecie ^' '''
is fulfilled, according to the literal sense thereof, vpon all nations
which obserue not the Law of God. All this which I haue written

30 concerning the land of Pascatir, was told me by certaine Friers
predicants, which trauailed thither before euer the Tartars came
abroad. And from that time they were subdued vnto their neigh-
bors the Bulgarians being Saracens, whereupon many of them
proued Saracens also. Other matters concerning this people, may

35 be known out of Chronicles. For it is manifest, that those pro-
uinces beyond Constantinople, which are now called Bulgaria,
Valachia, & Sclauonia, were of old time prouinces belonging to
the Greekes. Also Hungaria was heretofore called Pannonia.
And wee were riding ouer the land of Cangle, from the feast of Cangie an

40 Holy roode, vntill the feast of All Saints : traueiling almost euery countrey.'^
day (according to mine estimation) as farre, as from Paris to
Orleans, and sometimes farther, as we were prouided of poste
horses : for some dayes we had change of horses twise or thrise in

nuers.

224 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

a day. Sometimes we trauailed two or three daies together, not
finding any people, and then we were constrained not to ride so
fast. Of 20. or 30. horses we had alwayes the woorst, because
wee were strangers. For euery one tooke their choice of the best
horses before vs. They prouided mee alwaies of a strong horse, 5
because I was very corpulent & heauy : but whether he ambled
a gentle pase or no, I durst not make any question. Neither yet
durst I complaine, although he trotted full sore. But euery man
must be contented with his lot as it fell. Whereupon wee were
exceedingly troubled : for oftentimes our horses were tired before 10
we could come at any people. And then wee were constrained to
beate and whip on our horses, and to lay our garments vpon other
emptie horses : yea and sometimes two of vs to ride vpon one
horse.

Of the hunger, and thirst, and other miseries, which 15
wee sustained in our iourney. Chap. 24.

jF hunger and thirst, colde and wearinesse, there was no end.
For they gaue vs no victuals, but onely in the euening. In
the morning they vsed to giue vs a little drinke, or some sodden
Millet to sup off. In the euening they bestowed flesh vpon vs, as 20
namely, a shoulder and breast of rams mutton, and euery man
a measured quantitie of broath to drinke. When we had sufficient
of the fiesh-broath, we were maruellously wel refreshed. And it
seemed to me most pleasant, and most nourishing drinke. Euery
Saterday I remained fasting vntil night, without eating or drinking 25
of ought. And when night came, I was constrained, to my great
grief and sorow, to eat flesh. Sometimes we were faine to eate
flesh halfe sodden, or almost rawe, and all for want of fewel to
seethe it withal : especially when we lay in the fields, or were
benighted before we came at our iourneis end : because we could 30
not then conueniently gather together the doung of horses or oxS :
for other fewel we found but seldome, except perhaps a few thornes
Certaine in some placcs. Likewise vpon the bankes of some riuers, there
are woods growing here and there. Howbeit they are very rare.
In the beginning our guide highly disdained vs, and it was tedious 35
vnto him to conduct such base fellowes. Afterward, when he
began to know vs somewhat better, he directed vs on our way by
the courts of rich Moals, and we were requested to pray for them.
Wherefore, had I caried a good interpreter with me, I should haue
had opportunitie to haue done much good. The foresaid Chingis, 40

NAVIGATIONS, ETC.

225

who was the first great Can or Emperour of the Tartars, had foure
sonnes, of whome proceeded by naturall descent many children,
euery one of which doeth at this day enioy great possessions :
and they are daily multiplied and dispersed ouer that huge and
5 waste desert, which is, in dimensions, like vnto the Ocean Sea.
Our guide therefore directed vs, as we were going on our iourney,
vnto many of their habitations. And they marueiled exceedingly,
that we would receiue neither gold, nor siluer, nor precious and
costly garments at their hands. They inquired also, concerning

10 the great Pope, whether he was of so lasting an age as they had
heard ? For there had gone a report among them, that he was
500. yeeres olde. They inquired likewise of our countreis, whether
there were abundance of sheep, oxen, & horses or no? Con-
cerning the Ocean sea, they could not coceiue of it, because it was

15 without limits or banks. Vpon the euen of y^ feast of Al Saints,
we forsook the way leading towards the East, (because the people
were now descended very much South) and we went on our
iourney by certaine Alpes, or mountaines directly Southward, for
the space of 8. dayes together. In the foresaid desert I saw many

20 asses (which they cal Colan) being rather like vnto mules : these
did our guide &: his companions chase very eagerly : howbeit, they
did but lose their labour : for the beastes were two swift for them.
Vpon the 7. day there appeared to the South of vs huge high
I mountaines, and we entred into a place which was well watered,

25 and fresh as a garden, and found land tilled and manured. The
eight day after the feast of All Saints, we arriued at a certain towne
of the Saracens, named Kenchat, the gouernour whereof met our
guide at the townes end with ale and cups. For it is their maner
at all townes and villages, subiect vnto them, to meet the mes-

30 sengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meate and drinke. At the
same time of the yere, they went vpon the yce in that countrey.
And before the feast of S. Michael, we had frost in the desert. I
enquired the name of that prouince : but being now in a strange
territorie, they could not tell mee the name thereof, but onely

35 the name of a very smal citie in the same prouince. And there
descended a great riuer downe from the mountaines, which watered
the whole region, according as the inhabitants would giue it
passage, by making diuers chanels and sluces : neither did this
riuer exonerate it selfe into any sea, but was swallowed vp by an

40 hideous gulfe into the bowels of the earth : and it caused many
fennes or lakes. Also I saw many vines, and dranke of the wine
thereof.

Eight dayes

iourney

southward.

Asses swift
of foote.

High
mountaines.

[P- 113]

Manured
grounds.

Kenchat a
village of the
Saracens.

The 7. day of
Nouember.

A great
riuer.

Many lakes.
Vines.

226 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

How Ban was put to death : and concerning the
habitation of the Dutch men. Chap. 25.

A cottage. 'T^He day following, we came vnto another cottage neere vnto
The mou- X the mountains. And I enquired what mountains they were,
Cauc^us which I vnderstood to be the mountains of Caucasus, which are 5
are extended strctchcd forth, & Continued on both parts to the sea, from the

vnto the ' '■

Es^teme West vnto the East : and on the West part they are conioyned

Thecitieof vnto the foresaid Caspian sea, wherinto the riuer of Volga dis-

^Mitoias. chargeth his streams. I enquired also of the city of Talas, wherein

Frier were certaine Dutchmen seruants vnto one Buri, of whom Frier 10

Andrew. . ^ . , , _ . ,

Andrew made mention. Concernmg whom also I enquired very
diligently in the courts of Sartach & Baatu. Howbeit I could
haue no intelligence of them, but onely that their lord & master
Ban was put to death vpon the occasion following : This Ban was
not placed in good and fertile pastures. And vpon a certain day 15
being drunken, he spake on this wise vnto his men. Am not I of
the stocke and kinred of Chingis Can, as well as Baatu ? (for in
very deede he was brother or nephew vnto Baatu.) Why then doe
I not passe and repasse vpon the banke of Etilia, to feed my cattel
there, as freely as Baatu himselfe doeth ? Which speeches of his 20
were reported vnto Baatu. Whereupon Baatu wrote vnto his
seruants to bring their Lorde bound vnto him. And they did so.
Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such
words ? And hee confessed that he had. Howbeit, (because it is
the Tartars maner to pardon drunken men) he excused himselfe 25
that he was drunken at the same time. Howe durst thou (quoth
Baatu) once name mee in thy drunkennesse ? And with that hee
caused his head to be chopt off. Concerning the foresaid Dutch-
men, I could not vnderstand ought, till I was come vnto the court
of Mangu-Can. And there I was informed that Mangu-Can had 3°
remoued them out of the iurisdiction of Baatu, for the space of a
moneths iourney from Talas Eastward, vnto a certaine village.
The village called Bolac : where they are set to dig gold, and to make armour.

ofBolac. ■' o o '

\Vhereupon I could neither goe nor come by them. I passed
very neere the saide citie in going forth, as namely, within three 35
dayes iourney thereof : but I was ignorant that I did so : neither
could I haue turned out of my way, albeit I had knowen so much.
From the foresaide cottage we went directly Eastward, by the
mountaines aforesaid. And from that time we trauailed among
the people of Mangu-Can, who in all places sang and daunced 40

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 227

before our guide, because hee was the messenger of Baatu. For
this curtesie they doe affoord eche to other : namely, the people
of Mangu-Can receiuing the messengers of Baatu in maner
aforesaide : and so likewise the people of Baatu intertaining the
5 messengers of Mangu-Can. Notwithstanding the people of Baatu He entreth
are more surlie and stoute, and shewe not so much curtesie vnto ler^itorfesof
the subiectes of Mangu-Can, as they doe vnto them. A fewe ^'^"g^-Can.

■^ •' Certain

dayes after, wee entered vpon those Alpes where the Cara Aipes

Catayans were woont to inhabite. And there wee found a mightie the Cara

10 riuer : insomuch that wee were constrained to imbarke our selues, inhabited.

and to saile ouer it. Afterward we came into a certaine valley, 4 mighty

•' ' nuer.

where I saw a castle destroyed, the walles whereof were onely of
mudde : and in that place the ground was tilled also. And Ground
there wee founde a certaine village, named Equius, wherein were Equius.

15 Saracens, speaking the Persian language : howbeit they dwelt an
huge distance from Persia. The day following, hauing passed
ouer the foresaide Alpes which descended from the great moun-
tains Southward, we entred into a most beautiful plaine, hauing
high mountaines on our right hande, and on the left hande of vs

20 a certaine Sea or lake, which containeth fifteene dayes iourney in a lake of

.... ,. , , fifteene

circuite. All the foresayde plame is most commodiously watered dayes
with certaine freshets distilling from the said mountaines, all which compalse.
do fall into the lake. In Sommer time wee returned by the North
shore of the saide lake, and there were great mountaines on that

25 side also. Vpon the forenamed plaine there were wont to bee great
store of villages : but for the most part they were all wasted, in
regarde of the fertile pastures, that the Tartars might | feede their [p. II4]
cattel there. Wee found one great citie there named Cailac, Caiiaca
wherein was a mart, and great store of Merchants frequenting it. fnd^fuTi'cTf

30 In this citie wee remained fifteene dayes, staying for a certaine "^^'^'^ ^"'^'
Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu, who ought to haue accompanied
our guide for the dispatching of certaine affaires in the court of
Mangu. All this countrey was wont to be called Organum : and
the people thereof had their proper language, and their peculiar

35 kinde of writing. But it was altogether inhabited of the people

called Contomanni. The Nestorians likewise in those parts vsed Contomanni.
the very same kinde of language and writing. They are called
Organa, because they were wont to be most skilfuU in playing
vpon the Organes or citherne, as it was reported vnto me. Here

40 first did I see worshippers of idoles, concerning whom, bee it
knowen vnto your maiestie, that there be many sects of them in
the East countries.

15-

228 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

How the Nestorians, Saracens, and Idolaters are
ioyned together. Chap. 26.
The people 'T^Hc first sort of thesc idolaters are called lugures : whose

called

idolaters.

lugures J_ land bordereth vpon the foresaid land of Organum, within

the said mountains Eastward : and in al their cities Nestorians 5
do inhabit together, and they are dispersed likewise towards Persia
in the cities of the Saracens. The citizens of y* foresaid city of
Cailac had 3. idole-Temples : and I entred into two of them, to
beholde their foolish superstitions. In the first of which I found
a man hauing a crosse painted with ink vpo his hand, wherupon 10
I supposed him to be a Christian : for he answered like a Christian
vnto al questions which I demanded of him. And I asked him,
Why therefore haue you not the crosse with the image of lesu
Christ therupon ? And he answered : We haue no such custome.
Whereupon I coniectured that they were indeede Christians : but, 15
that for lacke of instruction they omitted the foresaide ceremonie.
For I saw there behind a certaine chest (which was vnto them
in steed of an altar, whereupon they set candles and oblations) an
image hauing wings like vnto the image of Saint Michael, and
other images also, holding their fingers, as if they would blesse 20
some body. That euening I could not find any thing els. For
the Saracens doe onely inuite men thither, but they will not haue
them speake of their religion. And therfore, when I enquired of
the Saracens concerning such ceremonies, they were offended
thereat. On the morrow after were the Kalends, and the Saracens 25
feast of Passeouer. And changing mine Inne or lodging the
same day, I tooke vp mine abode neere vnto another idole-
Temple. For the citizens of the said citie of Cailac doe curteously
inuite, & louingly intertaine all messengers, euery man of them
according to his abilitie and portion. And entring into the fore- 30
said idole-Temple, I found the Priests of the said idoles there.
For alwayes at the Kalends they set open their Temples, and the
priests adorne themselues, and offer vp the peoples oblations of
bread and fruits. First therefore I will describe vnto you those
rites and ceremonies, which are common vnto all their idole- 35
Temples : and then the superstitions of the foresaid lugures, which
be, as it were, a sect distinguished from the rest. They doe all of
them worship towards the North, clapping their hands together,
and prostrating themselues on their knees vpon y^ earth, holding
also their foreheads in their hands. Wherupon the Nestorians of 40
those parts will in no case ioyne their hands together in time of

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 229 '

prayer : but they pray, displaying their hands before their breasts.
They extend their Temples in length East and West : and vpon
the North side they build a chamber, in maner of a Vestry for
themselues to goe forth into. Or sometimes it is otherwise. If it
5 be a foure square Temple, in the midst of the Temple towards the
North side therof, they take in one chamber in that place where
the quire should stand. And within the said chamber they place
a chest long and broad like vnto a table : and behinde the saide
chest towardes the South stands their principall idole : which I

10 sawe at Caracarum, and it was as bigge as the idole of Saint
Christopher. Also a certaine Nestorian priest, which had bin in Frier
Catay, saide that in that countrey there is an idole of so huge was at
a bignes, that it may be seen two daies iourney before a man come »^<=*™°*'
at it. And so they place other idoles round about the foresaid

15 principal idole, being all of them finely gilt ouer with pure golde :
and vpon the saide chest, which is in manner of a table, they set
candles and oblations. The doores of their Temples are alwayes
opened towards the South, contrary to the custome of the
Saracens. They haue also great belles like vnto vs. And that is

20 the cause (as I thinke) why the Christians of the East will in no
case vse great belles. Notwithstanding they are common among
the Russians, and Grecians of Gasaria.

Of their Temples and idoles : and howe they
behaue themselues in worshipping their false gods.
25 Chap. 27.

A LI their Priests had their heads and beards shauen quite ouer :
1\. and they are clad in saffron coloured garments : and being
once shauen, they lead an vnmaried life from that time forward :
I and they Hue an hundreth or two hundreth of them together in [p. II5]

30 one cloister or couent. Vpon those dayes when they enter into
their temples, they place two long foormes therein : and so sitting
vpon the sayd foormes like singing men in a quier, namely the one
halfe of them directly ouer against the other, they haue certaine
books in their hands, which sometimes they lay downe by them Bookes.

35 vpon the foormes : and their heads are bare so long as they
remaine in the temple. And there they reade softly vnto them-
selues, not vttering any voice at all. Whereupon comming in
amongst them, at the time of their superstitious deuotions, and
finding them all siting mute in maner aforesayde, I attempted

40 diuers waies to prouoke them vnto speach, and yet could not by

230

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

Paper.
So do the
people of
China vse
to write,
drawing
their lines
perpe-
dicularly
downward,
& not as
we doe from
the right
hand to the
lefte.

any means possible. They haue with them also whithersoeuer
they goe, a certaine string with an hundreth or two hundreth
nutshels thereupon, much like to our bead-roule which we cary
about with vs. And they doe alwayes vtter these words : On
mam Hactani, (iod thou knowest : as one of them expounded it 5
vnto me. And so often doe they expect a reward at Gods hands,
as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God. Round
about their temple they doe alwayes make a faire court, like vnto
a churchyard, which they enuiron with a good wall : and vpon the
South part thereof they build a great portal, wherein they sit and 10
conferre together. And vpon the top of the said portall they
pitch a long pole right vp, exalting it, if they can, aboue all the
whole towne besides. And by the same pole all men may knowe,
that there stands the temple of their idoles. These rites and
ceremonies aforesayd be common vnto all idolaters in those parts. 15
Going vpon a time towardes the foresayd idole-temple, I found
certain priests sitting in the outward portal. And those which I
sawe, seemed vnto me, by their shauen beards, as if they had bene
French men. They wore certaine ornaments vpon their heads
made of paper. The priestes of the foresaide lugures doe vse 20
such attire whithersoeuer they goe. They are alwaies in their
saffron coloured iackets, which be very straight being laced or
buttened from the bosome right downe, after the French fashion.
And they haue a cloake vpon their left shoulder descending before
and behind vnder their right arme, like vnto a deacon carying the 25
houssel-boxe in time of lent. Their letters or kind of writing the
Tartars did receiue. They begin to write at the top of their paper
drawing their lines right downe : and so they reade and multiply
their lines from the left hand to the right. They doe vse certaine
papers and characters in their magical practises. Whereupon their 30
temples are full of such short scroules hanged round about them.
Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters vnto your Maiestie written in
the language of the Moals or Tartars, and in the foresayd hand or
letter of the lugures. They burne their dead according to the
anncient custome, and lay vp the ashes in the top of a Pyramis. 35
Now, after I had sit a while by the foresaid priests, and entred
into their temple and seene many of their images both great and
small, I demanded of them what they beleeued concerning God ?
And they answered : We beleeue that there is onely one God.
And I demaunded farther : Whether do you beleue that he is 40
a spirit, or some bodily substance ? They saide : We beleeue that
he is a spirite. Then said I : Doe you beleeue that God euer
tooke mans nature vpon him ? They answered : Noe. And

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 231

againe I saide : Sithence ye beleeue that he is a spirit, to what end
doe you make so many bodily images to represent him ? Sithence
also you beleeue not that hee was made man : why doe you
resemble him rather vnto the image of a man then of any other
5 creature ? Then they answered saying : we frame not those images
whereby to represent God. But when any rich man amongst vs,
or his Sonne, or his wife, or any of his friends deceaseth, hee
causeth the image of the dead party to be made, and to be placed
here : and we in remembrance of him doe reuerence thereunto.

10 Then I replyed : you doe these things onely for the friendship and
flatterie of men. Noe (said they) but for their memory. Then
they demanded of me, as it were in scoffing wise : Where is God ?
To whom I answered : where is your soule ? They said, in our
bodies. Then saide I, is it not in euery part of your bodie, ruling

15 and guiding the whole bodie, and yet notwithstanding is not scene
or perceiued ? Euen so God is euery where and ruleth all things,
and yet is he inuisible, being vnderstanding and wisedome it selfe.
Then being desirous to haue had some more conference with
them, by reason, that mine interpreter was weary, and not able to

20 expresse my meaning, I was constrained to keepe silence. The
Moals or Tartars are in this regard of their sect : namely they
beleeue that there is but one God : howbeit they make images of
felt, in remSbrance of their deceased friends, couering them with
fiue most rich and costly garments, and putting them into one or

25 two carts, which carts no man dare once touch : and they are in
the custody of their soothsayers, who are their priests, concerning
whom I will giue your Highnesse more at large to vijderstand
hereafter. These soothsayers or diuiners do alwaies attend vpon
the court of Mangu and of other great personages. As for the

30 poorer or meaner sorte, they haue them not, but such onely as are
of the stocke and kindred of Chingis. And when they are to
remoue or to take any iourney, the said diuiners goe before them,
euen as the cloudie piller went before the children of Israel. And
they appoint ground where the tents must be pitched, and first of

35 al they take down their | owne houses : & after them the whole [p. II6]
court doth the like. Also vpon their festiual daies or kalends
they take forth the foresayd images, and place them in order
round, or circle wise within the house. Then come the Moals or
Tartars, and enter into the same house, bowing themselues before

40 the said images and worship them. Moreouer, it is not lawfull
for any stranger to enter into that house. For vpon a certaine
time I my selfe would haue gone in, but I was chidden full well
for my labour.

232

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES,

The

countrey of
Prcsbiter
lohn.

Tangut.

Strange
oxen.

The people
ofTebet.

Abundance
of golde.

Of diuers and sundry nations : and of certaine

people which were wont to eate their owne parents.

Chap. 28.

BVt the foresayd lugures (who Hue among the Christians, and
the Saracens) by their sundry disputations, as I suppose,
haue bene brought vnto this, to beleeue, that there is but one
onely God. And they dwelt in certaine cities, which afterward
were brought in subiection vnto Chingis Can : whereupon he gaue
his daughter in mariage vnto their king. Also the citie of
Caracarum it selfe is in a manner within their territory : and the
whole countrey of king or Presbyter lohn, & of his brother Vut
lyeth neere vnto their dominions : sauing, that they inhabite in
certaine pastures Northward, and the sayde lugures betweene the
mountaines towardes the South. Whereupon it came to passe,
that the Moals receiued letters from them. And they are the
Tartars principall scribes : & al the Nestorians almost can skill of
their letters. Next vnto them, between the foresaid mountaines
Eastward, inhabiteth the nation of Tangut, who are a most valiant
people, and tooke Chingis in battell. But after the conclusion of
a league hee was set at libertie by them, and afterward subdued
them. These people of Tangut haue oxen of great strength, with
tailes like vnto horses, and with long shagge haire vpon their backes
and bellyes. They haue legges greater then other oxen haue, and
they are exceedingly fierce. These oxen dr^we the great houses
of the Moals : and their homes are slender, long, streight, and
most sharpe pointed : insomuch that their owners are faine to cut
off the endes of them. A cowe will not suffer her selfe to be
coupled vnto one of them, vnles they whistle or sing vnto her.
They haue also the qualities of a Buffe : for if they see a man
clothed in red, they run vpon him immediately to kill him. Next
vnto them are the people of Tebet, men which were wont to eate
the carkases of their deceased parents : that for pities sake, they
might make no other sepulchre for them, then their owne bowels.
Howbeit of late they haue left off this custome, because that
thereby they became abominable and odious vnto al other nations.
Notwithstanding vnto this day they make fine cups of the skuls of
their parents, to the ende that when they drinke out of them, they
may amidst all their iollities and delights call their dead parents
to remembrance. This was tolde mee by one that saw it. The
sayd people of Tebet haue great plentie of golde in their land.

NAVIGATIONS, etc. 233

Whosoeuer therefore wanteth golde, diggeth till he hath found
some quantitie, and then taking so much thereof as will serue his
turne, he layeth vp the residue within the earth : because, if he
should put it into his chest or storehouse, hee is of opinion that
5 God would withholde from him all other gold within the earth.
I sawe some of those people, being very deformed creatures. In
Tangut I saw lusty tall men, but browne and swart in colour.
The lugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men. J/^^l'^g^"^^^
Amongst the lugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish, and "'^ J*"8ut.
10 Comanian languages. Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa lugures.
and Solanga, whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court. And |^i"^g*
they had brought more then ten great cartes with them, euery one
of which was drawen with sixe oxen. They be little browne men The people

of Solanga

like vnto Spaniards. Also they haue lackets, like vnto the vpper resemble

IS vestment of a deacon, sauing that the sleeues are somewhat
streighter. And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops.
But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the
hinder part : neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe :
but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a

20 kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme
heat, and is so trimmed, that it glittereth in the sunne beames,
like vnto a glasse, or an helmet well burnished. And about their
temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto
their miters, which houer in the wind, as if two long homes grewe

25 out of their heads. And when the winde tosseth them vp and
downe too much, they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from
one temple to another : and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their
heads. Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the
Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite

30 in length, and a handfull in breadth, being very smoothe. And a taWe of

, , , , ^ ' °. ^^ elephants

whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe, or vnto any tooth,
other great personage, hee alwayes beheld that table, as if hee had
found therein those things which hee spake : neither did he cast
his eyes to the right hand, nor to the lefte, nor vpon his face, with

35 whom he talked. Yea, going too and fro before his lord, he
looketh no where but only vpon his table. Beyond the (as I
vnderstand of a certainty) there are other | people called Muc, [p. 1 17]
hauing villages, but no one particular man of them appropriating The people
any cattell vnto himselfe. Notwithstanding there are many flockes '^^"^'^ ^*"'^*

40 and droues of cattell in their countrey, & no man appointed to
keepe them. But when any one of them standeth in neede of
any beast, hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill, and there maketh a
shout, and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse,

234 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

come flocking about him, and suffer themselues to be handled and
taken, as if they were tame. And when any messenger or stranger
commeth into their countrie, they shut him vp into an house,
ministring there things necessary vnto him, vntill his businesse
be dispatched. For if anie stranger should trauell through that 5
countrie, the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him, and
Great SO would bccomc wildc. Beyond Muc is great Cathaya, the

inhabitants whereof (as I suppose) were of olde time, called Seres.
For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke. And
this people is called Seres of a certain towne in the same countrey. 10
I was crediblie informed, that in the said countrey, there is one
towne hauing walles of siluer, and bulwarkes or towers of golde.
There be many prouinces in that land, the greater part whereof
are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars. And amongst*

Soninuhat is wanting. 15

Cathaya.

235

NOTES.

§ I. Extracts from Geoffrey of Monmouth, Lambarde
AND Bede. pp. I — 4.

The page numbers in the middle of the text, in square brackets, refer to
Hakkiyt's original edition : the page and line numbers in the margins refer to
the present volume.

[p. 1]

1. Anno Christi 517, etc.: the text of Geoffrey of Monmouth, Book ix. p. 1 1. 13
ch. 10, both in the Heidelberg edition of 1587, p. 67, from which Hak. cites,

in the Oxford edition (ed. Giles, 1844) and in that of Halle (ed. A. Schulz,
1854), does not give the first line of Hak.'s quotation. Anno Chnsti...anno,
which appears to be a gratuitous addition of the Elizabethan compiler; but
begins adveniente. ..sequenti aestate. ..snbhigatis itaqtie totitis Hiberniae. See the
text of Geoffrey, ed. Commelin, on pp. i — 92 of the Rertim Britannicanivi...
Scriptores, Heidelberg, 1587; this was the second printed edition; the first
was brought out at Paris in 1 508 and edited by Ascensius and Cavellatus.

For Gotlandiae Heidelberg reads Gcdlandiae ; Halle, Gothlandiae.

For Gunfacitis Heidelb., p. 67, and Halle, read Gtinfasius.

See the notes in the Halle edition, p. 382, which notices the forms
Giinnasius, Grynvas, Gonvals, etc.

2. Missis deinde...Legatis€iz.: Hak. here transcribes with even more than p. 2 1,8
his usual carelessness. Heidelb. reads (pp. 69 — 70) Hiberniae iox Hyherniae\
Godlandiae iox Gotlandiae; Gunuasius iox Gnnnasius; Orcadiim iox Orchadum ;
No}-wegiae for Norvegiae ; Dacoriini for Danorum.

See the notes to Geoffrey ix. 12, on pp. 388, 391, 392 of the Halle edition,
which notices the forms Islonl; Doldav, Dolvan, Doldonitis; Godland,
Ysgottlant, Gelandia; Gtiillamnrius, Gillomanins; Aschillius, Aciliiis, Achel,
Ethel; etc.

3. At reges, etc. :

Much the same variants occur here in Heidelb. p. 73 {Geoffrey text. Book IX. I. 23

ch. 19) e.g. Hiberniae for Hyberniae, Godlandiae for Gotlandiae, N^onvegiae
for Norvegiae, etc. Halle (p. 396) notes the forms Iverdon, Ork, Islont,
Ysgotlont, etc., as before. It is curious that Hak. should have begun his
great collection with GeofTrey's and Lambarde's legends, when we remember
that he attempted rigorously to exclude from the final edition of the Principal
Navigations anything that seemed (like David Ingram's narrative of his American
wanderings after Hawkins' disaster at S. Juan d'Ulua) to be even in part
untrustworthy and exaggerated. From the first Geoffrey's fabrications had
been denounced (as by William of Newbury), but Hak. swallows the whole.

236 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

[p. a]

p. 3 1.3 4. ^l/.Zaw^izrt/ A»> 'Ap^cotovoyu/o: Hak.'s citation from William Lambarde's

'Apxo-iovdfiia si7'e de priscis Anglomm Ugihus (London, 1568) fol. 137 (verso;
i.e. Hak.'s/fl^. 2) differs from the text he copies, in reading, e.g. Britanniae
for Brytanniae; Britonum for Brytonum ; Stucfwidam for Snechordam (Hak.'s
Szveueltjnd; see his version below) ; Cherelam for Cherrelam ; multas iusulas
for m^' alias ins^\ omits a sentence after Norweia vacatur, viz. Fturunt
gent£s ferae... omne malum, before Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani, etc.; omits
per before coniugia etc.

In Lambarde this passage is headed De iure et appendiciis coronae regni
Brytanniae and professes to be an extract from the Leges Regis Edouardi,
quas Gulielmus Bastardus postea confirmavit {'Apx<!uov6fiia, from fol. 126
verso to end of vol., at fol. 141 verso). The words propitiquus nosier, not
translated by Hak., are therefore William the Conqueror's supposed reference
to his predecessor. In the translation, the words These people roere wild...
comtneth from the North are translated from Lanibarde's original text. They
are not in Hak.'s Latin. It is astonishing that Hak. can have taken this passage
of the 'Apx«'o*'^Mt« seriously.

p. « 1. 7

[p. a]

6. Vortiporio...Malgo\ here, in its text of Geoffrey XI. 7, Heidelb. p. 84
reads (with Halle) cui for Vortiporio [successit]; coinprouinciales for con-
proutnciales \ f/iberiiiiim iox Hy hernia m (here Halle agrees with Hak.); God-
landiam for Gotlandiam ; Norwegiam for Noruegiam.

On Malgo (Maelgwyn Gwynedd) see the note pp. 436 — 8 in Halle edition,
which notices the forms Malvus, Mailgo. In Gildas, Epistle, §§ 7 — 9, it is
Alagloeuna or Magiocune; in Nennius, History of the Britons, ch. 62, I\lail-
cunus. The historical element is greater in Malgo than in Arthur or most of
the British heroes: Maelgwyn, son of Cadwallon, I'rince of Gwynedd or North
Wales, traditionally reigned ^.x", — 547; he is bitterly reproached by Gildas for
his sins, but his prowess in anus is admitted. Denmarke is for Daciam.
'•'9 6. Eduinits etc.: after Editinus Hak. omits rex; the omitted word

appears in Heidelb., 1587, p. 180, as in other editions. For Cantuarios
Heidelb. reads Cantuariis; for Menauias, Meuanias; iox poteslati, imperio;
in all these readings, Hak. is not supported by the best Mss., which agree
with Heidelb. Cf. Plummer's text of Hede 11. 5 {Baedae Opera Historica,
Oxford, 1896, vol. 1. p. 89) where also Ednini is read for Eduinus; Nor-
danhymhroruni for A^ordanhuinbroriim ; Hittnbie for Humbri; Briitaniam for
Britanniam; Brettonum for Britonum. On the subject-matter cf. Plummer's
notes, II. 86; William of Malmesbury, Gesta Kegum, ed. Stubbs, Rolls Series,

I. 49, 50; Sigebert of Gemblours, ad ami. 628; Alcuin, De Sanctis Ebor.,

II. 120 — 124. Anglesey is usually supposed to take this name from Eadwine's
conquest here recorded : for Meuanias insulas certainly refer to Anglesey and
Man.

p. 9 1. 12 7. Anno...sexcentesimo vicesimo, etc.: in this citation of Bede ll. 9, Hak.'s

date is in the original text merely quo tempore etiam ; cf. Heidelb., pp. 182 — 183
and Plummer, I. 97. The latter reads aquilonalem for aquilonarem ; habitabat
for habitat; habitabant for habitabantiir; acciperet for acceperit, besides minor
differences and variations of name-forms {Humbre for Humbri) as noticed
before. Plummer also omits fecit after ante emu: but supports Hak. in

NOTES. 237

reading trecentarum \et tdtra\ against Heidelb.'s trecentonim. On the subject- p- •
matter see notes in Plummer's ed., 11. 94; and cf. Will. Malmesb., Gesta
Ke^s^tm, ed. Stubbs, I. 50; Orkneyiiiga Saga, pp. 70, 73.

Hak.'s trans, of Menauias insulas by Hebrides here is as strange as it is
mistaken: in the previous excerpt he rightly rendered the very same words by
Isles of Man and Anglesey. The larger and richer of the two {sitti amplior,
etc.) is Anglesey.

[p. 4]

8. Anno...sexcentesimooctogesiino,e\.c.: in this citation Hak. agrees exactly p. 7 1. 12
with the Heidelb. of 1587 (p. 145). Plummer, l. 266, makes this chap. 24
(instead of 26 as in Hak. and Heidelb.) of Book iv. and has various small
differences, e.g. Bercto for Bcrto, Ecgfrid for Ecfridus, ne for nee, etc.

On the subject-matter, cf. Plummer's notes, 11. •260 ; Chronicon Scotonim,
Rolls Series, i. 265; Anttals of Ulster, Rolls Series, 684, which last places the
English devastation in the E. part of Old Meath.

The texts of Scripture referred to by Bede here are i Cor. vi. 10, and
XV. 50.

§ 2. The Voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, c. a.d. 890.
pp. 4—6.

1. Oct her said, etc. : this narrative comes from King Alfred's Orosius, p. 8 1. 4
Book I. chap, i (Geography of Europe), near the end. It relates to the first

recorded journey to the White Sea and the Northern Dvina : it is possible,
however, that other Northmen ventured at least some way along this route
before Ohthere, cf. Beazley, Daivn of Modern Geography, 11. 31 — 34; Egil
Skallagrimson' s Saga, chaps, vii — ix. The explorer's name is best spelt
Ohthere in its Old-English form ; it is the same as the Norse Ottar (cf. the
Saga of St Olaf, ch. Ixix. In Alfred's form of it the words 'Oht' (fear) and
'Here' (army) seem to make it up: Ohthere is the reading of the Laud and
Cotton Mss.

The sentence Octher said... Helgoland is interpolated from a later part of
O.'s narrative, the beginning of the Second Voyage, as given in Hak.'s second
extract, p. 5 (foot).

A good commentary on the full text of the voyages of Ohthere and
Wulfstan, as given in ^Elfred's Orosius, may be found in Joseph Bosworth's
King Alfred's Description of Europe, 1855, pp. 7 — 22. In Hak., Wulfstan's
narrative is greatly abridged. The three voyages (Ohthere's northern ven-
ture, his southern journey, and Wulfstan's Baltic voyage) together form a
Periplus or Coast-Survey from the extreme North of Europe, and the White
Sea, round Scandinavia, to the mouth of the Vistula and the island of
Gothland.

2. Helgoland: later, at the beginning of the second Ohthere narrative 1. 5
(p. 5, at foot), Hak. spells it Halgoland: it is usually Halogaland in the Sagas

(e.g. of the Heiniskringla; cf. St Olaf's Saga ch. cxliii.), answering to
the modern Helgeland, in the S. part of the province of Norrland, in the
middle of the Trondhjem territory. Finmark was N. of it. It is a narrow
but long coastal region, separated from Sweden (at about 60 miles from the sea)
by the Kiolen mountains. In Ohthere's time it seems to have included the

238 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ETC.

p. 8 whole of the present Norrland and a part of Tromso; it is now limited to the

coast between 65° 10' N. Lat. and the immediate neighbourhood of the Arctic
circle.

The region 'where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast' refers to the
Finmark of the Sagas and of modern geography, the extremest North of the
Norwegian realm or sphere of influence. For Hak.'s /e// t'tt/o a fantasie and
desire the original says simply he 'oas desirous.

I. 18 3. Steercboord...L'ereboord: i.e. Right and Left; in the ox'xgva^ steor-bord,

and baec-bord, 'starboard' and 'backboard' or 'larboard.' ¥ or as commonly
the whale hunters vse to trauell read as the whale hunters go at the furtlust.

!• '5 4. For he knew not how farre read he kne7v not which. So, a little later,

for Hak.'s he could not tell how farre, we should read he kiuw not which.

[p- »]

1. 34 6. And at the fifth... riuer, etc.: or rather There lay a great river up in

that land (simply). This was no doubt the Northern Dvina, though other
suggestions have been or might be made e.g. the Gulf of Kola, the Ponoi, etc.
For Hak.'s At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course... turned backe
againe, for he durst not ettter thereinto read They then turned up into that
river, because they durst not sail on by that river, i.e. coast along on the other
side of it. Also for the maine ocean read a wide sea.
p. 9 1. 4 6. Biannes: in original, Beornias. See Bosworth's note 41 (p. 9 of
Alfred's Description of Europe). The coast region of the present Arkhangelsk
or Archangel Government seems always to be called Biarmland in the Sagas
(cf., in the Hcimskringla, St Olafs Saga, ch. cxliii. ; Saga of Harald Grey-
cloak, ch. xiv. and elsewhere; Egil Skallagrimson's Saga, ch. xxxvii. ; Burttt
Nial's Saga, ch. xxviii.). The modern names of Perm, Permians, Permiaks,
etc. are derived by many from the Biarms and Biannaland (or Biarmland).
Ohthere's remark is doubtless correct that the Fynnes and Biarmes speake but
one language (or rather, nearly one language). The whole of our North,
North- West, and East Russia was then peopled by Finnish tribes.

For indifferent well read well; for he was afrayd to go vpon shore read they
did not dare to come thereon.
L 6 7. The couutrey of the Tetfynnes: i.e. the present Lapland, including the
Russian Lapp or 'Murman' (Norman) coast, from Varanger Fiord to the
entrance of the White Sea.

1. 1 1 8. Hr' was tu)t vpon land, nor: an addition of Hak.'s.

1. 15 9. For the more commoditie...horsewhales, etc.: the text really says here

that Ohthere's chief purpose was to see the country, and, besides this, to
prospect for walrus fishing ('on account of the hors-hwaels^ ; the last word is
a version of hwal-ros, 'whale-horse,' the Russian 'morse,' the W. European
'walrus'). These animals have never, within historical times, been noticed
as numerous in the Baltic, but were and are common enough along the
Lapland coast.

On walrus and whale-measurements (modern figures compared with
Ohthere's), cf. Bosworth, Alfred's... Europe, notes 44 — 45, pp. 9 — 11.

1. 23 10- Some be 48 elks. ..and some 50: read some are 48 ells and most

50. Ohthere's asserted feat of killing 60 of these largest whales, with five
companions, in two days (not three days, as in Hak.) is considered by most
people now to be a rather tall story. Cp. Bosworth, Alfred'' s... Europe, note 46.

1.28 H- Tame Deere: in ongina.\ unsold tame deer. After wherein the wealth

NOTES. 239

of that countrey doth comist the original adds, that is, in wild deer. For stall p. 9
Hane Deere modern English would say decoy rein-deer.

12. After 10 kine Hak. omits and 20 sheep. !• 3*

13. Richest.. .one Beare: in original one bear-skin. For bushels, the 1. 38
original has ambers, which is about the same measure ; for a coat of a Beares

skintie, read a bear- or otter-skin kirtle.

14. Countrey of Norway... small: in original Northmen's land... narrow, p. lO 1. i
for in some places inhabited by the Fynnes the original has the Finns inhabit

these mountains.

18. For South read East (twice). The measurement of threescore miles is '• 7

apparently in Ohthere's own Norse reckoning; i Norse mile = 5 Anglo-Saxon
or Old English.

For smallest... it proueth not three miles from the Sea read narrowest .. .it
might be three miles broad.

16. Swethland; i.e. Sweden, in A.-S. Sweoland; the Sweons being often 1. 16
identified with the Suiones of Tacitus.

After Sweolatid the original adds to that land northwards, and defines
Cwenaland (Hak.'s Queeneland) as along that land northwards.

As to Cwena-land or Cwenland, the region of the Bothnia Gulf both E.
and W. ; the identification of the Cwen-Sea with the Gulf of Bothnia rather
than the White Sea; and Adam of Bremen's notice of the Cwens, mistaken
by him for Amazons, cf. Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, 11. 545 — 46;
Adam of Bremen, Gesta Pontificutn Hammaburg. Eccl., iii. 15; iv. 14, 17,
19, 25; Bosworth, Alfred's... Europe, notes 36, 42, which last quotes the 14th
century Icelandic description of the Duae Quenlandiae quae ulterius quant
Biarmia boream versus extendnnttir [Antiquitates Americanae, p. 290).

17. Octher...Halgoland...Hetha: this second voyage of Ohthere's was from 1. 25
his far Northern home in about 65° or 66° N. Lat. to ^t-Haethum (Schleswig,

not Wismar or Rostock as Hak. surmises) in 54^° N. Lat. It forms the second
part of the Periplus given in Alfred's Orosius, from the White Sea and the
extreme N. of Europe round Scandinavia into the Baltic up to Esthonia; of
this periplus Ohthere's Biarma-land voyage formed the first part, Ohthere's
southern voyage the second, Wulfstan's the third.

For countrey [wherein he dwelled] the original has shire {scir).

[p. •]

18. Scirings hall: in full the original reads, there is likewise a port to the !• 31
South of that land [Halogaland], called Sciringes-heal: prob. some harbour on

the W. of Christiania Fiord (very far S. of Halogaland, as Ohthere says) is
here referred to : cf. the Ynglinga Saga, ch. xlix, where ' Skaereid at Ski-
ringsal' is mentioned as if in Westfold (W. of Christiania Fiord).

The maine gulfe of the Sea which entreth into the land at Sciringes-heal is
apparently the Skager Rak and Kattegat.

For lizk.'s if he lay still by flight, alt hough... euery day, tie, the original has
if he landed at night and every day, etc.

19. Iutland...Iutland : the Cotton MS., which is the only source for the I. 35
text here, reads Iraland, and this reading is supported by Dahlmann, Forsch-

ungen, 1822, and others, but most editors read /ra/awd!' (Iceland). Assuming,
like Strabo, that Ireland lay north of Britain, or even north-west, there would be
no need to amend the (ms.) text here. There is no authority for 'Jutland.' This

240 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ETC.

p. lO cou»ire}> is Bnta'm : the Islands... bctivixt this cotintrey an J Iraland {sX. Isaland;

for Hak.'s Jutland) in any case must refer to Orkneys, Shetlands, Faroes, etc.

1. 36 20. For still along the coast of this countrey...larboord, the original has then

it is this land [i.e. Britain] until he comes to Sciringes-heal, and all the 'way on the
larboard, Norway.

1. 37 21. At Scirings hall. ..a maine gtilfe of the Sea: the original has to the

south of Sciringes-heal a very great sea : for on the other side against the same. . .
Gotland... Silland read Jutland [Gothland'\ is opposite on the other side and then
Zealand [Seelanif\. The A.-S. forms are Gotland &nd Sillende.
Cf. Bosworth, A If red's... Europe, note 56.
p. 11 1. 2 22. Many hundreth miles vp into the land', read many miles up into that
land.
1. 4 23. Hetha: in original /Et-IIeathum ; see note 17. The name is thought
to have survived in the modern Haddeby, also mentioned by the Old English
chroniclers ^thelweard and William of Malmesbury.
1. 5 24. IVemMs : i.e. Wends, Vandals, or Vinedi, the Slavs of the South
Baltic Littoral in the modem Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and Prussia.

26. For whereunto it is subiect the original has and belongs to the Danes.
1.7 26. Steereboord Denmarke...leereboord the maine sea: in original Z>tv/w<ir>6

was on his left [baecbord] and on the right [steorbord] a 7c>ide sea. Also for
Gotland on leerboord we should read Jutland [Gothland] on the right (starboard).
It has been suggested that the Denmark on the left refers to the old Danish
provinces of Halland and Scania in the extreme S. of the modern Sweden, but
there appears to be a simple mistake, of left for right, in this clause.
The comma in Hak. between before and he is certainly wrong.
It is noteworthy that i^*Llfred here makes the English [Engle] inhabit Jutland
[Gotland], Zealand [Silland or Sillende], and many [diuers other] islands, before
they came to Britain. For in that countrey we should read in these lands.
The main settlements of Engles and Saxons were usually supposed to be on the
mainland: cf. Bede, Eccl. Hist. I. 15: see also Anglo-Saxon Chronicle a.d.
449, and Procopius, Gothic War, Book IV. The mention oi Denmark {Dena-
mearc in the A.-S.) is said to be one of the first occurrences of the name.

1. 12 27. Islands... subiect to Denmarke: i.e. Moen, etc. From this it would

seem that Ohthere passed between Zealand and Moen.

1. 13 28. lVolstans...7yusco : here begins the third and last part of the northern
Periplus recorded by /Elfred. As of Ohthere, nothing is known of Wulfstan
except what is said by the West-Saxon king. Both were probably (Ohthere
certainly) Northmen who had entered /Elfred's service. Trusco is Truso on
Lake Truso or Drausen, from which the Elbing takes its course.

1. 19 29. JVenedland: in the A.-S. Artwwrf/a«^, i.e. the land of the Wends: see
note 24.

1. 20 30. Langland, Lay land... Sconie: the original has Langaland, Laeland...
Sconeg, the regions of Langland, Laaland and Sconey (Sconeg, 'the beautiful
island ').

1. 22 31. Bargenland: A.-S. Burgenda-land, i.e. Bomholm, contracted from
Burgundarholmr.

For a priuate king, modern English would say of course a king of its own.

1.24 32. Blekingie, Meere, Eland, Gotland: K.-S. Blecinga-eg,Meore, Eowland,

Gotland; by these are meant (i) Bleking province in S.W. Sweden, (2) the
Upper and Lower Moehre region in the Smaland province of Sweden,
(3) Oeland island, (4) Gothland island.

1. 17 33. Wixel: A.-S. iVisle, i.e. the Vistula (Polish Wisla, German Weichsel).

NOTES. 241

On this river in the earlier Middle Ages, cf. Jordanes (Jornandes), De reb. p. 11
Get., ch. 3.

34. Witland: the ordinary mediaeval term, at least till far on in the 1. 28

Crusading period, for a part of the province of Samland in Old Prussia. This
is said to be the first occurrence of the name. Cp. the Vithlandia of the nth
century monk Alberic.

36. Easierlings : A.-S. Estas or Este, i.e. the Esthonians. 1. 29

36. Eastmeere: A.-S. Estmere, the present Frisches Haff, now about 60 1. 30
E. miles long and from 6 to 15 miles broad.

37. Using: a misreading for Ilfing, i.e. the river Elbing in Prussia near !• 3^
Danzig. For out of another lake...Fruso read from the lake on the shore of

which stands Truso. Hak. of course should not have a comma between banke
and whereupon.

38. The wealthiest men... Mares milke: in the original the King and the p. 12 1. 5,
richest men. ..Kumiss. Cf. Adam of Bremen, Gesta Pontificum Hammaburg.

Eccl. IV. 18, on the old Prussians drinking Kumiss to intoxication. Kumiss is
most fully described in Rubruquis, pp. 227 — 8 (Recueil); see pp. 151 — 2,
192 — 3 of this vol.

Fully half of Wulfstan's narrative, following what is here printed, and
relating to the burial customs of the Esthonians, is omitted by Hak.

§ 3. King Edgar's Navigation, pp. 6 — 9.

1. The nauigation of King Edgar. ..M. Dee: the whole of this long 1. 8
extract (pp. 6 — 9) is from pp. 54 — 60 of John Dee's General and rare memo-
rials pertayning to the perfect Arte cf Navigation (1577), in which the

heading The Brytish Monarchic is given at the top of all the pages, though
not on the title page. The Colophon of Dee's book gives the date, Sept.
1577; and at the end of the vol. there is also the note Finished Anno Domini
1576, Angus to mense.

Most of Dee's side-notes are omitted by Hak., and there are many variations
of spelling and punctuation between Hak.'s copy and his original, e.g. (on p. 6
of the Principal Navigations), Christian for Christen, comfortable for cum-
fortable, might for mought, appurtenances for appeitenances, etc.

[p. 7]

2. Empire: in Dee 2L\v/2t.ys Impire; a little later Wzk.'s deuise \% altered p. 18 1. 3
from aduise; while the compiler omits Dee's gratiously before streamed dozvne,

and his me before a subiect.

3. yEdgarus, etc.: this passage occurs almost verbatim in the Flores 1. u
Historiarum [so called 'Matthew of Westminster'] A.D. 975 (cf. p. 375 of

Abp. Parker's edition of 1570, and p. 513, vol. i., in Rolls Series Edition
of 1890, by H. R. Luard. As to the number of ships, Dee, following Abp.
Parker's 1567 and 1570 editions of the text, reads quatuor millia octingentas
(which Hak. copies), but in the margin of the original edition a note reads
3600, and this is the reading of the critical edition in the Rolls Series, even
though that edition preserves the fourfold arrangement of 1200 ships which
requires a total of 4800. The present account may also be found, but with
great differences of detail, in Florence of Worcester's (Florentius Wigor-

H. l6

242 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ETC.

p. 18 niensis) Chronicon ex Chronids, A.D. 975, p. 360 of the edition of 1591 (3600

robustas sibi congregaverit naves ex quibus...onini anno 1200 in orientali, noo
in occidentali, 1200 in septentrionali insulae plaga coatiuttare...eo quo modo
Mam insulam omni aestate constuverat circumnavigare ad defensionetn contra
exteros regni sui) : see also p. 578 in the edition of Florence in the Monumenta
Historica Britannica, 1848. The whole passage in Florence is really a con-
tinuation of the epitaph quoted by Dee a little later {Anglici orbis Basileus,
etc.).

Other forms of this may be found in Higden {Kanulphus or Radulphus
Cestrensis of Hak. and Dee), Polychronicony vi. 11; and in Roger Moveden
(Annalium pars prior), p. 144, verso, of the edition of i->96, Retiim Angli-
carum Scriptores post Bedam,

The punctuation, both in Dee and Hakluyt, is confusing, but if we transfer
the comma from ducentas to naves in the second line it will be clearer.
!• ^4 4. Charts leuied: in Dee Charges hereof leuied. So a little later Dee

has excellent good uses for excellent uses, threasor for treasure, dearth or famine
for dearth of famine, vittayles for victuals, enhansed for enhaunsed.
1. 41 6. Anglici orbis Basileus, etc.: this passage, with some differences,

may be found in Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronids, edition
of 1591, under a.d. 975, p. 360 ( = p. 578 in the edition of 1848 in the
Monutnenta Historica Britannica), where after decus the text adds antecessorum
regum^ pacifcus rex and after quam puts Romulus Romanis first of the
comparisons, reading also Carolus Magnus, and after Francis a much fuller
and very different continuation, viz. ...anno aetatis...xxxn., regni autetn illius
in Mercia et Northimbria XIX., ex quo vera per totam Angliam regnavit XVI.,
indictione tertia, Vlll. Idus yulii,feria quinta, ex hoc vita transivit... Corpus...
Glastoniam delatum, etc.

Dee's citation is rather more closely represented by Higden ('Ramilphus
Cestrensis,' as Hak. rightly amends Dee's Ra</ulphus), Polychronicon, Book vi.
ch. II (vol. VII. p. 18 of Rolls Series edition) where Graecis is read for
Macedonibus, Arsaces Parthis is omitted, and vitae suae,fratre suo, Idibus, and
Glastoniam are the forms adopted. In the Flares Historiarum ['Matth.
Westminster'] a.d. 975 (vol. i. p. 514, in Rolls Series edition), the parallel
passage is worded very differently, the similarities being only xn flos et decus...
rex pacificus Eadgarus...anno aetatis sttcu tricesimo secundo, regni vero decimo
sexto... cor pus Glastoniae delatum, etc. In Dee, nnMo...^'j""; ...post, 21"",
and Glascon. are the exact readings, and the marginal heading Charla Regis
Henrici secundi is placed against the lines Quae olim...auctoritas, a little
further on.
p. 14 L 5 6. For many. Dee reads many rare [persons].

1. 19 7. £che one {being of 1000 ships\ : in Dee Eche.

1. 31 8. Idem quoque /Edgarus,t.\.c.:\\i^'cnz.xg\vi&\\it.'a.dxa^Ranulphus [Cestrensis]

is in Dee Radulphus. This excerpt is represented, but by no means verbatim, in
Higden, Polychronicon, Book vi. ch. 9 (vol. VI. p. 468 of Rolls Series edition):
in omni aestate post festum Paschae naves coadunari fecit, qtias in quatuor
partes distributas ad quatuor Angliae partes posuit : unde cum occidentali classe
navigavit ad partem] borealem, cum boreali classe tid partem orientalem, cum
orientali classe ad partem australem, cum australi classe ad partem occidenta-
lem...Hieme vero per provinciavi .. .indicia ministrorum exquirebat.
1. 34 9. Yoxdrecui [the like] Dee reads dread any [the like] ; for the... [pastimes],

those. . . .

NOTES. 243

[p. 8]

10. For deuil, Dee reads diuell ', for chief e [and vttertnost ivailes], chief est; p. 16 \. i
for furthering, furdering, for Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis, Mathaeus IVest-
monestariensis. Several smaller differences are passed over.

11. Habebat autem, etc. : this passage is from the Flares Historiarum 1. 10
['Matth. Westminster'] A.D. 975 (vol. i. p. 513 in Rolls Series edition). It is

an immediate continuation of the passage already quoted by Dee and Hak.,
yEdgarus pacificus, regni sui prospiciens vtilitati, etc.

The Flares Histor., after praeterea, read omni tempore vitae suae and omit
intelligeret, reading simply ut quomodo. The Rolls Series edition also amends
ut to et before quamodo. Hak.'s citations from the Flares, here as before, are
taken either from the first edition of 1567 (ed. by Archbishop Parker), or per-
haps more probably from the second edition of 1570 (by the same). Both, in
these passages, usually agree with the MSS. and with the critical text of the
Rolls Series edition (Luard).

12. For \wits and] trauels Dee reads ...trauayles; for with [vtilitie'] he has 1. 32
which...; for good [purposes], godly...; iox Seafarce, Sea Stretigth: os&x security
...Untc.heauenly spirite. Dee puts i, 2, 3.

13. Altitonantis Dei, etc. : in this extract Dee omits the comma between p. 16 1. 26
Regum and Insularum, and reads Britanniani for Britanniam (which latter

however is given in Dee's margin) and ALthelwoldum for Athelwoldum.

This charter to Worcester may be found in Walter de Gray Birch's Cartu-
larium Saxonicum, Vol. III. (1893), pp. 377 — 381 (no. 1135). It isof A.D. 964,
and was given at Gloucester, Holy Innocents' Day, Wed., Dec. 28. See also
Kemble, Codex Diploniaticus .ASvi Saxonici no. DXIV. The full text in
Birch's Cart. Sax. adds (after rex regum) et dominus dominantium, reads
circumiacent for circumiacentis (the preceding que being relative), ALthelstani
for Athelstani, regum for regnum (Anglorum), Brytanniam for Britanniam,
Norregiatn for Naruegiam, Hyberniae for Hiberniae, Dublina for Dublinia,
./Ethelwaldum for Athelwoldum, in (patres) for mihi, perfeci for effeci. It
also omits et before omnes nationes and adds in regno mea after Christi
gioriam et laudem.

[p. »]

14. Omnipotentis Dei', this charter is really of 970 (not 973, as Hak.). It p. 17 I. 7
may be found in Walter de Gray Birch's Cartularium Saxonicum, Vol. III.

PP' 557 — 560 (no. 1266). See also Kemble, Codex Diplom. .i^vi Sax.,
no. DLXiii.

The concluding asseveration Ego ^Sdgarus etc. is not in this charter,
though it occurs elsewhere in so many words. In the body of Hak. 's extract
the full text, in Birch's Cart. Sax., reads quiete pacem for quieta pace, nostra
for ne (inertia), and for the date anno Incarnationis . . .nonagentesimo septua-
gesimo . . .anno regni mei tertia decimo.

Another Ely charter of 970 from Eadgar {totius Britanniae basileus) is
printed by Kemble, vol. vi. pp. 97 — 8 of Codex Diplomaticus .^vi Saxonici
(no. MCCLXIX.).

16. For attaining Dee reads attayning; for all, al; for only, onely; for I. 27

warlike, warlik; for order of the... seruice, order of...seruices; for able, hable;
for Brittish, Brytish ; for chuse, chose; for iewel, iuell, and other trivial
differences.

16 2

244 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ETC.

§ 4. Voyage of Edmund and Edward, sons of Edmund
Ironside, into Hungary ; Chronicle of the Kings of
Man ; Marriage of Harold's daughter to Ieruslaus
DUKE of Russia, pp. 9 — 16.

p. 18 1. 29 1. Dedit consilium Edricus, etc. : this passage is from Florence of

Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis, a.d. 1017, p. 391 of the edition of 1592.

Hak. inserts Canuto regi and omits etiam in the first clause; in the second
sentence Hak.'s Suauorum is for the original (and right) Suanontm ; in the
last Hak. omits virgintm after Sanctimonialem.

It is hardly worth commenting on the subject-matter of passages which do
not really bear on Hak.'s proper subject, but Salomon was not king of Hungary
till 1063; St Stephen reigned over that country down to 1038, and is probably,
if any, the sovereign referred to. The whole of this account of the fortunes of
Eadmund Ironside's descendants is very doubtful. Clitonem Eadgarum is
Eadgar the ^theling.

[p. 10]

p. 19 1. 16 2. A Chronicle of the Kings of Man, etc. : this long series of extracts is
translated, apparently by Hakluyt himself, from William Camden's Britannia,
pp. 529 — 541 of the ist edition of 1586. It is no doubt called Chorographie
by Hak. from the sub-title; — Britannia, sive Jlorentissimorum regnomm
Angliae, Scotiae, Hibemicu et insulartitn . . .adiacentium chorographica descriptio.
Hak.'s version is, on the whole, faithful and close, but why he should have
inserted this record in the Principal Navigations is a difficult question.

1. 18 3. In the yeere of our Lord 1066, etc. : an amended version of Camden's

strange A.D. 10i7 ...ohiit Edwardus, Harfager is a mistake for Hardrada.
Ramsa is Ramsay in Man.

1. 19 4. William the Conquerour: in Camden, Gulielmus Bastard. A little later

sailed is Hak.'s trans, oivenit.
p. 20 1. I 5. A wood standing vpon...Sccuaf el: in Camden sihia quae erat in deuexo

montis supercilio, qui vacatur Seacasel.

1. 19 6. Lainestir: in Camden Laynestir, i.e. Leinster: at the foot of p. 10

Hak.'s wel- disposed person is a trans, of industrium.

[p. 11]

p. 31 1. 18 7. Vnto him [and appoint him...King\: in Camden in unuvi...; a little

later, Earle Othor is in Camden Other Comes ; again, the corps (of St Olaf of
Norway) is incorruptionem, and presently is statim, while he had the people of
Galway in such awe is Gabvediences ita constrinxit, and Anglesey is Moniam.
Hak., omitting, here as elsewhere, most of Camden's marginal notes, passes
over the gloss Monia pro Anglesey vide Giraldum Cambrensem in Itinerario
Cambriae.

p. 22 1. 42 8. Fully resolued [to conquer... Irland'\ : in Camden nihil cogitabat quam.

For Armagh Camden has Dune.

[p. 12]

p. 23 1. 7 9. Sent for [Olauus']: in Camden accerserunt: for William the Conquerour

Camden has Gulielmi only.

NOTES. 245

10. After Engus and Olauus and before in the yeere 1134 Hak. omits to p. 28 1. 20
translate the entry for 1 133, referring to an eclipse,

11. With his nobilitie: Hzk-^strsLXis. of cum suis; his gathering an armie, 1-39
a little later, is a version of congregata classe.

12. Coridelis'. in Camden, Cortdelis: at the end of this paragraph Hak.'s p. 34 I. 21
(me halfe thereof is simply illud in Camden ; and at the end of p. 1 2 \_Malcolme

the kingi of Scots is Scotiae.

[p. 13]

13. John Curcy. in Camden, jhannes de Curcy; Hak.'s Vlster is Ultoniam, p. 35 1. 17
his sea of Rome is for Apostolicae Sedis.

14. Absent from : in Camden non erunt [for erant'l in; in the next entry, p. 26 1. 31
under 1217, Hak.'s Reginald is Reginandus in Camden.

IB. Folowers: in Camden exercitus; in the next clause boldly is Hak.'s P' 27 1. 6
version oifiduciter.

[p. 14]

16. That he would consult about the premisses : in Camden habiturum se 1. 16
consilium : by his ioumey vnto S. lames a pilgrimage to the Spanish shrine of

St James at Compostella in Galicia is meant. After this Hak. does not trans.
et iam reuersum (i.e. that when Olaf came back from Compostella his brother
made him marry).

17. Cousine german...Lauon: in CzxaAcn, germanam uxoris suae Lauon 1. 28
nomine, which leaves it uncertain whether the wife or the cousin-german was

Lauon. Regincdd the bishop is Reginandus Episcopus in Camden, who also
adds canonice before separavit : for cousin german at the end of this paragraph
Camden has consohrinatn.

18. To take \^Olauus\. in Camden ut occideret', for Soke, a little later, 1. 37
Camden has Behe, but subsequently Soke also.

19. In the dead of the night : in Czxadtn intempestae noctis silentio. p. 28 I. 7

20. Certaine victuals: in Camden II...cibariis: a little later, had no list is 1. 26
Hak.'s version of libuit (sic), and vnder pretense is a trans, of sub occasione.

After Alanus lord of Galway Hak. omits to trans, eodem tempore dedit filiam
suamfilio Alani in matrimonio.

21. Athol: in Camden Etholiae: for vpon the sudden. ..dead of the night p. 29 1. 5
Camden has indpinato.,.intempesta nocte.

[p. 15]

22. Concluding a peace : in Camden pacem petens '. in this clause Camden 1. 20
spells the port Ragnolhoath : we may contrast this with Roghalwaht else-
where. By certaine souldiers, a little later, is simply a quibusdam in Camden,

whose ibidem here is not translated by Hak.

23. Haco : in Camden Hacho : Hak. 's of the Hebrides is a version of 1. 34
Camden's Soderensittm, while Lewis is of course Lodhus in the Latin text.

24. Torqtiellus '. in Camden Thorquelhim: Hak.'s pupil, at end of this p. 80 1. 13
paragraph, is alumno in Camden, Yuarus a souldier (under A.D. 1249) is

Yuaro milite, and Alexander king of Scots is simply A... rex.

25. Kerwary: in Camden Kerwaray: Yiak.'s falling into an ague is in p. 81 1. 9
Camden febre correptus. In the next entry fugitiues is Hak.'s version of
profugos.

246 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ETC.

[p. le]

p. 81 1. 35 26. Kinvas: in Camden Kirkioas, i.e. Kirkwall. In the entry under

1266 translated vnto [Alexander] is in Camden tratulaiutn propter....

p. 83 1. 9 27. Fiue hundreth fourtie etc. : this verse in the original runs

L decies X ter et penta duo cecidere
Mannica gens de te damna futura caue.
On the subject-matter of this whole excerpt, surprisingly irrelevant as it is to
the real theme of the Principal Navigations, it will perhaps be enough to say,
that Man — conquered by Harald Fairhair of Norway in 870 and governed for
some time by Norse vicero3rs — was under the Kings of Leinster from 1060 to
1072, under the Kings of Dublin from 1072 to 1075, under the Kings of
Munster from 1075 to 1079. ^^^ island was ruled by Sigtrygg Ragnvaldson
(Rogn — ; Hale's 'Syrric'), from 1052 to 1060; byGudrod Il.Crowan Harald-
son (Hak.'s 'Godredus Crouan '), from 1079 ^^ '°^9 \.^- 'OQ.s]; by Lagman
Gudrodson, from 1089 to 1096 ; by Dofnald (Hak.'s ' Dopnald ') and Inge-
mund, from 1096 to 1098; in this connection, Hak.'s 1075 ^"^ '077t taken
from Camden, should probably be 1095 and 1097; see pp. 10, 11 of the
Principal Navigations. Man was conquered by Magnus HI. of Norway
('Barefoot') in 1098 and was held by this sovereign till his death in 1103
(cf. Hak.'s sixe yeeres, p. 12; Hak. makes Magnus the grandson of Harald
'Harfager' or Fairhair, who dietl 930; it should be Harald Hardrada,
killed at Stamford Bridge in 1066); Magnus' son Sigurd (Jerusalem-Farer,
King of Norway 1 103 — 1 130) governed the island on his father's behalf during
this time, 1098 — 1103. After Magnus was defeated and killed in Ireland
(1103), Olaf I. Billing Gudrodson (Hak.'s 'Olauus son of Godredus Crouan')
reigned in Man from 1103 to 1153 (Hak.'s fourtie yeeres); Gudrod III.
Olafson (Hak.'s 'Godredus son of Olauus') from 1153 to 1187; Ragnvald
or Rognvald I. Gudrodson (Hak.'s 'Reginald sonne of God red ') from 1187
to 1229; Olaf II. Gudrodson ('Olauus' of 'Lodhus') from 1187 to 1237
(nominally; see Hak. p. 15, under 1237, on his 11 years of real power);
Harald Olafson (' Haraldus his sonne') from 1237 to 124H; Gudrod IV.
Don Ragnvaldson (Hak.'s 'Godredus Don') from 122910 1230 only; Harald II.
Gudrodson ('Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don') from 1249 'o 1250;
Magnus II. Olafson from 1250 to 1265 (see Hak. p. 15, under 1252, for
Magnus' real power in Man from that year); while Ragnvald II. Olafson
('Reginald the sonne of Olauus') reigned only during a part of May, 1249.
Sumerledus or Sumerled (p. 12 of Hak. under H56, etc.) is Somerled
or Somhairle, Lord of the Isle 1156 — 1 164, and 'thane ' of Argyle ; 'Dubgal *
is his younger son Dufgall or Dugald. It was in 1156 that Gudrod III. of
Man ('Godredus son of Olauus') ceded part of the Hebrides to Somerled :
on the death of Somerled some of his possessions in the Western Isles
(including Cantire) went to his eldest son Ragnvald or Reginald, and another
part (including Lome) went to the younger son Dufgall.
1. 34 28. Haraldo caeso, etc.: this passage comes, not from the ' 9 booke '

of Saxo Grammaticus, but from the xith, near the beginning, on p. 187,
11. 47 — 53, of the text of the Danica Historia Libris XVI... as printed at
Frankfurt-on-Main {Francofurti ad Alcenum) by And. Wecheli in 1576,
which is probably the edition used by Hak. The differences are very trifling,
but the Frankfurt text begins Cuius filii duo confestim, and reads Sueno for
Sweno, eorum for illorum (jneriti) and larizlauus for larislaus.

248 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 88 Brtue de generali summonitione in itinere iustitiariorum itinerantium apud

Shipwey in com. ICanc. infra libertatem qtiinque portuum ; as quoted by
Lambarde ; Kex dilectis . . .balliuis de Hastings saltitem...eodem modo balliuis
de Romnal...Heya.. Doure...Sand%vyz. The precaution relative to Dunwich
and Yarmouth is also as Lambarde translates it : et quoniant saepius contentio
inter homines praedictorum portuum et homines de Gernemuth et de Donwich,
fiat breue vie. Norff. et Suff. in hac forma (in which form the forms lerne-
mewe and Donetvitz occur), the whole concluding tunc fit apud Shipwey
coram ..iustitiariis...querelam suam propositurus et iustitiam inde recepturus.

§ 6. Letter of Ivo of Narbonne. pp. 20, 21.
[p. ao]

p. 89 1. 24 1. The Lord therefore, etc.: this part of Ivo's letter is quoted from
Matthew Paris, Chronica Maiora {Historia Maior), A.D. 1243, vol. iv. pp. 272 —
276, of Rolls Series edition, 1877 (Luard). More than one-third of the
complete letter precedes that portion printed by Hak. and about one-seventh
follows after Hak.'s conclusion. The whole occupies pp. 270 — 277 in the
Rolls edition, and has the heading Quaedam Epistola Archiepiscopo Burde-
galensi transmissa terribilis nimis. For his purpose, Hak. prob. used the
text published by Archbishop Parker in 1571, Matthaei Paris, Monachi
Albanensis, Angli, Historia Maior, a Guilielmo Conquestore ad ultimum
annum Henrici tertii. Londini, 1571, extracting pp. 819 (foot) — 822 (top)
Hoc igitur et multis aliis peccatis...mihi/ominus perierunt. In this edition of
1571 the letter is headed Epistola terribilis de crudelitate Tartarorum.

1. 25 2. Committed: in Hak. orig. emergentibus. In the next sentence This

I may iustly affirvie to be true is in Hak.'s original Hoc idcirco dixerim.

1. 28 3. Lawlesse .. furious : in Hak.'s orig. exlex .. furor ; Tartars, in the next

sentence, is Hak.'s trans, of Tattari, Hungarie of Pannoniam. The marginal
Neustat (i.e. Neustadt in Austria) is supplied by Hak. from an earlier para-
graph of the letter (in quodam oppido Austriae quod Theutonice Neustat
dicitur).

1. 34 4. / my selfe abode : in Hak.'s original tunc forte morabar. After

souldiers Hak. does not translate truculent er.

1. 37 8. The captaine is Frederic duke of Austria (Friedrich II., 'the War-
like,' A.D. 1230 — 1246).

vaste [armie] in the next sentence is Hak.'s version of circumfusum [ex'"],
and beastly is his trans, of immanem.
p- *0 1. 2 6. Signified foorthwith vnto their gouernour...subiects : in Hak.'s orig.

asceftdentes ad Dominum Christianorum planctus miserabiles audiebantur.
For Dominum the Rolls text reads Deum.
1. 7 7. [Chieftains] And... sauage follower s...cates: in Hak.'s original [prin-

cipes] cum suis cynocephalis aliisque lotophagis quasi pane vescentes. In
the Rolls text cenofaris is read for Cynocephalis. In the MSS. a representa-
tion of the Tartars eating human victims is inserted here, at the foot of the page.

1- 16 8. Tender paps : in Hak.'s original papillis only. At the end of this

sentence Hak.'s engorged... bodies is a version of ipsis virgineis corporibus
lautius epulabantur.

1. 20 9. The Duke of Austria is Friedrich II. (see note 5) : the King of Bohemia

is Wenceslas HI., otherwise Wenceslas I. (1230 — 1253): the Patriarch of

NOTES. 247

§ 5. On the Cinque Ports, pp. 17 — 20.

[p. X7]

1. I finde, etc.; this long excerpt, covering pp. 17—20 (top) of Hak., p. 88 1.14
is from pp. 1 14 — 124 of the Perambulation of Kent, conteining the Description,
Hystorie, and Customes of that Shyre, written... i^jo.-.dy William Lambarde

of Lincolnes Intu, first published it,j6... now increased... after the author's oumt
last copie : printed by Edm. Bollifant, London, 1596.

There are many small differences of spelling and punctuation, but nothing
very material : the chief are the following on p. 17 : — Hak. adds, in the margin,
1070 (near the beginning) and 1250 Antiquitie of Yarmouth fishing\ in the
text he reads yfe^ {oxflie, commanding for commaundin^, bene for been.

[p. 18]

2. Wimhelsey\\9Xtx%'^\KWincelsey\>^'\\^V.,\Vinchelsey\)^'Lxa^. Hak. p. 86 1. 21
here omits the date 1268 which Lamb, gives in the margin.

8. And thus it stood: against this Hak. adds the marginal date 1278. p. 88 1. 33
In the list of ports a little later Lamb, has Bekisborne and Rye.

[p. !•]

4. Charges: in Lamb, wages : in the list of Cinque and other Ports a little p- 87 1. ii
later Lamb, reads Hethe for Heth (at first), Rulwerhethe for Buhuerhelh.

6. Sanehtnch.../iomenal and Hethe: after this Lambarde reads before, p. 88 1. i
A little later Lambarde reads dales togither for dayes together, easely for easily,
refer for referre.

6. Scife [conduct... Kings owne person']: in Lambarde salfe; in the same 1. ao

paragraph 1-ambarde reads enimie, proffered. The rest of the variations are
exceedingly trivial, eg. fourtie iox fortie, wals for wcdles, graunt for grant,
ods for oddes.

The place of the marginal heading The good seruice of the fiue Ports has
been somewhat altered by Hak. : in Lambarde it stands against the lines
beginning Thus much out of these ancient notes.

Lambarde's references to Domesday Book may be found pretty well borne
out by the following entries: — In the edition of 1783 {Domesday Book seu
Liber censitalis IVillelmi Primi Regis Angliae...jubente rege Georgia III. —
the only complete printeti text of Domesday), under Chenth (Kent) vol. i. p. i,
col. I, 11. 6 — 8, after the recital of the ships supplied by Dovere {xx naues regi
una vice in anno ad xv dies et in unatjuaque naui homines xx et unus) it
is stated hoc faciebant pro eo quod eis pdonauerat saccam et socam. These
customs were in force under Edward the Confessor : omnes hae consuetu-
dines erant ibi quatido IVillelmus rex in Angliam uenit. On .Sandwich
(Sanditice) Domesday (same edition and vol., page 3, col. i, 11. 6-7) records
that the service owed by that port was similar to Dover's : reddi/ similem ser-
vitium regi sicut Dovere: further, tempore mortis R. E. [Regis Edwardt] non
erat ad fir mam.

Lambarde's (and Hak.'s) citation from Bracton is doubtless from the edition
of 1569; Henrici de Bracton de Legibus et Consuettidinibus Angliae Libri
quinq; : Londini, A pud Richardum Tottelhim 1569. In Liber ill. tractatus
secundus De Corona, cap. 2, fols. 117 vo and 115 ro, the form is given of the

NOTES. 249

Aquileia is Bertrand Von Meran (ui8 — 1451): the Duke of Carinthia is p. 40
Bernard (no2 — H56): the Earle of Baden is either Hermann IV., margrave,
or marchio de Bade, as Hak.'s original calls him (t 1243), or Hermann V.
(+ H50). After mightie power Hak. does not translate conterminorum.

10. Accursed crew: in Hak.'s orig. nephandus exercitus : for those Tar- I. 23
tarian vagabonds... distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie the orig, has

only illi cursores...miserabilem Hungariam.

11. Most tyrannical... Tar tars: in Hak.'s original nequissimi ... Tatta- 1,33
rorutn.

12. Well, being allured: in Hak.'s original Hie inductus. In the next 1. 37
sentence about is Hak.'s version of ante.

13. A paire of shooes and a haire cappe onely: in Hak.'s original calceos p. 41 1. r
dt bove, cappam de cilicio. After hunger Hak. does not translate cum in-
firmitate : his like afoole is for omnino utfatuus : his vncoth is for inexpresse.

14. Endangered himselfe: in Hak.'s original se comviendasset. 1. 6
16. In Caldea : in Hak.'s original ajnid Chaldaeos, i.e. among gypsy 1. 8

wonder-workers, fortune-tellers, etc.

16. Being admonished: in Hak.'s original postquam . . .acceperunt respon- \. in
sum.

[p. ai]

17. Hasty: in Hak.'s original auari: a little later rough and huf- 1. 23
shouldred is for scapulas rigidas et erectas : while flatte \noses'\ is for distortos

\nasos\. and long [chinnes] for proeminentia [menta],

18. Their vpper iawes...low and declining: in Hak.'s original superiorem 1. 34
mandibulam humilem et profundam : a little later, thinne [teeth] is for raros

[denies] ; and fore-heads for crinibus.

19. Countenances writhen and terrible : inYizSa.^ oxigvciaX aspectus obliquos 1. 37
et torvos : a little later, thighes is for crura.

SO. Utterly... waste, situated far beyond Chaldea : in Hak.'s original 1. 42

maximae vastilatis ultra omnes Caldaeos : a little later hides of beasts being
tanned is for coriis earundem bullitis.

21. Maces : in Hak.'s original clavis : a little XaX^x courriers is for satellites; P- 42 1. 6
and vnprouided for immunitum.

22. Voyage to Colen, etc.: in Hak.'s original «««c j^^ propter Magos reges, !• 25
quorum sacris corporibus ornatur Colonia, etc.

23. S. lames of Galicia, i.e. the shrine of St James at Compostella. 1. 33

§ 7. Critical Notes to John de Plano Carpini.
pp. 21—37, 37—53-

The following abbreviations are used :

H.=Hakluyt.

A. = Avezac ; i.e. the Paris text of 1838 — 1839, as given by M. d'Avezac.

Pet. = The Petau MS.

Corpus = The Corpus MS.

Colb. = The Colbert MS.

Lond.-Lum. =The London-Lumley MS.

D. = The Dupuy MS.

On the Carpini MSS. see Introductory Note to this Vol.

250 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 48 Salutation and Prologue] [Hak., p. 21]

1. 9 1. Ittimicis suis, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; inimicis Dei et Domini Jtsu

Christi, A., with Pet , Colb. [latter omits Dn\
1- lo 2. Before nationes alias [H.]i A. inserts ad, with Pet. and Colb. (twice).
1. II 3. Et [venerabiliuni\, H.; ac [ven...\ A., with Pet. and Colb.

1. 14 4. Et \alijs natioHibus\ H.; vel ab [al... nat...'\. A., with Colb.; et ai,
Lond.-Lum.; vei, Pet.

[p. aa]

1. 15 6. Conti/fmlia, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; contunieliis, A.

1. 16 6. Credidimus, H., with I^nd.-Lum., D.; crediiierimus, A.

1. 20 7. Vt saltern, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; vel saltern , A., with Pet.; saltern

...veraciter, om. Colb. which reads ut.
L 33 8. Imparatos, H., with D. ; infKtratos, Lond.-Lum.; impreparatos, A.

1. 23 9. FeceruHt\...strageni\y H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; facerent, A.

1. 17 10. After per ipsos and before et [H.] A. inserts pariter, with Pet., Colb. ;

Lond.-Lum. omits.
1. 39 11. Captiui, H., with Colb.; capti. A., with Pet.

12. Etiam a supremo, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; enim a summo, A.,

with Pet., Colb.
1. 31 18. After Benedictus [H.] A. insert.s Polonus, with Pet.

1. 33 14. After Prologue, as in Hak., A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, Sed si aliqua

scribimus prof4er noticiam legentium quae in partibus vestris nesciuntur, non

debetis propter hoc nos appellate nundaces qui vobis referimus ilia [alia, P. ] quae

ipsi vidimus vel ab aliis pro certo audivimus quos esse credimus fide dignos.

Imo est valde crudele ut homo propter bonum quodfacit ab aliis infametur.

CHAPTER 1.

44 1. 1 For H.'s heading, supported by Lond.-Lum., D., A. reads with Pet. De
terrae [-<7, H.] Tartarorutn situ, et [om. H.] qualitate ipsius [om. H.] et dispo-
sitione aeris in eadem. Colb. reads De ritu T...., terra, et utu [Cor-
responding to Chap. 3 {De situ et qualitate terrae Tartarorum) in Vincent
of Beauvais' Abridgement, Speculum Historiale, book xxxii. otherwise XXXI.]
For Corpus see also Introduction.
1. 8 1. Before bello [H., with all Mss. but Pet.] A. inserts in, with Pet.

lA. After the headings, as in H. {hoc modo per capitula describemtis), A.
adds, with Pet., Corpus, ultimo de via quam fecimus et curia Iniperatoris et
testibus qui in terra Tartarorum nos invenerunt. Lond.-Lum. omits.

IB. Possumus, H.; possunus, Lond.-Lum., D. ; proposuimns, A., with
Pet., Colb.
1. II 2. Vera, H., with all MSS., exc. Pet.; quidein. A., with Pet.

1. 13 3. Kytaiorum, H.; Kitaorum, A.; Quitaorum, Pet.; Kytaorum, Colb.,

Lond.-Lum.; Kyraiorum, D. [Later we have Kytcu, H.; Kitai, A.; Kitay,
Pet.] In Lond.-Lum. the letter / has been touched up, apparently by the
original scribe.

4. Solangorum, H. and A. ; Salangorum, Pet. ; Sclangorum, Lond.-Lum.

6. [Sunt'\ terrae, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; terra. A., with Pet.; Lond.-
Lum. omits sunt.

NOTES.

251

6. Huyrorum, H., with D. ; terra est posita Huiurorum, A., with Pet., p. 4* 1. 14
[Colb., which reads Hyuirorum]', Huyiorum, Lond.-Lum.

7. Naymanorum, H., with all exc. Pet.; Naimanorum, A., with Pet. 1. 15
[Later we have Naymani in Pet., Lond.-Lum., D. ; Naimanni in Colb.]

8. Nitnium, H., with all exc. Pit. ; Nimirum, A., with Pet. 1. 16

9. Admixta glarea, raro ari^llosa, plurimum est arenosa, H. ; A. omits 1-17
raro argillosa and est\ D. reads amixta; Lond.-Lum. has, in the original

script (like Colb.), admixta glarea, plurimum est arenosa, but above glarea has
been added in a later hand and different ink et argillosa.

10. Et alij\ Yi.; et alii homines omnes, A., with Pet.

11. Sunt [paucae], H.; non sunt.... A., with Pet., Colb.

12. After iona A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, ^uae Caracaron nominatur.
Lond.-Lum. omits, like Colb., D.

13. Dimidium diem, H., with Colb.; dimidiam dietatn etiam. A., with Pet.

14. Nusquam pluit, H.; nunquatn pluit, A.
16. Madidare, H., with all exc. Pet.; modidare. A., with Pet. p. 45

16. Sede regni, H., with Colb.; sede regia. A., with Pet.

17. Circuendam, H. ; circuendo. A., with Pet., Colb., Lond.-Lum.

18. Dimidium, H. ; dimidio. A., with Pet.

I.
1.

24
26

]

1. 2

]
1.

1-3

CHAPTER 2.

For H.'s heading, supported by Lond.-Lum., D., A. reads De formis
personarum \Tartarorum,H.'], de conjugio, vestibus, habitaculis et rebus [om. H.]
ipsorum. Pet. reads De personis et vestibus et habitaculis, de rebus, de ipsorum

conjugio; Colb., De formis personarum Tartar orum et conjugio etc rebus

eorum, as in A. [Corresponding to Chap. 4 i^De forma et habitu et victu
eorum) in Vincent of Beauvais, except to a certain extent as concerns the
victus.l For Corpus, see also Introduction.

[p. 23]

1. Before ^^^«aj [H.] A. inserts inter, with Pet., Colb., Vine. Beauv.

2. After maxillis, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv., nasum
habent planum et modicum, oculos habent parvos, et palpebras usque ad super-
cilia elevatas. Lond.-Lum. omits, like Colb., D.

3. Minime, H., with all exc. Pet. ; minima, A., with Pet.

4. Similiter, H., with Colb., D. ; generaliter. A., with Pet., Lond.-Lum.
6. Plures vel pauciores, H.; plures aliquis pauc tores. Pet.; et aliquis,

Colb.

6. Sororibus etiam ex patre: tamen et vxores, H. ; sorores autem ex patre
tantum, et uxores etiam, A. ; sorores, only in Vine. Beauv.

7. Pallijs, cappis vel capputijs, H.; Capis, palliis, vel capuciis. A.;
caputiis, D. ; capuciis, Lond.-Lum.

8. Bukeramo...Baldaquino, H., with D. ; Bucarano...Baldakino, A.,'w\\.\\
Pet.; Bu^:arano...Baldekino,Q,o\h.; Buherano...Balde^ino, hond. -hum.; later,
D. reads Buccaramo; Colb. Bukaramo.

9. Supremo, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; summo, A., with Pet., Colb.

10. Quia, H. ; et, A. For scissae, just before, Lond.-Lum. reads cissae \-e\.

11. Et in, H. ; etiam, A.

12. Longum, H.; lungum, A.

13. Before instrumentum, A. adds, with Pet., Colb., et tarn pileolum

1.13

p. 46

1.19

1. 20

1. 22
1.26
1-35

1.37

1.4

1.6

1.7

1.8

1-15
1. 20

252 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 46 quam [pelUolum Pet.; pilleolum Colb. ; pilliolum Lond.-Lum., which how-

ever cancels this clause].

I. 1% 14. Quum, H. ; quottiam. A., with Pet., Colb.

I. 1% 18. Subtiliter, H.; subtilibus. A., with Pet., Colb.

1. 34 16. Somarios, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Colb.; summarios. A., with
Vine. Beauv. ; luminarios. Pet.

!• 37 17. Vel quod est magis, H. ; secundum quod magna est. A., with Pet.,

Colb.

CHAPTER 3.

p. 47 1. I For H.'s heading, supported by Lond., Lum., D., A. reads, with Pet.,

De cultu...et expurgationibus et ritu funeris; Colb. n&As peccatortim purga-
tionibus, and adds Tartarorum at end. This chapter answers to Chap. 7
in Vine. Beauv., De superstitiosis traditionibus ipsorum. For Corpus see
Introduction.
I. 4 1. Duendum, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; supponendum. A., with Pet.,

Colb.

Ip. 84]

!• 17 S. Before duces, Pet. adds like Corpus and Recueil text Sed quando volunt

ilia idola facere, omnes majores domincu conveniunt quae sunt in stationibus
illis, et cum reverencia faciunt ilia ; et cum fecerunt interficiunt ou'em et man-
ducant; et ossa ejus igne comburunt. Et cum etiam aliquis puer infirmatur,
praedicto modo faciunt idolum et ligant super ledum ipsius. Lond.-Lum.
omits, like Colb., D.

I. 18 3. Vnum, H. ; hircum. A., with Colb. [yrcum], Lond.-Lum ; pratum. Pet.

1. a I 4. Et potu, H.; vel de potu. A., with Pet., Colb.

1. 1% S. Vera, H., with D. ; si. A., with Lond.-Lum.

1. 30 6. Alios, H.; aliquos. A., with Pet., Colb.

L 3^ 7. Russicu, IL; Ruscie, A., with Colb.; Mscie^ Pet.; Ruchiae, Lond.-

Lum. later.

1.34 8. Cyngis..., H. with Lond.-Lum., which reads Cham; Chingis..., A.,
with Colb. ; Chingis Cim, Pet.

1- 40 9. //oc/aceret, quia nonliceret, H.', /acerequodnon licet. A.; /aceret... etc..

Pet. ; quamfaceret, Colb. Three lines later, robustos, H.; robuslus. A., with MSS.
p. 48 1. 5 10. Igitur lumina, H.; insuper, lunam. A., with Pet.; et lunam, Colb.

1- 7 11. Et bibant, H., A. ; vel etiam bibunt ei. Pet. ; vel etiam bibant, Colb.

!• 8 12. Cogunt...negare, H.; ad hue quod intelleximus coegerunt...negare, A.;

after which A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, excepto Michaele de quo dictum est
supra. Quid ulterius fcuiant, ignoramus: presumitur tamen a quibusdam
quod si monarchiam haberent, quod Deus avertat, facerent quod omnes isti
idolo inclinarent.
1. p 13. Tamen, H., with Colb.; etiam, A.

1. 10 14. Saruogle, H., with D. ; Chemeglove, A., with Pet.; Scirnogle, Lond.-
Lum.; Urinyglone, Colb. [later Pet. reads Gemeglorie\.

I. 15 16. Par esse, H., with D.; puero. A., with Lond.-Lum.

1. 14 16. Et patres, H.; vel antecessores. A., with Pet., Colb.

1. 26 17. Cum cultello, H., with D.; ignem cultello, A., with Colb.; cutello.

Pet. and Lond.-Lum., but earlier Lond.-Lum. reads cullellum.

1. 37 18. Morsus, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; morsellus. A., with Pet., Colb.

p. 49 1. 10 19. Itoga...C/iam, id est, imperatorem, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Kam,

NOTES. 253

A., with Pet.; Lond.-Lum. reads Ytoga... chant ipsum, omitting id est impera- p, 49
tortm ; Colb. reads Ytoga sed Coniani Kam ipsum appellant.

20. After purificentur, A. adds, with Lond.-Lum., Colb., Pet., ne forte 1. 20
vene/icia fecerint et venenum vet aliquid mali portaverint [aut venen..., Colb.].

[p. 26]

21. After infirmatur, A. adds, with Pet., Colb., ad mortem. 1. 35

22. Contra, H.; circa. A., with Pet., Colb,, Lond.-Lum.

23. Postes, H.; terminos, A.; ejus, add Pet., Colb. after stationum. 1. 27

24. Omnes, H. ; quasi omnes. A., with Pet., Colb.

2fi. Alueum, H. ; alveolum. A., with Colb.; alveorum. Pet. 1. 33

26. Sibi eqttos . . .equos etiatn, H., with Lond.-Lum. (which adds «/ before 1. 38
eguos), D. ; A. omits etiam, with Pet., after equos, and inserts etiam after

sibi; Colb. reads sibi et equis...et equos.

27. After equilare, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, et ossa illius equi quern
com^dunt pro anima ejus comburunt. Et saepe etiam conveniunt mulieres ad
comburendum ossa pro animabus hominum ut nostris vidimus oculis et ab aliis
intelleximus ibidem. Vidimus etiam quod Occodai[Cam] Can pater istius im-
peratoris dimisit unum virgultum crescere pro anima sua: unde praecepit quod
nullus incideret ibi, et quicunque incidet ibi aliquam virgam, ut ipsi vidimus,
verberebatur, expoliabatur et male tractabatur ; et cum nos multum indigeremus
ad equum percutiendum, nonfuimus ibi ausi incidere unam virgam.

28. Vaditur, H.; vadunt. A., with Pet., Colb., Lond.-Lum. 1. 42

29. Eo donee, H. ; ipso, quod. A., with Pet., Colb. p. 60 1. 3

30. After dictum est \superius dictum est. A., with Pet.], A. adds, with 1. 9
Pet., Corpus, sed tentorium suum exterius relinquunt in campo.

31. Ccemeteria, H. ; cimiteria. A., with Pet., Colb. [later Colb. reads 1. 10
cymiterii'\; cymiteria, Lond.-Lum.

32. Nescientes, H. ; inscienter. A.; nescienter. Pet., Colb., Lond. !• 18

33. Sagittae volantes, H.; illi sagittare volentes. A., with Pet., Colb., !• 19
Corpus ; i/li only in Pet. and Corpus, which last reads sagitare.

CHAPTER 4.

For H.'s heading, supported by Lond.-Lum., D., A. reads De moribus \, jg

Tartarorum bonis et vialis, el cibis, et consuetudinibus eorum ; Pet., like
Corpus, omits Tartarorum and reads consuetudini; Colb. omits bonis... malis,
and eorum. The two first sections of this chapter answer to Chaps. 5 and 6
in Vine. Beauv., De moribus eorum bonis et malis, and De legibus et con-
suetudinibus eorum. For Corpus see also Introduction.

1. Tertio... quarto, interchanged by A. 1, 29

2. Inter eos, H. ; ibidem. A., with Pet., Colb. p. 61 1. 3

3. Comedentes...comederunt, H., with Colb., D. ; comendentes...comederint, \. 14
A.; commedentes . . .commederint, Lond.-Lum.

4. Inuidi, H.; invidiosi. A., with Pet., Colb. !• i7

[p. ae]

5. Eas . . .audiuntur, H.; eos... habere intenditur. A., with Pet.; se... habere \. 2J
videntur, Colb.

254 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 61 1. 13 •• Before Nunc..., A. inserts, with Pet., Colb., descriptis eorum morihus

bonis.
1. 24 7. Malts moribus eorum, H.; tnalis [only]. A., with Pet., Culb.

1. 25 8. Idea, H. ; into. A., with Pet., Colb.

1. 18 9. Georgiae, H., with D. ; Georgianicu, A., with Pet. ; Jorgania [-e], Colb.,

Lond.-Lum. ; Colb., later, reads Organia\_-e\, also; Lond.-Lum., Georgraniae

[-e\. For Kussiae \_-e'\ Lond.-Lum, reads Ruchie here.
1.^9 10. Dttces...Soldanorum,Y{..\ ducem...Solangorum, K.

1. 33 11. After iracundi, A. adds, with Pet., sunt hominibus aliis.

1. 39 13. Praetiidire, H., with D.; sibi providere. A., with Pet., Colb.; pre-

videti, Lond.-Lum.
p. 6S 1. n 13. hiitr pediculos manducare [pudiculos in Lond.-Lum.], A. adds, with

Pet., Corpus, dicebant enim Nttmquid eos debeo manducare, cum meifilii cames

mandtuent et ipsius sanguinem bibunt. For H.'s eos. ..mures, immed. after, A.

reads ipsos... mures.
1. 14 14. Et...habent, H., with all Mss. but Pet.; de quibus etiam...manducant,

A., with Pet.
1. 16 18. Tunc manus, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; eas. A., with Pet., Colb.
1. 14 16. Caldaria, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; coclearia. A., with [Pet.], Colb.;

Pet. reads ut \c....'\ for vel in all other MSS.
\. a6 17. Permitlaturaliquid, H. ; aliquo modo permittatur, K.;al...m...p.. .Uur,

Pet., Colb.; permittitur aliquid, Lond.-Lum.; Pet. zAAs periret before /<r-

mittitur.
1. 19 18. Quo tonitrtta ab ilia hora incipiunt donee desinant, H., with Lond.-

Lum., D. ; ab illo tempore quo tonitrua incipiunt usquequo desinat illud tcmpus,

A., with Pet., Colb.; Colb. reads quando for qtio; Pet. designat for desinat.
1. 43 19. Fomicatafuerit, H. and A., with Colb.; Pet. adds cum aliquo.
p. 68 1.1 20. Deundat consilium, H.\ denunciat consilia, A..', denttdat^Vti., Co\h.,

Lond.-Lum.; deundat, D.
1. 17 ai. Exercent, H., with Colb., Lond.-Lum., D. ; exercitant, A.
1. 11 22. For agiles...et audaces valde, A. reads, with Pet., Colb., agiles...valde...

necnon et audaces.

[p. 27]
1. 16 28. Conseruarcres, H.; c... tores. A., with all mss.

CHAPTER 5.

L 32 For H.'s heading, supported by D., wholly wanting in Lond.-Lum., A.

reads De prindpio imperii Tartarorum et principibus eorum, et dominio
imperatoris et principum ejtis. For imperii... principibus Pet., like Corpus,
reads imperatorii .. .principum ; Colb. omits imperii and et principum, and
reads ejus for eorum, eorumdem for ejus. The opening part of this chapter
answers to Vine. Beauv. ch. 8, De initio imperii sive principatus eorum, and
later sections to V. B.'s chs. 9 — 16, De mutua victoria ipsorum et Kythaorum,
De pugna ipsorum contra Indiam minorem et majorem, Qualiter ab hominibus
caninis repulsi Burithabethinos vicerunt, Qualiter a montibus Casptis et ab
hominibus subterraneis repulsi sunt, De statutis Chingis chant et morle ipsius, et
'Jiliis ac ducibus, De potestate imperatoris et ducum ejus, De electione imperatoris
Occoday et legatione ducis Bathy, De legatione Cyrpodan ducis. For Corpus
see also Introduction.

NOTES. 255

I. Dicendtim, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; subnectendum. A., with Pet., p. 68 1. 33
Colb.

3. Mongol... Mongali vocabatur, H., Colb.; M...al...M...ali vocabantur, 1. 38
A., with Pet.; \niagnt\ Mongoli for Mongali only in Lond.-Lum.; Yeka-

Mongol in all MSS. but P., which before reads quae Moangal nominatur.

8. Sumongol...Merkat...Metrit, H.; Su-Mongal, A., Colb.; Merkit...Mecrit, I. 39

A.; Summungal, Pet.; Merkat...Metrit, D., Vine. Beauv. ; Merkit...Mocrit,
Pet.; Merkit...Mechoit, Colb.; Sumongol... Merkit... Mecrit, Lond.-Lum.;
Mecrit, D. (at first).

4. Flutiio... Tartar, H., with Lond.-Lum., T).; Jluvio... Tatar, A., with 1. 40
Colb.;/... Tartur, Pet.

6. Qui...Cyngis, H. ; quidam qui...Chingis, h.., with Pet., Colb., which p. 64 1. 3
read Chingis throughout, like Vine. Beauv.

6. Rapere, praedari, H., with D. ; rapere praedam. A., with Lond.-Lum.; 1. 5
capere Colb.

7. Before redegit K. adds, with Pet., recepitac; Colb., redigit. 1. ir

8. Merkat...Metritas, II., with D.; Merkitis...Mecriias, A.; Merkitis... 1. 12
Mocritas, Pet.; Mirkit...Mecritas, Colb.; Merkit...Metritas, Lond.-Lum. As

to the names that follow Nayrnani...Karakitai...Kytai are H.'s usual readings;
but sometimes he gives Karakytai, like Colb; A. reads Naimani...Kara-
kitai...Kitai; Naymanni, Colb., Lond.-Lum.; Naimani and Naymani, Pet.,
D. [Colb., later]; Kara-kitui, Pet., in one place, Kara-kycaorum'va. another;
also Caicaorum. For Omyl in H. and A., Colb. reads Cummyl, Pet. Omsi,
Vine. Beauv. Chanyl.

9. Aliquantam...discretionem, H. ; sed tantam dis...em habent quod faciwtt 1. 36
filtra de lana camelorum quibus vestiuntur, et ponunt etiam contra ventum, et

si aliqui Tartari vadunt ad eos et vulnerant eos sagittis, ponunt gramina in
vulneribus et fortiter fugiunl ante eos. A., with Pet., Corpus, Colb., and Vine.
Beauv. ; Colb. reads tanien for sed, aliquando for aliqui, vulnus for vul-
neribus; Pet. and Corpus read manus for vulnus.

10. After septem, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus and Vine. Beauv. [in part], p. 66 1. i
unde adhuc quando aliquis eos minatur, dicens, Occidemini, si in illam iveritis

terram, quia populi multitudo ibidem moratur et sunt homines ad prcelium
apti; respondent. Quondam etiam fuimus occisi, et non remansimus nisi septem,
et modo crevimus \ibi. Corpus] in multitudinem magnam ; quare de talibus non
terretnur [teneremur, Corpus].

II. Huyrorum, H., with Vine. Beauv.; Huytorum, D.; Huiurorum, A.; I. 4
Kytaorum, corrected from Hiyrorum, Lond.-Lum., which afterwards reads
Kytaorum for H...m\ P. reads Kuiorum; Colb., Uirorum. For H.'s Sarui-

uorum (D. also), A. reads Sari-Huiur; Pet. Sariemiur and later Sarihuiur;
Vine. Beauv. Saruyur; Colb. Sarimur; Lond.-Lum. Saruinorum.

12. A'arawiVarww, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Colb. [C..]; Karanitarum, K., \. 8
with Colb. and Vine. Beauv. ; Karatnitarum, Pet. , which reads later Karaniti.

13. Voyrat, H. and A., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Udryat, Pet.; Colb. reads 1. 9
Noyrad, Vine. Beauv. Hudirat.

14. For Comana [in H. and A., with Lond.-Lum., D.], Pet. reads
Chanana [Comana, later], Colb. Canana.

16. For Kytaos and Kitaos in H. and A., Pet. reads Kaicaos; Vine. 1. 11

Beauv. Kythaos.

[p. 28]

16. Simili modo, H.; eodem modo etiam contra eos, A., with Pet. 1. 25

17. Before Imperator [H.], A. 'vas,^xt% praedictus Chingis Can, with Pet. 1. 30

256 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 66 1. 40 !*• Ecclesias [/aciutU], H., with "D.^eUfnosynas [/...]» A., with Lond.-Lum.

[Pet., Colb., e...sinas'].
p. 66 1.5 19. Tossuch, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Tossuc, A.; Thosui [later

Tossu/], Vine. Beauv.; Cossus, Pet. [later, Cosuc]; Colb. also reads Tossuc;
Lond. -Lum. Tosstuhean, later.

\. 11 20. De fumo illo aer est denigratus, H. ; ex igite graeco homines com-

burehantur \homines'\ et equi et ex fumo o^r... etc., A., with Pet., Corpus.

1. 26 21. After in qua, A. inserts, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv. [in
part], sicut nobis venientibus ad curiam Imperatoris per clericos ruthenos
[tutfunes. Pet., Corpus] et alios qui diufturunt inter ipsos firmiter dicebatur.

1.39 22. Vero formam, H., with Lond.-Luni., D. ; autem speciem. A., with

Pet., Colb.

1. 33 23. Mouebantur, H., with Lond. •Lum., D.; volvebantur. A., with Pet.,
Colb.

!• 40 24. M\.^x finibus suis, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv., et

dehinc [de hoc. Corpus] cuihuc est prcfverbium inter eos. Pater tuus, vel /rater, a

canibus fuit occisus : mulieres autem eorum quas ceperant dtixerunt in terram

torum, et usque in diem mortis earum ibidem fuerunt. In next sentence, after

exercitus ilU [H.], A. inserts, with Pet., Corpus, Videlicet Mongalorum [Afon-

go/orum].

p. 67 1. I 26. After comedunt eum, A. adds, with Pet., sicut nobis diceba/ur pro certo.

1. 7 26. Immo, H. with Colb., Lond.-Lum.; imo, A. [and elsewhere].

1.6 27. Misit in [expeditione contra... A'ergis], H., with D. ; ivit in..., A.,

with Lond.-Lum.; ivit cum. Pet., Colb.
!• 7 28. £t vsque, H. ; et, ut nobis dicebatur, ibidem usque. A., with Pet.,

Corpus, and Vine. Beauv.
I. 8 29. Monies... illi, H ; A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv., in ea

parte cut quam applicuerunl ; Colb. reads admantino.

1. 10 80. For cone lusos... qui... f regerunl ; sed nubes, A. reads, with Pet., Corpus,

and Vine. Beauv., conclusi clamorem exercitus, ul credilur, audientes, montem
frangere inceperunt ; et cum alio tempore post x annos reverterentur, montem
invenerunt {invenirent. Corpus] confractum : sed cum ad illos Tartari accedere
attentassent, potuerunt minime, quia nubes etc. Colb. rta-da fregerant .

1. II 81. Ad quam accedere, H., with Colb. ; ultra quam ire, A., with Pet.

1. n 82. Moriebantur, H.; visum amittebant omnino. A., with Pet., Colb.

1. 13 88. Before Sed antequam, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv.
[in part], Illi autem ex adverso credentes quod Tartari ad illos accedere for-
midarent, insultum contra eos fecerunt; sed statim ut [non. Pet., cum, Corpus]
pervenerunt ad nubem, procedure non potuerunt propter causam praetaxatam.

[p. 39]

1. «8 84. After Cyngis .. .videlicet et sui [H.] — Chingis, A., with Pet., Corpus,

Colb. — A. adds, with Pet. and Vine. Beauv., videntes quod nichil proficerent
sed potius perderent homines suos et quia etiam solis sonitum sustinere non
poterant, imo eo tempore quo sol oriebatur oportebat eos ponere unam aurem
ad terram et superiorem obturare fortiter ne terribilem ilium sonitum audirent,
nee sic tamen cavere poterant quin propter hoc ex eis plurimi necarentur [voca-
verunt, Pet., Corpus; interirent. Vine. Beauv.].

85. Fugam ineuntes, H.; /... inicientes, Co\h. ; fug^runt ac [ad. Pet.], A.

1. 29 36. Scilicet et mulierem, H. ; videlicet cum uxore. A., with Pet.; videlicet et

mulierem, Colb.

1. 39 37. Ex hoc.ab eo, H. ; ideo...a Chingis, A., with Pet.; Colb. adds Can.

NOTES. 257

38. /psius Cuy/tc/i, H., 'wiihD.; istius Cuyuc Can, A.; Cuyuc Chan, Vet., p. 58 1. 3
later Cuyut; istius Kayu(or Kayn)chan, Colb., later Cuyac; ipsius Ciryuch,
Lond.-Lum., later Cuyuch; D. later, Cuyne; Cwyz/^ always in Vine. Beauv.

39. Occisionis eoruin, H.; interfectionis eorum. A., who then inserts, with 1. 8
Corpus and Pet., qtiadraginta diiobus siqtiidem annis piignaverunt et ante

decern et octo annis debent regnare; post haec, ut dicunt, ab alia natione, tamen
nesciunt quae sit ilia [debent devinct] .

40. [Debettt'\ eni/n occidi, H. with Colb.; devinci. A., with Pet.

41. Prophetatuin, H. with Colb.; vaticinatiim, A., with Pet. 1. 9

42. After decanos, A. inserts, with Pet., Colb., et tenebras, id est, decern \. 12
milia [LX A/., Lond.-Lum.].

43. After ordinari, A. adds, with Pet., vittlta etiam alia statuit de quibus
longutn est enarrare, et nos etiam ignoramus.

44. Occoday, H. and A. ; Occaday, Colb. ; Occodai, Pet. 1. 14
46. Thaaday, H. ; Chyaaday, A., with Pet.; Caaday, Lond.-Lum., Colb., 1, 15

which last reads Kaday later; Thiaday, Vine. Beauv.

46. Isti quatuor... Occoday Cuyne, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Vine. Beauv.
[here]; Cuyac, Colb.; ab his quatuor omnes duces Mongalorum descenderunt.
Primus videlicet Occoday Can; hos filioshabet; primus est Cuyjtc, A., with Pet.,
Corpus. Elsewhere, and in the MSS. of the Miroir historial. Vine. Beauv. reads
Cuyuc.

47. Cocthen, H., with D. [later Cuthen\; Cocten, A., with Pet.; Corten, 1. 18
Colb. [later Cuccen\; Coithen, Lond.-Lum. [later Cut/ten']. Avezac credits

D. with reading Coethen, but it appears to give Cocthen, as H. prints.

48. Cyrenen, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. [later Syrennen\, Chirenen, A.,
with Pet., Colb. [Colb. later Syrenen'\; Chyrenen, Vine. Beauv. [Sirenen,
Pet., Lond.-Lum., later].

49. Bati, H. and A.; Batu, Colb., occas.; Bacu and Bay, Pet. !• 19

60. Berctithanth, H., with D. ; Berca, Thaut, A.; Bercathauth, Lond.- 1- 21
Lum. ; Berca, Thanhe, Pet. ; Berca, Charec, Colb.

61. Chadan, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; Cadan, A., with Pet.; Kadan, !• ^3
Colb. Later, H. reads Cathan, A. Cadan.

62. Becas, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; Bichac, A., with Pet.; Bethac, 1- 27
Colb. ; Bithat, Vine. Beauv.

63. Cathan, Syban, Bureth, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Cadan, S..., 1. 30
Burin et Buigec. A.;...Dinget, Pet.; Buryn, Cadon, Siban, Buyget, Colb.;

Hurin, Cadan, Siban, Ouygat, Vine. Beauv.

64. Cyrpodan, H., with Lond.-Lum., D, ; Chirpodan, A., with Pet.; !• 3^
Chyrpodan, Colb. [later, Cirpodan\

66. Soldanum Damasci, H., with all MSS. but Pet.; soldanos {solidanos.
Pet.] quosdam terrae Saracenorum et alios qui sunt ultra mare. A., with Pet.,
Corpus, which last reads Soldanos .. .Sarracenorum.

66. Mangu, H. [who later reads Mengu\, with D. ; Mengu, A., with 1- S'Z
Colb. [later Menga^ Vine. Beauv. ; Pet. reads Metigu [later sometimes
Mongal'\; Lond.-Lum., Mongu.

67. Hyhilay, H., with Lond.-Lum.; Hubilay, A., with Pet. ; Hibilay, D.;
Hubilai, Colb.

68. Seremum, H. and A., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Sirenum, Pet., Colb. !• 33

69. Synocur, H., with D. ; Sinocur, A., with Pet., Colb.; Synotur, Lond.-
Lum.

60. Thitatamur, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; Thuatemur, A.; Thuacemur,
Pet.; Thuatenyr, Colb.

H. 17

258 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ETC.

p. 68 1. 33 61. Cyragay, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; fCarachay, A.; Caragai, 'Pti. ',

Karanchay, Colb. ; Cara, Gay, Vine. Beauv.

62. Sybedey, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Sibedei, A., with Pet., Colb.
L 34 63. Mauci, H., A., with Lond.-Lum.; Maney, D. ; Monty, Pet. ; Mou^y,

Colb.

64. Choranca, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Corenza, A.; Corcenia, Pet.,
later, Coretiza ; Karancha, Karanchay, Colb. ; Corrcnsa, Vine. Beauv.
1. 39 66. After maneant dtues, A. adds, with Pet., Colb., duces vera assignant

viillenariis loca.
1. 40 66. Decants, H., with all MSS. but Pet. ; decmariis. A., with Pet.

p. 6© 1.5 67. FA...subdititios,}\.,\i\\>\\j:)\iA.-\M.xa.,Y).\eis...stibductitios,A.\sudttc-

titios. Pet.; subdicios, Colb.
1. 15 68. Nationibus, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; tnajonbiis, A., with Pet.,

Colb.

69. Exiguntur, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; petuntur. A., with Pet., Colb.
1. 16 70. Darctur, H., with D. ; daniitr. A., with Pet., Colb., Lond.-Lum.

[p. 80]

!• 37 71. Sicut volunty H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; secundum heneplacitum suum,

A., with Pet., Colb. For H.'s Altisoldanum...Biserminoru>n Lond.-Lum.

reads terrain Altisoldani...Bisserminarum.
p. 60 1. 1 72. Quae Barthra dicitur, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; nomine Barchin, A.,

with Vine. Beauv.; Karachin, Pet. [later Barchin, and so Vine. Beauv.];

Karkyn, Colb.
1.5 73. lakint, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; lakynt, Colb.; lanckint. A.;

Sakinc, Pet. ; Sarguit, Vine. Beauv.
1.9 74. Orna, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Vine. Beauv.; Omas, A., with

Pet.; Ornac, Colb. [OrJ>ar, Pet., later].
!• 13 76. Fluuium qui vocatur Don, H., with Lond.-Lum., Colb., \J.; Jluvium

quendam qui currit per lanckint et terratn Bisertninorum, A., with Pet. ;

quendani magnum Jluvium, Vine. Beauv.
1. 18 76. Tortorum, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Turcorum, A., with Pet. ;

Toycorum, Colb.

77. Sitnililer, H., with D., obviously wrong; A. omits, like Lond.-Lum.
!• 21 78. Kiouiam, H. and A.; Kiomam, Pet.; Kyoniam, Colb.; A'yoviam

Lond.-Lum.
!• 23 79. After ciuitatis, A. reads, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv. [in

part], unde quando per terrain illam ibamus, inveniebamus innumerabilia

capita et ossa hominum mortuorum super campum jacere; fuerat enim civitas

valde magna et nimium papulosa : et nunc quasi in nichilum reducta [redacta,

Corpus] est: vix [vix enim, Corpus] ducentae domus sunt ibi, modo et illi

homines tenentur in maxima servitute.
p. 61 1. 7 80. Et faciem per omnia, H., with all MSS. but Pet., Corpus; et humanum

caput habebant, sed faciem, etc. A., with Pet., Corpus.

[p. 31]

1. 25 81. Remouendo se quasi rota, PL, with all MSS. but Pet., Colb. ; renolvendo

se quasi in circulo: istos autent Ysidorus Ciclopedes appellavit. A., with Pet.,
and Vine. Beauv.; revolv'...rota, Colb.

1. 28 82. Georgiae, H., with D. ; etiam Georgianiae, A., with Pet.; Georgranie,

Lond.-Lum. ; yeorgiane, Colb.

NOTES. 259

88. Deurum, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Colb., Vine. Beau v. ; de Urtim, p. 61 1. 31
A., with Pet.

84. Halapiae, H. and A., with D., Vine. Beau v. ; Alapiae, Pet.; Dani- !• 33
fessi, Lond.-Lum.; Damasci, Colb.

85. Impuspiaut, H., with all MSS. but Pet., Corpus, obtinent et alias
terras ultra illas proponunt impugnare. A., with Pet., Corpus, and Vine.
Beauv. [optinent. Pet., Corpus].

86. Alius, H., with all MSS. but Pet. ; idem. A., with Pet. and Vine. Beauv. 1. 35

87. BaUach, H. and A. ; Balday, Colb.; Baldac, Pet.

88. Quadragiuta bisantia, H., with all MSS. but Pet.; quadringentos ' !• 36
bisancios, A., with Pet.

CHAPTER 6.

Qualiter Tartari se habent in pr^lijs, H., with D. ; wanting in Lond.- p. 62 1. i
Luni. ; De bello et ordinatione acierum, et armis, et astuciis in congres-
sione, et oppugnatione munitionum, et perfidia eoritni in eos qui se reddunt
eis, et cntdelitate in captives, A., mostly with Pet. which, like Corpus, reads
et congregatione for in congressione, and captivorum for in captives, and has
slightly different order; Colb. reads crud...e quam faciunt de capt...is and
castrortitn et civitaium for munitionum, also with slight differences of order.
This chapter corresponds to ch. 17 in Vine. Beauv. which has same title as H.,
D. here. For Corpus see also Introduction.

In the recital of headings which follows, H. makes six, with all the MSS. ;
A. five only.

1. Expercilui, H. ; exercitui. A., with Lond.-Lum., which also reads 1. 13
cunto; expercitur, D.

2. Omnes, H., with all MSS. but Pet., Colb.; acies. A., with Pet.; Colb. 1. 14
omits.

3. After omnes occidtintur, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, Lond.-Lum., et si 1. 16
omnes decern fugiunt, nisi fiigiant alii centum, omnes occiduntur.

4. AuJacter, H., Lond.-Lum., D. ; audaciter, A. 1. 17
6. Duo \arcus\ H. ; arma autem ista ad minus omnes debent habere ; duos 1. 20

\arcus\ A., with Pet., Corpus, Colb.

6. After trahendas, H. rea.A% habere debet unusquisque,v/i\.\i D. ; A. omits, 1. 22
with Lond.-Lum.

7. Loricas quidam habent de corio, H., with Colb. ; A. reads, with Pet., 1. 25
Corpus, and Vine. Beauv., quidam loricas et etiam co-operturam equorum.

8. After boue, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, vel alio animali. 1. 27

9. Quam partem ducunt, H., with D.; qucu protenduntur. A., with Pet., 1. 33
Colb., Lond.-Lum.

10. Before cut crurium, A. adds with Pet., Corpus, ad genua vel usque; \. 38
omitted by H., Lond.-Lum., D.

11. Super humeros [retro], H. ; A. omits s... h..., with Pet., Corpus, Colb. p. 63 1. 3

12. Aliam peciam, H., with all MSS. (Corpus included), but Colb.; illam 1- 4
peciam. A., with Colb.

13. [Inferius...] aptae, H., with all MSS. but Pet., Colb.; [?«/....] apertae, 1. 9
A., with Pet., Colb.

14. Vtroque, H.; unoquoque. A., with Pet., Colb.

16. Ahei ferrea, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, vel de chalybe\calibe\ 1. 11

17 2

26o THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

[p. 32]

p. 63 1. 2 1 16. After carrigiolam vnam A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, and Vine. Beauv.

[in part], quae duplicattir ex utraque parte et cotisuitur cum una corrigiola.
1. 22 17. \Cohaereant^ sibi, H. ; \c...i\simul. A., with Pet., Colb. ; conhereant.

Pet.
1. 27 18. Fine [/erri], H., with all Mss. but Pet. ; colio [/...i]. A., with Pet.

p. 64 1. 3 19. After accipiunt et occidunt [H.], A.'s capiunt veloccidunt, A. adds, with

Pet., Corpus, Nichilominits tamen principes exercittis ex omni parte miltunt
.precones post hoc ad inveniendum homines et munita, qui valde sagaces sunt
ad querendnm.
1. 23 20. Retro gradiuntur, H., with all MSS. but Pet. ; r... regrediuntur. A.,

with Pet.
1. 40 21. Contra faciem eqitorum, H., with all mss. but Pet., Colb.; e... /...

inimicorum. A., with Pet., Colb.
p. 66 1.6 22. Fictos, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.;yff/»V»<?j, A., with Colb. ; /«/»Vw,

Pet.
1. 12 23. After vulnerant et occidunt, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, et cum jam

homines et equi sunt debiliiali sagitlis, tunc congrediuntur cum eis.
1. 14 24. Expugnant [/ortissime], H., with D. ; et pugnant [/....], A.; expun-

gnant, Lond.-Lum.

[p. 33]

1. ^\ 26. After ituxtinguibiliter ardet, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, extingui

tamen potest, ut dicitur, cum vino vet cervesia superfusa ; et, si super carnem
ceciderit, confricaiione palmae manus [magnus, Pet., Corpus] potest extingui.

CHAPTER 7.

p. 66 1. 3 For H.'s De terris quas eorum dominio subiugariint, supported by D.,

A. reads Quomodo faciunt cum hominibus pacetn et de terrarum nominibus quas
subjugaverunt et de terris quae eis restiterunt, et de tyrannide quam exercent
in hominibus suis. This reading is supported with very small variations
by Pet., Colb.; Corpus omils cum [hominibus] and reads restituerunt ; Lond.-
Lum. has nothing here. In Vine. Beauv, this chapter does not exist at all in
any form. For Corpus see also Introduction.
1. 7 1. In headings A. interchanges tertio and quarto. H.'s reading is sup-

ported by all the MSS. For H.'s tyrannide... in eis, supported by Lond.-Lum.,
D. [t... in COS, Pet., Colb.], A. reads /... in hominibus suis.
1. 20 2. Saraceiiorum...Cuynlh, H., with D.; unus Saracenus...Cuyuc, A., with

Pet.; Cuyno, Co\h.; C//?'mM, Lond.-Lum.
1. 30 3. Zabulum, H. ; nigrum zabulum. A., with Pet., Colb.; sab...m, Pet.

1. 32 4. Illit, H., with D. ; iitis, A.; illic, Lond.-Lum. For H.'s Tentonice,

Lond.-Lum. reads Tentonice.
1. 33 6. Dochon, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; dochori. A., with Colb.; dorcori.

Pet., Corpus; really the chorek of Russians, chorz of Poles, chor of Bohemians
and Slovaks; tkore of Serbs, dihur of Carniola Slavs.
p. 67 1.5 6. Alliciunt, quas permittunt, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Colb.; ut

alliceant alios, dimitlunt. A., with Pet.
1. 13 7. After quodam and before Solangorum, A. inserts diice, with Pel., Colb.;

Salangorum, Pet. ; Salongorum, Lond.-Lum.

NOTES. 261

8. Basckathos, H. and A. ; bastacos, Pet.; bascatos, Colb., later Bascaky; p. 67 1. 14
baschatos, D. After b...os, A. adds, with Pet., sive praefectos.

9. ^Baschathi^ imponunt, H., with D. ; [*...] opponunt. A., with Pet., 1. 17
Colb.; inponunt, Lond.-Lum.

10. After cum and before in terra Tartarorum, A. inserts adhuc, with 1. il
Pet., Colb.

[p. 34]

11. Quod ipsummet, H., with D.; ijuam ipsimei. A., with Pet., Colb.; I. 33
quod ipsimet, Lond.-Lum.

12. After et quando libet, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, Colb., et quantum !• ^7
placet, absque ulla comiitione p>etunt et accipiunt. Insuper si sunt aliqua placita

inter illos principes qui reddidcrunt se ipsis, oporlet ut [quod, Colb. ].

13. Melic, H.and A. ; Melio, Pet., which later reads Melic; Melit, Lond.- 1. 31
Lum. ; Metis, Colb.

14. Bysantiorum, H. ; bysanciorum. A.; bisancium. Pet., Lond.-Lum., p. 68 1. 9
Colb.

16. Kebellare, H. and all MSS. ; debellare, A. 1. 10

16. Comania, H.; Comana, A., with Pet., which before (ch. 5) read 1. 13
Chanana; Ca«a/M, Colb.

17. Voyrat, H. and A.; Uiccat, Pet., which before read Udryat.

18. Caraniti, H., with D.; K...niti, A., with Pet.; Karauiti, Colb.; 1. 14
Caranici, Lond.-Lum.

19. Huyur, H. and A. ; Htiyurc, Pet. ; Vini, Colb.

20. Soboal, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; Sumon^al, A.; Sutnoal, Pet., Colb.

21. Meniti, H., with D. ; Mecriti, A., with Colb.; Vietrici, Pet.; Menici,
Lond.-Lum.

22. Barykryur, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Sarihuiur, A., with Pet.;
Sarihuyur, Colb.

23. Gosmit, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Casniir, A.; Cosmir, Pet., Colb.

24. Bisermini, Turcoinani,W., h.; Beseremynitur Cttmany, Vet., Corpus; 1. 15
Bissermini, Turcomanni, Colb.

25. Byleri, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Bileri, id est. A., with Colb.;
Bylery, Pet.

26. Baschare [magna Hungaria\ H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Baschart, id
est [magna\ A., with Pet., Colb.

27. Kergis, H., A. and all MSS., exc. Pet. which reads Tergis. 1. jg

28. Colona, Thorati, H., with I). : Corola, Comuci, A. ; Catoracomttty,
Pet. ; Korola Tontici, Colb.; Coloua Thoraty, Lond.-Lum.

29. Buritabeth, H. and A., with D. ; Buritabet, Colb.; Bircithobec, Pet.;
Btirycobeth, Lond.-Lum.

30. Parossiti, H. and A. ; Parassiti, Lond.-Lum. ; Porosyti, Colb. ;
Paressm, Pet.

31. Sassi, H., with D.; Cassi, A., with Pet., Colb., Lond.-Lum. 1. 17

32. lacobiti, H., A.; Jacobitae,V,ov^A.-\jyxra., Colb.; Pet. omits.

33. Assi, H., A.; Assy, Colb., Lond.-Lum.; Assio, Pet., which follows
this with Besi for Obesi.

34. Nestoriani, H., A.; Uestoriae, Pet.

36. Cangiti,Yi-.,K.; Cangit, Co\h. ; Cangyt,L,on(i.-'L\im.;[Armeni]kangit, 1. 18

Pet.

36. Brutachi, H., A.; Brucharchi, Pet.; Brtichathy, Lond.-Lum.

37. Torci, H., with D. ; Turci, A.; Torti, Pet.; Corey, Colb.; Torcy,

262 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 68 Lond.-Lum. Earlier, Pet. gave Turcorutn; Colb. Toyconim\ the rest of the

Mss. Tortorum.
1. 19 38. Samogedi, H., A. ; Samogey, Lond.-Lum. ; Sanioyegi, Colb.

39. Thoas, H., with D. ; Tarci, A., with Pet.; Thaos, Lond.-Lum.;
Tati, Colb.
1. 20 40. Yrchasi, H., with D. ; Circasi, A., with Pet. ; Circassy, Colb. ;

Vrchasy, Lond.-Lum.

41. Rutheni, H., A. ; Cucheni, Pet. ; Ruteni, Colb.

42. Baldach, H., A.; Baldas, Pet.; Baldtic, Co\h.; Baldahc, Lond.-Lum.

43. Sarthi, H., with D. ; Sarti, A., with Pet., Colb.; Sarthy, Lond.-Lum.
1. 25 44. Sayi, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; Saxi, A. ; Saxa, Pet.; Sacxi, Colb.
1.27 46. Contra machinas, H., with Lond.-Lum., Y).; propter m..., A., with

Pet., Colb.
!• 39 46. After horreis dominorutn, A. inserts, mainly with Pet. , Corpus, suorum :

dimittunt tamen eis sernina, el quanttim ipsis competenter sufficiat \stiffi.cit. Pel.,

Corpus] pro expensis: aliis autern.
1. 40 47. Ahtr vHum pondus, A. inserts, with Pet., Corpus, de pane.

1. 43 48. Ahcr dominis placet, A. inserts, with Pet., Corpus, cum uxort6use/^/us.

p. 6© 1. 17 *9. Vidi eos ire. ..brads, H. ; vidimus eos...braccis pelliceis...ire. A., mostly

with Colb., which reads Vidi; brachiis, P.

CHAPTER 8.
[p. 86]

1. 23 For H.'s heading Quomodo bello occurratur Tartaris, supported by D.
[wanting in Lond.-Lum.], A. reads Q... b... occ... T...is, ei quod intendunt,
et de armis et ordinatione acierum, et quomodo occurratur eorum asticiis in
pugna, et munitione castrorum et civitatum, et quid faciendum est de captivis,
mostly with Pet., Colb. ; but Pet. reads captaris occurratur et qtwd atiendunt
for occ... T... is... intendunt \ Corp. reads yi/r/am and atiendunt; Colb. reads
congressione for pugna, with a few minor differences. This chapter answers to
ch. 18 in Vine. Beau v., Qualiter resistendum sit eis. For Corpus, see also
Introduction.

1.37 1. [Excepia Christianilale...'\ timenl, H.; ipsi non leneant, A.; ipsi

teneant. Pet.; quam limeant, Colb. A little later Hak.'s imperalorem...Chan
is omitted by Pet , Corpus.
p. 70 1. 7 2. Faciendum est, H., with Lond.-Lum., D., Qo\h.; faciendum esse nobis

videtur. A., mostly with Pet.; est in all mss.

1. 14 3. After omnes mililes, A. adds, with Pet., et honeslos viros; Colb. reads et

omnes mililes honeslos.

\. 18 4, Multiludine, H., with Colb.; mullimode, A., with Pet.

!• 19 8. After sed poslea, A. adds, with Colh., pungunl; after per Poloniam

[om. Colb.], A. adds, with Pet., ut nobis dicebalur; for veniunl A. reads venient,
with Pet.

1. 26 6. After in Martio, A. reads, with Pet., Corpus, praeterito exercitum

invenimus indicium per omnes Tartaros per quos Iransivimtis ad terram Rusciae,
instead of An. Dom. 124:7, si de terra sua mouebunt, H., with all MSS. but Pet.,
Corpus; for 124:7 Colb. reads preterito; se . . .movebant or moverunt, A. gives
as reading of Lond.-Lum., D., Colb. [really moverunt, Lond.-Lum., etc.]

1. 29 7. After annolatas, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, Colb., ignoramus tamen

[v.l. cuml ulrum inconlinenli post lerciam hyemetn veniant, vel ad lempus adhuc
expeclenl, ut melius venire possunl [possint, Colb.] ex iiiiproviso.

NOTES. 263

8. Tunc pro certo, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; pugnando. A., with Pet., p, 70 1. 31
Colb.

9. De notw [again, after ticfum], H. ; A. omits, with Pet. 1. 34

10. Adhoc, H. ; ud/iuc, A.; Pet. omits; ex hoc, Colb. 1. 35

11. Ore sito, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; propria ore, A.; ore sua propria, 1. 36
Colb. ; propriore ore. Pet.

12. Et Pnissiam, H., with D. ; et Prusciam, A., with Colb. ; e Prusciam,
Pet.; et Pruciam, Lond.-Lum.

13. Si [au/ern], H. ; sin [auteni]. A., with Colb. p. 71 1. 2

14. In concubinas, H., with D. ; et concubinis. A., with Pet., Colb.; in \. 6
concubinis Lond.-Lum.

15. After resisiere eis, A. adds, with Pet., sicut nobis videtur, nisi Deus 1. 9
velit ptignare pro ipsis.

16. \^Trid\ niillia, H., with all Mss. but Pet.; A. omits millia, with Pet. 1. 17

17. After millia hominum, A. adds, with Pet., ant plures. 1. 18

18. Contra, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; circa. A., with Pet., Colb.

19. Et scutum, H., with D.; vel securim. A., with Pet., Corpus, Colb.; I. 23
et securim, Lond.-Lum. Just after this Corpus xe&A?, feramenta sagittorum.

[p. 36]

20. For H.*s illos [eorum sagittae'] A. reads with Pet. illas de facili: in 1. 28
Colb. illas only.

21. De armis et sagittis, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; de arcubus vel de 1. 31
balistis. A., with Colb.; arcubus vel balistis. Pet., Corpus.

22. Quoniam [comparent], H.; quin [com...ent]. A., with Colb.; quando 1. 32
\com...ant\ Pet.

23. Nee [duces], H.; non intrant [d....]. A., with Pet., Colb. 1. 36

24. Possunt [intrare], H., with D., Pet.; possint [«....], A., with Colb., p. 72 1. 6
Lond.-Lum.

26. Nec.multum, H., with Lond.-Lum., D.; non...nimis. A., with Pet., 1. 8

Colb.

26. Post [veniunt], H. ; primo [v....]. A., with Pet., Colb. \. 9

27. Tartari...vigilantvt possint, a.; T.... v.... ut videant quomodo possint, 1. 42
A., with Pet., Colb.

28. Sagittas, et, H. ; tarn segetes quam. A., with Pet., Corpus; tarn p. 73 1. i
sagittas quam [alia arma], Colb.

29. After combwere, A. adds, with Colb., velfortiter occultare. 1. 4

30. Before castrum furari, A. inserts, with Pet., Tartari. 1. ix

31. Before illas. ..in mensura, A. inserts, with Pet., Colb., expensas et; 1. 13
expensas et ilia, Colb.

32. Eos...oportet...inclusos, H., with Lond.-Lum., D. ; ipsos\eos, Colb.]... 1. 14
oporteat. . .conclusos. A., with Colb. ; inclusos in all but Colb. ; ipsos. . .oporteat, Pet.

33. Quum enim...tunc multis, H., with D.; Quia quando ipsi...multis. A.,
with Pet. ; quia cum, Colb. ; quando enim, Lond.-Lum.

34. Foueis profundis munitis, H., with T>.% f.... p.... muratis, A., with 1. 20
Colb., Lond.-Lum. ; foveis muratis et muratis. Pet., Corpus.

[p. 37]

36. After civitatibus and before claudant, A. adds, with Pet., Colb., et 1. 30

castris, reading se in civitatibus et castris claudant.

264 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ETC.

p. 7a 1. 36 36. [Pecunia magna] rediniantur., H., with all MSS. but Pet.; [/.... w....]

daretur pro eis, A., wilh Pet., Corpus.
1.38 37. Forma. ..fuit expressa, H., with D.; de forma... est expressttm. A.,

with Pet., Co\h.\ forma... sit expressum, l^ond.-l-wm.

p. 74 1. 3 38. After the end of Hakluyt's text [...aduersarij manifesti], where also

MSS. Lond.-Lum., D., Colb. finish, A. adds, with Pet., Corpus, haec autem
quae superius scripta sunt ut illi qui viderunt et andiertint tantum duximus
referendum \diximus referenda. Pet.], non ut instruamus discretes qui per
exercitum pugnae bellorum noverint asttuias: credimus enim quod multa [nulla
Pet.] meliora et utiliora cogitabunt \c...anty Pet.] et facient illi qui ad hoc
prudentes sunt et instructi; potcrunt tamen, per ilia quae superius dicta sunt,
habere de eis occasionem et materiam cogitandi. Scriptum est enim, audiens
sapiens [om. Pet.] sapientior eTnt et intelligens gubemacula possidebit.

Carpini, text 2, from Vincent of Beauvais' Speculum Historiale; Hakluyt's
Reprint, pp. 37 — 53 of the original edition of 1598 — 1600, compared with the
1474 Augsburg edition of Vincent, book 31 {tricesimus primus), which both
Hakluyt and the Old French version of Vincent, called Miroir historial, make
book 32.

CHAPTER 1.

1- '« 1. Innocentius III/., H.; idem, V.B.
l- '3 2. Ascelinum, H.; Anshelmum, V.B.

^* 33 8. \_Iohannes'\...carpini,Yi.\ ...Campi alias de Piano Carpi,Y.'R.

CHAPTER 3.

p. 76 1. 10 For H.'s heading, ...Carpini, V.B. reads Carpi.
'• '3 1. Kythaorum, H. ; leytaorum, V.B.

^- ^5 2. Huyncrum, H. ; Huyzorum alias Humorum, V.B.

[p. 88]
1- «3 8. Syram, H.; Syriam, V.B.

CHAPTER 4.

p. 76 1. 20 1. Buccaramo,H.; buccaranno, V.B.

P- ^^ 1- 5 2. Brodium, H. ; prodium, V.B.

CHAPTER 5.
1. aa 1. Sufferentes, H.; sufficientes, V.B.

[p. 80]
!• 33 2. RusH^, H. ; Rustie, V.B.
1. 38 3. After indignantis naturae, V. B. inserts viles.

CHAPTER 6.

p. 78 1. 27 1. Baly, H.; Baton, V.B.

1.31 2. \_At ille\paruo,Y{..; ...puero,V.'B.

NOTES. 265

CHAPTER 7.

[p. 40]

1. Iterum \si i]uis calcat\ H.; item... V.B. p. 79 1. ^g

2. After aliquis a/ulgure, V. B. inserts et tempestate. p. ao 1. 16

3. [A nullo]tanguntur...hominibus,V{.; tangi fermittitur... omnibus, V.H. \. 19

CHAPTER 8.

1. Yeka, H. ; Yka alias Yeka, V. B. 1. 28

2. Furari . . .praediim capere, H.; fiirta et praeda capere, V. B. 1. 36

3. Captittabat,H.;'capiebat,V.\i. 1. 37

4. {Contra] Merkatas, H. ; ...Merkitas, V. B. p. 81 1. 2
6. Ad inuicem [diutsi], H..; ab invicem..., V. B. 1. 9

6. Chingi,Yi.\ Chingis,\.^. 1. 10

7. [^«« «^a<fc7-^] «o« [potuenini], H. ; V. B. omits non. 1. 16

8. Chanyl, H.; Chanay, V.B. 1. 19

CHAPTER 9.

[p. 41]

1. Before intrauerunt and after eorutn terram, V. B. inserts moverunt et. 1. 30

2. Eorum Iniperator, H.; imperator Kythaorum^'S .'&. 1. 31

3. Minatur\aliquis\ H. ; ininaretur...,Y.Vi. 1. 35

4. [7<?rraw] Huyrorum, H.; .. Huyorum, V.B. p. 82 1. 2
6. ^/ hos etiam...deuicerunt, H.; ad hos et...diverterunt, V.B. 1. 3

6. Saruy iir... terram Karanitarnm,Yi.\ Sarhttyur .. .terram Karatmarum, 1.6
V. B.

7. Chingischam, H. ; Chingis tarn, V. B. ; [later, Chingistd], 1. i^

CHAPTER 10.

1. Thosut, H. ; T/wssuc, V. B. p. 83 1. 5

2. lAd ipsos] vltra redierint, H. ; ...postea redierunt, V. B. 1. 25

CHAPTER II.

[p. 42]
1. {Glacie super eos] depressata, H. ; ...densata, V. B. p, 84 1. 5

CHAPTER 12.

1. Dimisit [alios exercitus\ H.; divisit..., V.B. 1. 26

2. Applicauerunt [de lapide Adamantino\ H. ; applicuerunt . . . , V. B. 1. 30

3. Fafoj quidem tritas, H. ; t'/aj strictas, V. B. p. 85 1. 8

4. [7<r/«/<?r^] anni, H.; ...animi, V. B. 1. 28

CHAPTER 13.
[p. 43]

1. Occoday \vocabatur primus\ H.; C^<r<?a'fl;'..., V. B. p. 86 1. 4

2. Thossut, H. ; r>4t>j«<f, V. B.

266 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 86 1. 7 3. Chyrenen, H. ; Chyrenem, V.B.

1.8 4. Siba...Syban,Y\..', Siban...Saban,\.'Q.

1. lo 6. After Hurin et Cadan, V. B. adds et Nauschlin.

1.12 6. Mengu...Bithat,Y{..; Mengii...Bichac,W.'B.

7. Seroctan, H.; Serectam, V. B.

1. i6 8. Ouygat,Vi..; Duyget,Y.B.

1. 20 9. Sinocur, H. ; Synolur, V. B.

10. Cara, Gay, H.; Caragan,'W.'&.

1. 21 IL Corrensa, H.; Corenfa, V.B.

In Chapter 14 no variants worth notice.

CHAPTER 15.
p. 87 1. 17 1. Altissodan, H.; Altasodan, V. B.

[p. 44]

1.36 2. Kiouiatn, Russiae tnetropolin, H.; Comani Riiscie metropoliin, V.B.

[Just before V. B. has Rustiam.'\
p. 88 1. 17 8. [Hitu et aii'\ Samogelas, H. ; ...Somagenos, V. B.

CHAPTER 16.

p. 89 1. I r 1. Deurum, H. ; De Urim, V. B.

1.17 2. Caliphi Baldach,H.; Califihaldas,\.'B.

1. 18 3. CCCC Byzantios, H.; trecentos bizancios, V.B.

CHAPTER 17.
1. «6 1. [Decem...millenariijs'\praeponunt, H.', ...praeposuit,\.^.

[p. 46]
p. ©O 1. 23 2. Ansas [crebras], H. ; caut/as..., V. B.

CHAPTER 18.
p. 91 1. 5. 1. Dolabrum \quoq; de bonoferro], H.; dolobrum..., V.B.

CHAPTER 19.

[p. 49]

p. 92 1. 10 1. Curias et cinitates, H. ; cunctas civitates, V. B.

1. 1 1 2. Slesiae, H. ; Celeserie alias Selesie, V. B.

1. 32 3. Kiouiatn, H.; Kioniam, V. B. ; [later Luoniam sive Chioniatn and
Kyonia\

!• 33 4. Lituanos, H. ; Lucuanos, V. B.

1- 37 8. [/l^rr*? m] Danilone, H.; Dambone, V.B.

p. 93 1. II 6. Canouae, H.; Caw«^, V.B.

CHAPTER 20.
[p. 47]
p. 94 1. 10 1. Sexaginta [millid], H. ; DC..., V. B.

NOTES. 267

CHAPTER II.

1. Habebamus \ex gratia Dei], H. ; habenius..., V. B. p. 94 1. 19

3. Ter aut qtiater \pmni die\, H. ; omit V. B. !• 34

3. Neper, H. ; Vepcr, V. B. 1. 39

4. Montij, H.; Monep, V. B. p. »5 1. i
6. Congelantur... circa littora imdae, H. ; congelatus .. .terra littorea bene, 1. 14

V. B.

CHAPTER 22.

1. Pocuratore \Eldegay\ H. ; procuratore..., V, B. 1. 29

[p. 4B]

2. Solinum, H.; solium, V. B- P- »« 1- 18

CHAPTER 23.

1. Cityne, H. ; Cuyiit, V. B. 1. 28

2. [5?/^//a<:] J/^«V, H.; ...J/^, V. B. 1.29

3. Rediissent... Montij, H.; reddissent... Many alias Mouthy, V. B. !• 31

4. Bastarcos, H.; Bascarcos, V, B. p. 97 1. 7

5. Samogetas, H. ; Samoedos, V. B. !• 8

CHAPTER 24.
[p. 49]

1. Comanica, H. ; Camonica, V.B. 1- 35

2. i9«r7«, H. ; Hurin, V. B. p. 98 1. 1

3. Thiaday,\i.\ Chiaday,^ .V,.

Chingischam, H.; Chingistam, V.B. [here and usually]. ^' 3

CHAPTER 25.
1. il/a^««/// [/rz^j], H.; maximum..., Y.'R. 1. 35

Chapters 26 — 29 in Vine. Beauv. do not correspond to the same in
Hakluyt: V. B.'s Chapter 26 is De exaltatione Raconadii in Soldanum Turquie:
f rater Symon [i.e. Simon of St Quentin]; Chapter 27, De Losyr tyranni
debachatione ; Chapter 28, De federis inter Turcos et Tartaros confirmatione;
Chapter 29, Qualiter Rex Minor is Armenie Tartaris se subdidit.

All these are probably from Simon of St Quentin's lost work.

CHAPTER 26 H. (30 V. B.).

Here V. B. puts the heading Prater Johannes, i.e. he resumes here his
Summary of Carpini.

1. Adunabatur [curia soknnis'], H.; habebatur..., V.B. p. 99 1. 20

2. Tam grande nostra iudicio, H. ; tamen..., V. B.; later, tamen, H.; 1. 22
tan turn, V. B.

[p. 60]

3. Baldakinis, H. ; badakynis, V. B. 1, 30

4. [Extra tabulatum'\collocabatur, a.; ...colloquebantur,y .^, p. lOOl. 2

5. leroslaus, H.; Gerozlaus, V.B. [later, Geroslaus, V.B.]. 1. 10

loa 1. 2 1

108 1. I

1-13

1. i8

268 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

In Chapter 27 H. (31 V. B.) no variants worth notice; Chapter 32 in
Vine. Beauv. from Simon of St Quentin is not in Hakluyt : De solemnitate
quafuit incronizatus : Frater Symon.

CHAPTER 28 H. (33 V. B.).

Here V. B. resumes the heading Frater Johannes.
p. 101 1. 13 1. Before \qui\ cum ipso tnorabantur continue, V. B. inserts qui erant fie

familia ejus et.

[p. 61]

1.28 2. \Ab JmpercUore\definitwn,W..\ ...diffinitufn,\.B.

1. 35 S. Cuyne, H. ; Cuyhnc, V. B.

Chapter 34 in Vine. Beauv., from Simon of St Quentin, is not in Hakluyt ;
De nomine ejus tu principibus et exercitibus: Frater Symon.

CHAPTER 2Q H. (35 V. B.).

1. Chingay, H.; (7»«^<y, V. B.

2. Similiter sellae positae, H. ; super quos , V. B.

CHAPTER 30 H. (36 V.B.).

1. Ieroslaiy'S\.\ Geroslay,W.'Q.

2. Solar iolum, H. ; Solarium, V. B.

[N.B. Soldal for Sutdal, both in H. and V. B.]

[p. sa]
CHAPTER 31 H. (37 V. B.)

p. X04 1. 14 1. Ostendit, H. ; indicavit, V. B. ; ipse sSx&x fabricaverai, omitted by V. B.

Chapters 32 and 33 H. (38 and 39 V. B.) [pp. 53, 63]. No new variants
worth notice exc. itinerere ab illo, V. B. for ab illo itinere (H.) in title
of oh. 33 (39).

Here ends Carpini's text in the abridgement of Vincent, together with
six interpolated chapters, apparently all from Simon of St Quentin, and dealing
with the experiences of Brother Ansehn (or Ascelin) and himself. The following
chapters are now added, all apparently from Simon, ex lihcllo Fratris Symonis.

Chapter 40. Qualiter fratres predicatores apud Baiothnoy [i.e. Bachu
or Baiju 'Noyan'] Tartarorum principem admissi fuerunt ; ex libello fratris
Symonis.

Chapter 41. Qualiter ab eis Tartari de muneribus et de adventu Fran-
corum inqitirunt.

Chapter 42. Qualiter adorare Baiothnoy fratres respuerunt.

Chapter 43. Qualiter Tartaris Christianitatem fratres suaserunt.

Chapter 44. Qualiter ilH de sentencia mortis in fratres tractaverunt.

Chapter 45. Qualiter de modo adorandi sunt altercati.

Chapter 46. Qualiter ad Chaani ire recusaverunt .

Chapter 47. Qualiter literas Domini Papae in Tartaricum ydeoma
transferri fecerunt.

Chapter 48. Qualiter fratres dolose diutius per Tar taros retenti sunt.

Chapter 49. Qualiter Anghutam illos expectare compulerunt.

Chapter 50. Qualiter post ejus adventum recesserunt.

NOTES. 269

Chapter 51. De litteris a pHncipe Tartaronmi [i.e. Baiothnoy] missis
ad papa m.

Chapter yi. De litteris ab imperatore ipsorum ad etindem principem
[i.e. Baiothnoy] missis.

Other details are given in Vine. Beauv. Spec. Hislor. Book XXXI (or xxx)
ch. 149 on Batho's [Batu's] ravaging of Poland and Hungary ex hystoria
Tartarorum. Et ego quidem, says Vincent (as quoted by Hak. p. 37), ab
UHo fratriim praedicatontm, videlicet afratre Symotie de Sancto Quintino iam
ah illo itinere regresso, gesta Tartarorum accepi, ilia duntaxat quae superius
per diversa loca iuxta congruentiam temporum, huic operi inserui. Cf. also
Book xxx (otherwise xxix) of the Spec. Histor. chs. 69, 71, 74, 75, 78,
80 and other places; Book xxxi (otherwise xxx) chs. 3, 4, 7, 8, 13, 32, for
other refs. of V. B. to the Tartars.

§ 8. Notes on Hakluyt's Version of Vincent of Beauvais'
Abridgment of Carpini. pp. 53 — 71.

From the Latin text of pp. 37 — 53 ; no account being taken in this translation
of the fuller text on pp. i\ — 37.

CHAPTER 2.
[p. 63]

1. Ascelline. Ascelin or Anselm was head of the Dominican embassy sent p. 107 1. 9
by Innocent IV. in I247[ — 50] to the Tartars. Ascelin was accompanied by
Simon of St Quentin, the historian of the expedition, and apparently by several
others — Alexander, Albert, Guichard of Cremona and Andrew of Longumeau,
Lonjumeau or Lonjumel, — afterwards an envoy of Louis IX. to the Mongols.
The last two joined Ascelin's party after it had set out. Authorities differ
somewhat about these minor figures of the mission : in any case it was a
supplement to the two Franciscan legations despatched in 1245 by the same
pontiff to the new lords of the East, (i) one under Laurentius or Louren^o of
Portugal, (2) the other under John de Piano Carpini (Giovanni del Pian di
Carpine). Ascelin and his party were ordered to carry the Papal letters to the
first Tartar army they should meet on the side of Persia and Armenia. This
was one under Bachu or Baiju 'Noyan' ('General' Baiju, the 'Baiothnoy' of
Simon of St Quentin), whom we find later encamped at Kars and who was now
at Sitiens, 59 days' journey from Acre, according to Simon. Ascelin's letters
were similar in tenor to Carpini's : after much trouble, they were translated
through Persian into Mongol and so presented to Baiju. He greatly irritated
the Mongols by implying that the Pope was superior even to the Great Khan,
by having no presents to offer, by refusing to go on to the Imperial Court in
Mongolia, by declining the accustomed genuflections before Baiju, and by
urging him and his men to become Christians. 'What, become dogs, like you
and your pope' was the reply. Ascelin and his companions were lodged a mile
from the Tartar camp, treated like dogs, and denied all answer for nearly
nine weeks, througliout June and July. Thrice Baiju, who had been mortally
offended by the freedom of their speech, ordered their death. At last they were
dismissed (July 25, 1247) with Baiju's response to the Pope, dated the ' region

2/0 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

107 of Sitiens,' July 20. In this the ' Noyan ' complained of the ' high words ' of

the Latin envoys, and commanded Innocent to come in person and submit to
the master of all the earth ; he also sent a copy of the instructions he professed
to have received from the Great Khan, regulating his behaviour to foreign
peoples. Baiju (sometimes mis-spelt Baitu) belonged to the Mongol tribe of
Yissut, was a relation of the more famous general Chebe, had invaded Persia
with Charmaghan, and afterwards destroyed the Sultanate of Rum. He was
visited by King Hayton or Hethum of Little Armenia in 1254 and 1255, at
Kars on the way out, at 'Sisian' (Sitiens) on the return journey. 'Noyan'
or 'Nuyan' properly means 'Myriarch,' a commander of 10,000. On Ascelin's
journey cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire cUs Mongols, 1852, li. 200 — i, an — 133, III.
79; Fontana, Monutiunta Domitiicana, p. 52, Rome, 1675; Wadding,
Annales Minorum, in. 116— 8; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Nesearches from
Eastern Asiatic Sources, 1888, I. 113, 166, 171 and notes 455, 494; d'Avezac,
Introd. to Carpini in his edition of 1838, reprinted in the publications of the
Paris Societe de Geographic, Kecueilde Voyages, etc., 1839, ^o'- 'V- PP- 4^4 — 5-
Refs. to the text of Carpini and Rubruquis, to d'Avezac's Introd. and notes,
and to the notes of Michel and Wright on Rubruquis, are always made to
this vol. of the ^<v«<^/7 edition. On Charmaghan [Chormagiin] cf. p. 282.

1, II 2. Of the same authoritie...ioere called: a translation of auctoritate, qua

ftingebantur.

1. 19 3. Simon de Sanct. Quintin : i.e. Simon de Sancto Quintino (of St Quentin),

the historian of Ascelin's mission of 1 247 to Baiju, is only preserved in Vincent
of Beauvais' Speculum Historiale, where 19 chapters are expressly said to be
ex libello fratris Simonis or lal>elled f rater Simon (Symon) viz. Spec. Hist.,
book XXXII. [as usually quoted; sometimes called XXXI.] chs. 26 — 29, 32, 34,
40 — 52 : besides these a number of other chapters, in books xxxi. and xxx.
are probably from the same source; cf. book xxxi. [otherwise XXX.] chs. 3, 4,
7t 8. 13, 32, and book XXX. [otherwise XXIX.] chs. 69, 71, 74, 75, 78, 80, etc.
Cf. Reinier Reinecke, who extracted all the matter relating to Oriental Nations
from Vincent of Beauvais and published it in his Ilistoria Orientalis \_Haythoni
Armenii et huic subjectum Marci Fault Veneti Itinerarium, item fragmentum e
Specula Historian Vincentii Belvacensis, ejusdem argumenti], Helmstadt 1585,
Frankfurt 1595 ; d'Avezac in the Paris Recueil (as above) pp. 404 — 5,
433 — 4, 464 — 5; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 200 — i, 221 — 233;
Bretschneider, as quoted in note i. Simon is the only 13th century
Christian writer, except King Hayton of Little Armenia, who speaks of the
Mongol Khan ('Gogcham' in Simon; Vine. Beauv. book xxxi. ch. 32) being
elevated on a felt in the air and so proclaimed ; as Simon did not go to
Mongolia proper, his word might be doubted ; but Hayton declares that he
himself was twice present at the confirmatio of the Tartar emperor.

1.22 *• lohn de Piano Carpini : i.e. Giovanni del Piano di Carpine[-i], one of the

original members of the Franciscan order, a companion of St Francis: appointed
in 1228 Provincial of the Order in Germany, in 1230 Provincial in Spain, in
1 24 1 again Provincial in Germany (at Cologne); member of a noble house, the
Lords of Piano di [' Pian de'] Carpine [-i] near Perugia, now known as Piano della
Magione. When sent by Innocent IV. to the Tartars he was, like Louren9o of
Portugal, the Pope's penitentiary {pocnitentiarius ipsius). On his journey he
was accompanied (by orders of Innocent IV.) by two other Franciscans, Benedict
of Poland, who stood by him throughout, and Stephen of Bohemia, who turned
back near Kiev. After his return he was ' interviewed ' in France bv the friar

NOTES. 271

Salimbene de Salimbeni and others. Salitnbeni, who saw him in Nov. 1 247, p. 107
calls him familiaris homo et spiritualis et litteratus et magntis prolocutor et in
multis expertus, and says that he wrote de factis Tartarorum et aliis mira-
bilibus mundi, secundum (juod oculis suis vidit, uitum magnum librum : et
faciebat ilium librum legi, ut pluries audivi et vidi, quoties facta Tartarorum
gravabatur referre (cf. Sbaraglia, Supplementum et castigatio ad Scriptores III.
Ordinum, p. 452 ; d'Avezac in the Paris Kecueil, 598). The Pope expressed
great pleasure with the results of Carpini's mission and kept him three months
in close attendance on himself, after which he appointed him Archbishop of
Antivari and Metropolitan of Dalmatia; in this office John de Piano died,
perhaps in 1248, certainly before the close of 1252. The letter of Innocent IV.
(entrusted to Carpini), addressed Regi et Populo Tartarorum, is printed by
d'Avezac in the Paris Recueil, iv. pp. 479—80. Carpini's credentials were
given him March 5, 1245, and he started from Lyons April 16 of the same
year, while the Council of Lyons was not formally opened until June 20, 1245;
many have wrongly assumed that Carpini was sent out by the Council. Cf.
d'Avezac in the Paris Recueil, IV. 464: on Carpini's earlier life, ibid. 467 —
478, and on the mission in general, ibid. 465 — 6, 478 — 597 ; d'Ohsson, Histoire des
Mongols (1852), II. 207 — 221; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 204, etc. :
on Carpini's whole career, Wadding, Annates Mirwrum, li. 4 — 5, 74 — 5, 104,
209, 247, [408]; III. 116 — 125, where two Papal letters to the Mongols are
printed: on Stephen of Bohemia cf. Wadding, Scriptores, 221, and the
additional narrative of the Carpini Mission in Benedict the Pole, printed by
d'Avezac in vol. iv. of the Paris Recueil, pp. 774 — 9.

CHAPTER 3.

[p. 64]

1. Mongol or Tartaria . . .most North Easterly. The home-land of the p. 108 1. 3
Mongols was E. and S. of Lake Baikal, in what Rubruquis calls Onan-

Kerule, i.e. in the basins of the Onon and Kerulen, head-waters of the Amur,
as well as in those of the Orkhon and Selenga, head-waters of the Angara-
Yenisei. The Yeka or Great Mongol tribe lay apparently to the north of the
Su-Mongol, to the south of the Orengai or Oengai, to the east of the Merkit
and north-east of the Krit or Mekrit. See the map accompanying Rockhill's
translation of Rubruquis for the Hak. Soc, 1900, and that prefixed to vol. l. of
d'Ohsson's Histoire des Mongols (1852), also cf. vol. l. pp. 6 — 7, 9 — 10, 423 — 9
of the latter work and Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 318; il. 159.

2. On the East... Kythay... on... North... the Ocean Sea: i.e. in modern 1. 5
language China or North China { = Kythay of Carpini) and Manchuria and

Korea ( = the Solangi of Carpini, Langa and Solanga of Rubruquis, Stilangka of
Moslem writers) lay east of the Mongol country; while the Mohammedan
regions of the modern 'Russian' and 'Chinese' Turkestan ( = the Saracens
of Carp.) lay southward, the Uigurs of Zungaria south-westwards, the Naimans
of the Upper Irtish and Northern Zungaria westward, and the Arctic Ocean
northward. For Hak.'s on the South east the land of the Huini, the best texts
read between South and West, the Uigurs. Cf. d'Avezac in the Paris Recueil,
519 — 23, also 459, 501 — 5 ; A^Q\\s>%QVi, Histoire des Mongols, 1. 1, 4 — 10, 53, 54 — 5,
167, 428, 430; Sven Hedin, Through Asia, I. 316, II. 672 (Eng. ed.); several
later passages of Carpini and some of Rubruquis illustrate this, e.g. pp. 653,
75O' 752 — 3, 756 of the former in the Recueil text (d'Avezac's), and pp. 260,

272 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 108 282 — 92, 295 of the latter in the same edition (Michel and Wright's); see also

Rockhill's notes in the Hak. Soc. Trans, on these portions of Rubruquis and
the remarks of Ney Elias and Ross in their version of the Tarikh-i-Kashidi,
pp. 74, 93, 290; Howorth's History of the Aloiifpols, i. part i., pp. 20, 691;
Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, \. 43, 190, 236 — 63; il. 157, 173 — 4.

I. 15 3- Cracurim... proper towne: a trans, of C... satis bona esse dicitur. The

form best known is Karakoruni (properly Kara- Ktiren) whose ruins have been
satisfactorily identified by the Rus.-ian traveller Yadrintsev (18S9) near Kara-
balgassun in the upper valley of the Orkhon, about 30 miles S. of its confluence
with the Urtu-Tamir, in N. Lat. 47° 1 5', and E. Long. (Greenwich) 102° 20' 15".
The remains, as Yadrintsev found them, covered a space 6 miles round, and
were connected by canals with the river Tirmanta, where some fragments of
old bath-buildings stood near hot springs. Tlie whole basin of the Orkhon
abounds in evidence of former habitation. Karakorum, Okkodai's foundation,
was called Ordu-Balik (Ordu-Toivn) by him and Ilo-lin by the Chinese, but
was commonly known among the Mongols as Kara-Ktiren, i.e. The Black
Enclosure, Kuren being the Mongol name for a collection of dwellings in a
circle, or with roughly circular disposition, a term still applied to many
monasteries, and especially to Urga. Near this site was an old 'royal vill ' of
Buku Khan of the Uigurs and his successors, said to date from the 8th cent.
A.D. Okkodai chose it as his favourite residence in 1235 and in the same year
enclosed it with a wall; in 1236 his new 'palace' was opened there; in 1254,
while Rubruquis was there, Mangu made considerable additions to its rough
splendour; but in 1256 the latter transferred the imperial seat to Kai-ping-fu,
N. of Pekin, and by 1289, in consequence of this and of the unsuccessful re-
bellion of Kaidu against Kublai, Karakorum was completely ruined. D'Ohsson,
with his usual acuteness, though writing so long before the real discovery of the
site, believed it to be on the Orkhon ('Orcoun'). Andrew of I.ongumeau
has been often supposed, as by Elisee R^clus, to have visited Karakorum,
in 1250; others do not believe that he went further than the 'Horde' of
the Regent Mother Ogul Gaimish on the Imil, a little N.E. of Lake Balkhash:
the only evidence of a visit to Karakorum or its neighbourhood on his part
is a passage in Mangu's letter to King Louis, given by Rubruquis, Recueil,
p. 370 : — postquam Kenchan mortuus fuit, nuncii vestri pervenerunl ad curiam
etus. Carpini, though he did not visit Karakorum, was within a few hours'
journey of it, and is the first western writer to mention it ; cf. Rockhill's
Rubruck, Hak. Soc. xxxil. in, 116, 149, 220, and the text of Rubruquis
pp. 261, 263, 284, 292, 303, 308, 326, 334—9, 345-6. 367. .373—4 in
the Paris Recueil; Joinville (in Francisque Michel's edition of 1859) pp.
143 — 8 of the Histoire de S. Louis; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 60 — i,
64 — 5; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 122, 256; II. 162 and note 304.

1. 18 4. Syra Orda: perhaps the same as Ormektua, probably a little to the

south of Karakorum, and in any case half a day's journey distant from the
latter, according to Carpini himself (p. 608 of the Recueil text). Friar John
gives no explanation of the name ; it has sometimes been translated as Yellow
Tent or Golden Horde. But according to contemporary writers it was a camp
of 2000 white tents ; and the Golden Horde is expressly distinguished by
Carpini from Syra Orda, p. 757 of the Recueil text ; in Mongol, Golden Horde
would be Allan Ordu; see Rockhill, Rubruck, etc. p. 22 note, of Hak. Soc.
version; cf. also pp. 757, 758 of Carpini's text in the Recueil, and pp. 777 and
778 of Benedict the Pole, in the same ed. Rubruquis does not mention Syra

NOTES. 273

Orda, nor does M. Polo; the latter gives only a short hearsay description of P- 108
Karakorum (chap. 63, pp. 171 — 4, Pauthier).

8. Neere vnto the Orda : a trans, of ante ordam. 1. 30

CHAPTER 4.

1. Balles of their cheekes...'. WiSf.. c^ot%viO\.\{&cG\.xiL.xvs\^\.& genae quoque satis p. 109 1. 7
prominent a maxilUs.

2. Eye liddes standing streight vpright: Hak. does not here translate 1. 8
usque aii supercilia except by this paraphrase.

3. They weare-.-vpon their foreheads... but behinde: a rather loose version 1, 10
of ex utraq; parte frontis totidendo, plusquam in medio crines longos faciunt,

reliquos autem.

4. .S^/^ow^^j or ^M'«^i^: in Hak. 's original simply /(?//j«'mw. ^'.^iJk^^j of course !• I7
from the Russian shuba, a fur-coat.

6. [They haue no] Kine: a mis-print for sivine {porcos). This is corrected 1. 33

in Hak.'s * Preface to the Reader.'

[p. 55]

6. Mares milke, if they haue it : after this Hak. gives no trans, of the !• 37

Latin clause Porro in hyeme, quia nisi diuites sint, lac iutnentinum non
habent. . . .

CHAPTER 5.

1. Clergie or laie-people, Hak.'s version of religiosi sine seculares. p. HO I. 9

2. Deceiue, Hak. does not translate defacili before mentiuntur. 1. 10

3. Tabernacles atid cartes, Hak.'s version of stationes et currus. 1. 15

4. Dishonestie, Hak.'s version of impudicitia, 'honesty' in 16th cent. 1. 31
English signifying usually chastity or modesty.

6. Great duke of Russia, the kings Sonne of Georgia, etc. The ' Great !• 35

Duke' ( Veliki Kniaz) here referred to is Yaroslav H. of Vladimir (' Volodimir')
and Suzdal, 1238 — l^^(i. Cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 11. 76 — 7;
Karamzin's Russian History, iv. 31, 295 [iv. i — 3, 38 — 40, in French version
by St Thomas and Jauffret, Paris, 1819]. On the Georgians and their princes see
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 206 — 7, Bretschneider, Med. Res., i. 299.

The Great Princes of Vladimir [-Suzdal] began in 1096: those of Kiev
nominally continued till 1240, but the practical supremacy of the latter ended
in 1 169. The Georgiani of Carpini are the Kurj oi Abulfeda (Reinaud, il. 286),
the Gu-rh-ji of the Chinese, the Georgini or Curgi of Rubruquis {Recueil,
p. 383, not in Hak.).

6. Sleights... conspiracies, Hak.'s version of astutia...astutias. p. Ill 1. 5

7. Casteth it vp, Hak.'s version of reijcit, misprint for rejicit. I. 12

CHAPTER 6.

1. A tall fellow, in Hak.'s original vnus rusticus. 1. 24

2. Duke of Russia named Andreas... accused before...Baty.... This was 1. 33
Prince Andrew of Chernigov, cf. Karamzin's Russian History, iv. 43. The

Russian dux Michael whom Carpini describes as executed by Batu (or rather
kicked to death at Batu's orders, 1246), for refusing to worship as the Tartars
xequired, is St Michael of Chernigov ; his faithful servant and fellow-martyr is

H. 18

274 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. Ill St Feodor: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 215; Y^z.rasazm'% Russian

History, IV. 34 [iv. 40 — 43, in the French version of Karamzin, by St Thomas
and Jauflfret, Paris, 1819: this, though full of blemishes, is much better known
than the German trans, by Fr. von Hauenschild]. For other martyrdoms of
Russian Princes by the Mongols cf. Bretschneider, Mediaez'al Researches, 11.
75—6.

[p. 68]

1. 38 3. Dukedome of Russia, in Hak.'s original simply terra.

p. 112 1. II 4. Mttx father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one, Hak. gives no trans,

of the clause itaque si sunt etiam ex Ducum geiure, itafit Dux filius concuhittae,
sicutfilius vxoris legitimae.

6. R^ing of Georgia. ..Melich...Dauid, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols,
II. 206 — 7. According to d'Ohsson, both the Georgian claimants before
Kuyuk were named David ; one was a bastard of George Lascha, last King
of Georgia before the Mongol overlordship ; the other was son of Queen
Rhuzudan, who had succeeded her brother George. Kuyuk divided Georgia
between them, giving Kharthli to the first and Imeretia to the second, who had
to do homage to the former.

CHAPTER 7.

1. 36 1. Take away the head or force : a version of auferri dtbeai caput.

p. 118 1.27 2. About \t he cor de\'. j«/<r [r^jrrtii/w] in original.

1. 28 3. lagges [ofbuciram], scissiones in original.

4. After vnder luhich corde Hak. does not translate et ligaturis.

1.40 6. [Practised sonu\ witchcraft : YizV..'s irons, oi veneftcia^fecermf^.

[p. 67]

CHAPTER 8 [misprinted 7].

p. 114 1.3 1. Countrie... called Mongiil...Yeka... Su... Tartars... Merkat...Metr it : on

all these names see the discussion in M. d'Avezac's Introduction to Carpini in
vol. IV. of the Paris Recueil, pp. 530 — 536 ; also the notes of Rockhill in his
(Hak. Soc.) ed. of Rubruquis [and part Carpini] pp. 107, in — 12: 249, 196 — 7.
Following the Slav pronunciation, which Benedict the Pole and his (probably
Russian) guides from Kiev to the Volga seem to have usually persuaded him to
adopt, Carpini writes Mongal. His interpretations of Ycka as meaning great
and of Stt as meaning water are quite correct. They may be found also in
Strahlenberg's Description historiqiie de V empire russien, 11. pp. 338, 362
{vocabulaire calmuque et mungale, where the forms given are ike or yke and
tisu or sui, the shui of the Chinese), and in Abel Remusat, Recherches sur les
langues tarlares, p. 172, where the spelling yake is given ior yeka. The Yeka-
Mongal are the Mongol-NyrAn of Eastern historians, the Black l^ha-tha (or
Tartars) of Chinese writers, who place the White I'ha-tha adjoining the Great
Wall. The derivation of the name of Tartar from a river Tar or Tartar, often
asserted — as by Matthew Paris — is strenuously denied by Strahlenberg {Desc.
hist. d. Vemp. rtiss., 11. 176) and by the best modern authorities. On the other
hand the title of Black Tha-tha, for the followers of Chighiz, is employed by the
almost contemporary Meng-Kung who served in the Mongol armies. Cf. Aliel
Remusat, Langues Tartares, p. 239; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 9 — 10,
21 — 25, 26 — 37, 425 — 9; Klaproth, Mimoires relatifs h I'Asie, I. 471, and

NOTES. 275

Tableaux de r Asie, 154.155,157. The White Tha-tha are the Ungut of various p. 114
Arabic and Persian writers, e.g. Rashid-ed-din and Abul-Gliazi (Histoire
ghtialogujue des Tartares, pp. 117 — 121 (edition of 1726), 47 — 8 (edition of
1871 — 4, Desmaisons)). The Su-Mongal are the Sii-Moghul oi Wassaf (Abd-
AUah ibn Fadhl- Allah Wassaf, the Persian historian), the Sy- Mogol oi AhwlisAa.,
following Ibn Said, and the Shui-Mung-ku and Shut- Tha-tha of various
Chinese authors, cf. Von Hammer and Klaproth in Nouv. /ourn. Asiat., xiv.
352, 361 : Klaproth, Mhn. rel. h V Asie, i. 471, Remusat, and Strahlenberg, as
last quoted. To the Su-Mongols was applied par excellence the name of
'Tartars' by some, in opposition to the Great Mongols or Mongols proper.

Merkat is the Merkit of the best Mss., and of the Arab and Persian historians,
the Mei-ghed of the Mongol text of Sanang-Setsen, the Mie-li-ki of Chinese
authors. It was the name of a powerful Tartar tribe living in the Selenga and
Lake Baikal basins, between the ' Eastern Tartars' and the Naimans or Naymans,
cf. Klaproth, Nouv. J ourn. Asiat., xi. 448 — 455, Abul-Ghazi, Hist, genial, d.
Tart., pp. 130, 201 — 4 (1726); 53, 76, 78, 89, 91, 99 — 100, 151, 178 (1871 — 4).

Metrit, otherwise Mekrit or Mecrit, is probably the same as the Crit [et
Merkif] of Rubruquis, and the Mecri of Marco Polo, and refers to the tribe of
the Keraits or Keryts, as they are called by Arab and Persian writers, the
Ke-lie of Chinese historians. Cf. Gaubil, Genfchiscan, pp. 4, 5 ; Abul-Ghazi,
Hist, ghteal. d. Tart., 117, 173 — 193; d'Ohsson, Hist. d. Mong., 1. 7, 48 — 60,
73 — 82, 425; M. Polo, ch. 70, p. 200 of Pauthier's edition; Klaproth, Nouv.
Journ. Asiat., XI. 450 — 462; Rubruquis, pp. 261, 288 in the Recueil. The
Crit or Mecrit are perhaps the Mukrites of Theophylact .Simocatta, Histories,
bk. VII. ch. 7: among them appears to have arisen the original Prester
John, c. A.D. 1007 — 1008. In the 13th century they seem to have lived
to the north of Karakorum, near the south and south-west sides of Lake
Baikal.

On Mongol manners, besides what is said in Carpini and Rubruquis, cf.
Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Historiale, xxxii. [otherwise xxxi.] 50, and
XXX. [otherwise xxix.] 71, 77, 8i, the former professedly, and the latter
probably, derived from Simon of St Quentin, and both referring to the Mongol
cantibus vel potius ululatibus. In the second and longer description Vincent
declares tiiodo interrogativo, clamoroso, loquuntur, gutture rabido...Cantantes
mugiunt ut tauri...ululant ut lupi, voces inarticulatas in cantando proferunt.
See also d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 394 — 403; 11. 200 — i.

2. One of their companions, a trans, of vnus [sc. populus\ eorum, viz. the 1. 5
Yeka tribe.

3. Chingis. This is the most usual spelling of the name among the best- !• '3
informed Latin writers of the 13th century, and very near to the modem

critical form. There is no space here to annotate the history of Chingiz'
conquests ; but we may remark that his first campaigns were waged in the
order that Carpini describes: — against the Su-Mongols in 1194, the Merkits
in 1 197, the Crit or Keraits in 1203. His victory over the Naimans which
followed, was won in a narrow valley through which Carpini passed on his way
to Kuyuk's court (see p. 648 of the Recueil text) ; it may be placed, as by
d'Avezac (p. 537 in vol. iv. of the Paris Recueil), in a gorge of the Great Altai
between Lakes Aral-Nor and Kizil-bash. In this reference, as in that which
he makes to the check Chingiz received from the Kitans, Carpini has sum-
marised rather confusedly a great number of separate campaigns (e.g. of 1199,
1204, 1205, 1206, 1207, 1209, 1218).

276 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 114 Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. passim, and esp. pp. 36 — 419;

Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 42, 85 — 7, 157, 185.

1. 1 4 4. Steale men, and. ..take them for a pray, a trans, of homines furari, et

praedam capere.

1. 14 8. The Naimani...had a mighty and puissant Emperour. Naiman in

Mongol means Eight. Their dominion included the Grand Altai, from which
perhaps they originally came, Lake Zaisan, the uppermost course of the river
Irtish, and much of the modern Kirghiz territory. Cf. Rubniquis, pp. 260,
195, in the Recueil text ; Rockhill, Ktibruck (Hak. Soc), notes on pp. 109 —
110, 162, and map; Bretschneider, ALdiarval Researches, i. 43, 61, 63, 73, 167,
318, 330 — I, 398, and notes 98, 560, 590; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols,
vol. 1. pp. 6, 83 — 89, 425, 56 n. 1 and the map prefixed to this ist vol. of
d'Ohsson. See also note 1, ch. 15 of this commentary.

1. 34 6. Karakitay. An empire founded in the nth century by the Kitans from

N. China, flying before the Kin; their centre was at Imil on the Imil river:
their empire once included great part of the present Chinese and Russian
Turkestan, from Lob Nor to Talas and the middle Syr Daria, and from Khotan
to beyond Lake Ala-kul, Lake Balkhash, an<l the Chu. Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire
dts Mongols, I. 3, 163 — 174. and the map prefixed to d'Ohsson's ist vol.; also
Rockhill, Rubruck (Hak. Soc.) pp. 15, 16, 18, 37, 108, 109, 138 and map;
and above all Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 18, 72, 129, 167, 208 —
335, with notes 536 — 595.

L 39 T. Occoday : otherwise Okkodai, Ogodai, etc. On the second of the Great

Khans, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. i — 186, and esp. 9—99; also
ibid., I. 354 etc. ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 6a, in — 3, 185, 377,
286, 389 — 90, 303; II. 7 — 8, with notes 147, 790.

1. 4I 8. Chanyl : otherwise Chamil, the Omyl of the best Carpini Mss., the

Yem-li of the Chinese, the modern /mil, on the river of the same name, a little
west of Lake Kizil-bash which Chinese writers describe in just the same terms as
the Latin travellers. On its place in the history of the Kara-kitai, Okkodai's
rebuilding of it, etc., cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. pp. 166, 260, 443;
II. 3, 8, 195; Abul-Ghazi, Histoire gen^alog. des Tartares, 131 — 5 (1726); 49,
153 (1871 — 4); Abul-Faraj, Historia Dynastiarum, pp. 382, 305, 333; Magasin
asiatique, I. pp. 195 — 6, 309, 314 — 16, 320, 333 (Putimtsev's Voyage <} Hi).
p. 115 1.7 9. Herbes: Hak. 's version of ^amina.

CHAPTER 9.

1. 12 1. /Cythayans... [Pagans.. artijicers'\: with Carpini's excellent description

of the Chinese at the close of this chapter we may compare Rubruquis' more
elaborate account on pp. 360, 384, 391 — 3, 337 — 9, 346 of Recueil text and
Rockhill's notes on pp. 109, 144, 155 — 6, 196 — 303, 331 of the Hak. Soc.
edition. On the terms Kythay, Khatai [Kat-], Khitai [Kit-], Khata [Kat-],
Cathay, Catay, perhaps originating from the dynasty and empire of the Kitan,
Kitai or Liao in N. China (a.d. 916 — 1135), cf. Bretschneider, Alediaeval Re-
searches, I. 309, 335, 232; II. 381 ; Schott's Kitai u. Karakitai, 1878, Public, of
the Berlin Akad. d. VVissenchaft. The classical and mediaeval terms Seres and
Cathay, expressing overland knowledge of China, balance those of Sina, '^{Ivicra.,
and China for the maritime side of the same country. Nations such as Russians
and Persians, whose knowledge of China has been almost exclusively overland,
still hold to Kitai or Cathay. Western Europe, whose modern acquaintance

NOTES. 277

Mrith the Celestial Empire was made by the Portuguese, the Ocean routes, p. 116
Macao, etc., knows it by the older name, perhaps reappearing in that of the
subsequent ' Kin' dynasty. In Fa-Hien's day 400 a.d., the Chinese knew their
own country as the land of Han, from the great dynasty that then reigned.

2. Huyri...sect of Nestorius : the Uigurs, who submitted to Chingiz in !• '4
U09, are usually called Hniur by Carpini, logurs by King Hayton, and

lugures by Rubruquis. Cf. the latter's text in the Kecueil, 282 — 9, 329, and
see Klaprolh, Tableaux historiques de VAsie, pp. 121 — 130; Mcmoires relatifs
h PAsie, II. 301 — 4 10; and Abhandlung tiber die Sprache u. Schrift d.
Uigiiren ; forming together perhaps the most valuable studies ever made of
this people. See also Ke.ma.\xd, Abottlf^Ja, p. 360, etc.; the Chitiese History
of the Great Thang Dynasty, ch. 257 a, summarised by Bretschneider as
quoted below; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 107 — iii, 429 — 44I ;
Clavijo, p. 138 in Antonio de Sancha's Madrid edition of 1782 ; Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, i. 236 — 263, with notes ■;96 — 649; ibid., I. 214; II. 26,
53, 177 — 8, 180; here is presented with his usual lucidity this eminent
sinologue's latest study of the subject. The Uigurs are the Wei-wurh
[and Hui-ho?] of the Chinese, and were a widely scattered and long-enduring
Turkish race ; in the 8th century their Khans reigned over the site of Kara-
korum ; in the 13th century their home was chiefly in W. Mongolia and
Zungaria, to the S.W. of the Naimans, in the region of Bishbalikh.

3. Letters or learning... hand or letters : in each case a trans, of literam. !• 26

4. Saruyur : the Sari-Uigur or Yellow Uigurs, a sub-division of the !• 29
Uigur nation, settled in the Tsaidam region near Lake Koko-Nor in Northern

Tibet, cf. Bretschneider, Medianml Researches, i. 263; il. 205; Klaproth,
Alemoires relatifs a VAsie, ii. 345. Both of these refer fully to the Chinese
accounts (in the History of the Ming Dynasty or Ming Shi) of the Yellow-
haired Uigurs or Sa-li Wei-wu-rh, 1500 li S.W. of Kan-su, between Khotan
and the Empire of Hia or Tangut. See also Remusat, Ville de Khotan, p. 95.
6. Karanites : perhaps the Karanut of Abul-Ghazi and other Oriental
writers: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 425 — 7, where the sub-divisions
of the Mongol race are discussed : they were descended from one Tusbudai,
like the Kurlass and Iljikin Mongols.

6. Hudirat : the Voyrat of most and best MSS. of Carpini ; also written 1. 30
Oyrat\Oi-\ Oyrad, Olet, Euleut, Udryat, Uirat, Noyrad; an old name for the

Western Mongols or Kalmuks, cf. Abul-Ghazi, Histoire gencalogique des Tartares,
112 — 5 (1726); 45 — 6, 60, 89, 93, 152, 173 — 5 (1871 — 4); d'Ohsson, Histoire
des Mongols, I. 7, 104, 105, 424; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 11. 139,
159 — 173, and notes 896 — 923, an admirable account. The Oirat or Voyrat
are called VVa-la by the Chinese ; a very full series of refs. to them occurs in
the History of the Ming Dynasty {Ming Shi).

[p. 68]

7. irythayans...vaftquished, Chingis...obtayned. ..Empire: theKitan {within p. 116 1. 15
China) were of course overthrown by the Kin or 'Golden' Dynasty in 1115 —

1 1 25: Chingiz' wars in N. China were against the latter, whom he decisively
worsted by the capture of Yen-king, 12 15, and who were finally crushed by the
Mongols in 1234. As early as 1206, after his first campaign against the Hia or
Tangut of Northern Tibet, Chingiz took the Imperial title of Khan or Kha-
khan. The name of Kitai is given by Carpini to the Tangut empire as well as
to that of the Kin (the Altun-Khans or Golden Emperors).

278 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ETC.

CHAPTER lo.

p. 116 I. 39 1. Thossut...Can, that is...Emperour: 'Thossut' or 'Tossuc' is Juji or

Chuchi, eldest son of Chingiz; 'Juchi' in Rashid-ed-din; 'Jochi' in some
Chinese records; he died before his father, 1224: Batu was his most famous
son. Cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 189, 285, 289 — 290; II 7 — 8,
13, 15, and notes 531, 700. Can, i.e. Khan, Khagan, or Kliakhan, the Han
of the Chinese, the Xavdvo; of the Byzantines, is the Turkish Imperial title.
It first occurs in the Chinese Annals under a.u. 312.

p. 117 1. 3 2. India minor... these Indians... blacke Saracens... .Ethiopians. Under

Lesser India Carpini probably refers to the regions on the west or right
bank of the Indus (attacked by the armies of Chinghiz under Tului in 1221 — 2),
the India Prima of Nicolo Conti and Fra Mauro, the hidia parva quae et
Ethiopia of Marino Sanuto, as opposed to India Mag^na or Ilindostan and
India interior loannis presbyteri, apparently Indo-China. Friar Jordanus of
Severac and Columbum, and Nicolo Conti, also call this part India Minor.
1. 6 3. Itulia maior...Presbiter lohn: by Greater India Carpini appears to

mean all India beyond (E. oQ the Indus. Iruiia Major, India Sccunda or
India Magna is generally defined by Latin writers of the 13th, 14th and I5lh
centuries, such as Jordanus of Columbum, Marino Sanuto, and Nicolo Conti,
as the region between Indus and Ganges, while India tertia or India interior is
our Indo-China or Further India, and India Minor a vast ill-defined coastal
region west of the Indus. It va India tertia which Jordanus and Sanuto call
the Regnum Joannis Presbyteri. In Friar Odoric Itidia Superior is Man/.i or
S. China, — a very odd use. On the Asiatic I'rester John, placed behind Armenia
and Persia, at the 'extremity of the East,' supposed to be a Nestorian Christian
(like his people), to unite in himself regal and sacerdotal power, and to be the con-
queror of great part of Persia and Media (including Ecbatana), cf. Otto of Frei-
singen, Chronicon, Vlll. 32, 33, and Alberic Trois Fontaines, Chronicon, under
1145, based upon the reports of the Bishop of Cabala, sent by the Armenian
Church to Eugenius III. (see also Alberic under the years 122 1 and 1222).
The ultimate original of this story seems to lie in the conversion of the Chief of
the Keraits to Nestorian Christianity in 1007 — 1008. Letters purporting to
come from this Presbyter Joannes (probably forgeries) and addressed to the Pope,
the Emperors of East and West, the King of France, and the King of Portugal,
are said by Alberic to have been circulated in Europe in or before 1165 (see
Alb.'s Chronicon under 1165). Specimens of these letters to the Emperor of
Rome and the King of France are in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris under
the quotation O. 1243 — i (4to.). They are without dale or place or paging:
cf. d'Avezac in the Recueil, IV. (1839) p. 549. But in 1177 Alexander III.,
writing (5 Kal. Oct.) Imiorutn regi sacerdotum sanctissimo, makes no refer-
ence to these letters, but only to common rumour and the reports of one Master
Philip, a Papal physician, who while in the East had heard of the Prester's
wish to learn about the doctrine of the Roman Church. James de Vitry also
mentions the Prester, in whose realms Nestorians were very numerous, masters
of the greater part of India; cf. the Historia Hierosolymitana in Bongars, Gesta
Dei per Francos, 1092, 1093; in 1219 De Vitry as bishop of Acre writes to
Honorius III.: David, King of the Indians, commonly called Prester John, he
declares, is now the terror of Asia. Matthew Paris, in the Historia Major
(A.D. 1237, vol. III. pp. 397 — 9, and esp. 398, Rolls Series), refers to a letter
received in 1237 from Philip, Prior of the Dominicans in Palestine, declaring

NOTES. 279

that Nestorianism was dominant in Greater India, in re^o sacerdotis Joannis, p. 117
etc, Simon of St Quentin (in Vine. Beauv., Spec. Hist. xxx. [otherwise xxix.,
as in Augsburg edition of 1474], ch. 69) makes Prester John formerly King
of India and suzerain of the Tartars: the latter under Chingiz, according to
Simon, rebelled against his successor David and overthrew him {A" D^ 1203
secundum quosdam Tartan... in... Tartaria, quae affinis est Jndiae, residentes
contra regent David dominum suum . . .Presbyteri Johannis quondam dominatoris
et imperatoris Indiae filium, conspiraverunt). Precisely the same is reported
to Innocent IV. by Bishop Odo of Tusculum, Wed. in Holy Week 1249
(Dicebant quod. . . Tartari prima debellaverunt filium presbyteri Joannis ; also
quod ipse qui nuttc agit in sceptris, Kiokai nomine, matrem habuit christianam
filiam regis qui vacatur presbyter Joannes \ cf. Achery, Spicilegiutn, ed. Baluze,
III. 624—8). Joinville (ed. Michel, 143) heard through Louis IX. 's communica-
tions with the Tartars, that the Prester's former kingdom lay between Persia
and Tartary. Rubraquis (pp. 259 — 261, 295, of the Recueil text) makes the
Prester chief of the Naimans, successor of Con Can King of the Kara-kitai,
and predecessor of Unc [or Vut] King of Grit and Mecrit. Rubruquis' Con
Can is no doubt the Gur Khan ('Universal Lord'), founder of the Kara-kitai
empire — not 'when Antioch was taken by the Franks' as Rubruquis puts it,
i.e. in 1098, but a generation later, in c. 1125 — 26. The Gur Khan's con-
quests from the Sayan Mts. and the modern Siberian border to Khiva and
the Aral, answer fairly well to the descriptions of Alberic and Otto ; but
according to most Eastern Historians he was a Buddhist rather than a
Christian. Abul-Faraj (Bar Hebraeus) makes Unc or Wang Khan himself to
be the Prester or 'Malek Yuhanna' as well as King of the Keraits (con-
verted by the Nestorians at the beginning of the nth century, c. A.D. 1007,
or at least between root and 1012). Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I.
52 — 3, 163 — 6, 441 — 4; d'Avezac in the Paris ii'^fw^?7( 1839), iv. p. 553. The
latter fastens upon the Kerait tradition as the essential feature.

Marco Polo makes Tenduc or 'Tanduc' the seat of the Prester, and says this
region was still governed by his descendant George ; this is repeated in part by
John de Monte Coi-vino, who converted this King George (t 1298), and his son
John, to the Church of Rome. Ricold of Monte Croce refers vaguely to Prebstre
Jehan's kingdom as stretching from Cathay to Media. Odoric with far more
precision describes the land of Pretozoan, de quo non est centesima pars .
eius quod quasi pro certo dicebatur: its capital was called Tozan, Chosan or
Cosan : it was not so big as Vicenza. The letter of Jan. 20, 1407, from Conrad
von Jungingen, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, to Prester John, King
oi Abassia (mentioned in connection with Armenia), really refers to the Abassia
or Abkhasia of the Caucasus, but the verbal confusion with the African Abassia
or Abyssinia (Habesh) was very easy. The Abissina of the Caucasus also occurs
in Alberic, as cited by d'Avezac, Recueil, iv. 557. In 1436 and 1448 we have
two clear references to the African Prester ; in a letter from Jean de Lastic, Grand
Master of Rhodes, to Charles VII. of France, July 3, 1448, and in the 1436
mappe-monde of Andrea Bianco, where the Imperium Prete lani is placed in
Ethiopia. The notion of the African Priest-king, being much better founded
than the Asiatic, gradually supplanted the latter; yet as late as the early i6th
century the learned Jew Abraham Peritsol puts Prester John in Further India. On
the other hand, as early as the 14th century we may find in the confused language
of Jordanus of Columbum and in John de MarignoUi a distinct leaning towards
the Abyssinian claim, for though e.g. Jordanus places in or near India terlia

28o THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 117 (or Indo-China) that Emperor of the Ethiopians 7vhom you call Prestre Johan,

the aforesaid India was still occasionally imagined by Christian theorists (in the
style of Ptolemy and of the chief Moslem geographers) as lying just opposite to,
and at no great distance from, E. Africa, and the use of the term Ethiopians
pointed to Africa. Four Asiatic Prester Johns have been often reckoned, but
they may be reduced to two, (i) in North Central Asia: — among the Keraits or
the Kara-kitai or in some other region N. of the Himalayas and Hindu
Kush, (2) in Further India or Indo-China. The former is older and better
attested — in fact has almost all history on its side, so far as the Priest-king of
Christian Asia is an historical f)ersonage at all: the latter is later and of in-
finitely weaker basis in fact, but lasts longer, partly by a constantly recurring
confusion with the Grand Lama of Tibet. On the other hand, the regular
flow of Abyssinian pilgrims to the Holy Sites of Syria and the meetings of
these pilgrims with the Franks of Syria, established the rival (African) Prester
in western tradition. Cf. also d'Avezac, Introduction to Carpini in vol. iv. of
the Paris Rectuil (\ii^), pp. 547 — 564 ; Yule, Cathay, l. 173—182 ; Mosheim,
Historia Tartarorum ecclesiaslica, Helmstadt, 1741 (a work which can only be
used with caution), pp. 18 — 28, Appendices iv. and v., pp. 29 — 33, 33 — 5,
and App. XLIV. pp. 114 — 17 (giving Monte Corvino, from Wadding); Asse-
mani, Bibliotheca Orienlalis, ill. pt. 2, pp. 483 — 504, Rome, 1719 — 1728,
quoting Abul-Faraj and the Syriac writer Mares; Ue Vitry in Bongars, Gesta
Dei per fratuos, 1092 — 3 ; Abul-Faraj, Historia Dynastiarum, as cited by
d'Avezac in Recueil, iv. 553 ; Karamzin's Russian History (for Von Jungingen's
letter, from the archives of Konigsberg), lll. notes on pp. 387, 388 (French ed.
of St Thomas and Jauffret, Paris, 18 19); Achery, Spicilegium, ed. Baluze, ill.
777t ('). for the letter of Jean de Lastic ; Jordanus, Mirabilia, Paris ed. in the
Recueil, IV. 55 — 6; Luke Wadding, Annales Mitwrum, VI. 69 etc. ; d'Ohsson,
Histoire des Mongols, I. 7, 48 — 53, 163 — 171, 441 — 4; Ludolf, Historia
^thiopica, il. i. 5 — 12, and Commentarius ad Historiam Aithiopicam, pp.
318 — 222; Peritsol in Hyde's Itinera Mundi, p. 153; Odoric ch. 44, ed.
Venni, p. 77, and in Ix)ng John of Ypres, Lhystoire merveilleuse du Grant
chan, fol. 64 verso, also in Yule, Cathay, I. 146 — 7; ll. Appendix I. p. xxxvi;
Ricold in the Lhystoire, fol. 39; M. Polo, chs, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 73, pp. 174
— 184, 208 — 10, ed. Pauthier.

CHAPTER II.

1. 29 1. Clergie men of Russia... males... like... dogges: these and similar tales are
frequent enough : cf. King Hayton the Armenian, who visited the Mongol
Court in 1256. Mediaeval cartography abounds in such delineations; in
particular the maps known as the Psalter (c. 1250), the Hereford and the
Ebstorf (both c. 1290 — 1300), contain examples of these dog-men monsters,
with innumerable others; their ultimate source may be found in such passages
as Pliny, Nat. Hist., vn. 2, ba.sed on Ktesias and Megasthenes. The dog-
headed men also occur in the Chinese Encyclopaedia San-thsai-thu-hoei; cf.
Nouveau Journal Asiatique, vol. xii., pp. 287 — 8. Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, i. 257 (records of fabulous conquests of Buku, Khan of the Uigurs,
who had his capital near the site of Karakorum in the [?] 8th century).

1. 36 2. Met with the...dogges : Canes conuenerunt in Hak.'s original.

[p. 59]
p. 118 1.13 3. Burithabeih. .. Pagans: Burithabeth, Buritibet,ot Buruthabeth{-t)'\s,CGX-

NOTES. 281

tainly our Tibet, as to which Carpini agrees with Rubruquis and Odoric p. 118
about the children eating their dead parents (cf. Rub., p. 289 in the Kecueil,
Odoric ch. 45; in Yule, Cathay, pp. 151—2, and Appendix I. p. xxxvii).
Rashid-ed-din used the term Biiritibet as a synonym for Tibet, and d'Avezac
well compares the name Horotala still existing, cf. the Kecueil (1839) IV.
564 — 5 ; also d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 82, 84, 318. Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, !i. 21—5 (esp. 24 — 5), 204, 221, 224.

CHAPTER 12.

1. Latuie of Kergis'. Hak.'s version of terrain Kergis, the country of the 1. 27
Kergis ; Hak. translates as if K. were a person, a king or ruler. Here

Carpini's ' Kergis' do not refer to the Kirghiz, but to the Cherkess or Cir-
cassians of the Caucasus (Carp.'s Caspian mts.). The first expedition of
the Mongols to this region was in 1227: the real Kirghiz submitted 20 years
earlier, in 1207. Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i, loi — 2, 326 — 37;
II. 15, 63, 626; Viv. St Martin, Memoire stir P Armenie, 11. 120 — 3, 264 — 5,
268, 272; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 1. 28, 102, 129, 186, 225, 229,
241, 295, 30.5. 316; II. 90.

2. Encamped themselues : in Hak.'s original applicauerunt. \. 30

3. People inhabited vnder... ground in mountains. On Troglodytic races p. 119 1. 10
cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. VI. 34; Vli. 2 (based on Ktesias and Megasthenes).

CHAPTER 13.

[p. eo]

1. Chingis...laives and statutes. On Chingiz' legislation, cf. d'Ohsson, p. 120 1. i
Histoire des Mongols, i. 404 — 16.

2. Thiaday : the best MSS. read Chyaaday, i.e. Chagatai (the 'Second !• 9
Prince ' of the Chinese traveller Chang-chun), to whom the Central Asiatic
sub-kingdom fell. See note 5 in this chapter ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, I. 99 and note 252.

3. Name of., fourth is vnkncnven {ignoramus). This was Tului (called
To-lei in the Chinese Annals Yuan-Shi), to whom Chingiz left the greater
part of his Mongol troops (ior,ooo out of 129,000), the father of Mangu and
Kublai. Cf. d'Olisson, Histoire des Mongols, il. 2, 3, 9—10, 248; Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, I. 113, 189, 278, 286, 290 and note 281. In the
struggle between Chingiz' descendants, Tului's branch finally prevailed,
ousting Okkodai's.

4. Cuync.noiv Emperour : i.e. Kuyuk, the Guyuk of some Chinese re- 1. 11
cords, son of Okkodai, grandson of Chingiz, and Great Khan 1246 — 8. Okkodai

wished his grandson Shyramun to succeed him, but Kuyuk's mother Turakina
persuaded the electors to disregard this wish. On this illegality (with others) was
founded the subsequent rejection of Okkodai's line and the substitution of
Tului's, in Mangu's election, 1251: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, il.
187 — 188, 195 — 199,234 — 5, 245 — 250; ^x^\.ix:\vci€\AQX, Mediaeval Researches,
I. 160, 165, 308, 318, 333; II. 8 and note 742.

6. Cocten...Corrensa. These names are often corrupted beyond recog- 1. i*

nition in Hak. Cocten is Kutan, son of Okkodai; his name is also written
Cucten, Cuthen, Corten, Coiihen, Cocthen. Chyritten (otherwise Sirenen,

lao

282 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

Seremum, etc.) is Shyramiin, grandson of Okkodai — miscalled 'son' by
Carpini ; Mangu had him drowned in China, after 1 25 1 ; see note 4. Bothy
is of course Balu, the 'firm' or 'stable' one, the great western conqueror,
so fully described both by Carpini and Rubruquis, and the second son of Juji,
the eldest of the male children of Chingiz. Oniu is Hordu, the eldest son
of Juji; Siba is Shyban or Shiban; Bora, Bura; both these being younger and
less important sons of Juji. Hurin is Burin or Buri, grandson of Chagatai, often
mentioned by Rashid-ed-din, an enemy of Batu's, and finally a victim of the latter :
cf. Rubruquis, RecuHl, 279 — 280; see also Bretschneider, ^<?af/a<7a/AVj^arr//<r.f,
I. 333—4, on the insulting language of Buri and Guyuk against Batu. Cadan
is the Kadan always associated with Buri in the western campaigns; according
to Rashid and the best authority he was the son of Okkodai, not of Chagatai,
as in Carpini. Mengu is Mangu or Mettngke, successor of Kuyuk as Great Khan.
Bithat, otherwise Bethac, Bichac, Bec/uu, Becas, is another son of Tului, perhaps
the Bujek, Buygec, or Buchek of Oriental historians, the Pocho of the Chinese.
Heroctan, otherwise Seroclen, is Surtikten in Sanang-Setsen, Sitirkukteni in
Rashid-ed-din, Surukti in Abul-Ghazi, Swakhtham in the Armenian Stephen
Orpelian. Otiygat is perhaps only a mis-reading for Buygec or Bithat. Cyrpodan
is Chartnaghati, otherwise Charmahan, Chormahan, Chirpodan, the invader of
S.W. Asia 1229 — 1231, etc. ; dietl 1241 ; according to some, but untrustworthy,
guides the conqueror of Damascus. Hubilai is A'ublai, afterwards Great Khan
and the friend of the Polos. SUtocur is Shinkur, a son of Juji. Cara, Gay, a
mis-reading for Caragay, is Karackar, Karajar, or Karanchay, the fourtli son
of Okkodai by Turakina, Sybedey or Sibedei is Sohadai, Subit/ai or Subudai,
one of the greatest Mongol generals, whose valour was recognised by the title
of Bahadur, Carpini's miles. Berka is the Bereke of the Polos, the Berke or
Barkai of others, who succeeded his elder brother Batu (after Sartach and
another) as Khan of Kipchak or the western sub-kingdom. Correma, other-
wise Chorauza, Corenza, Curoniza, Kurancha, or Karancha, commanded on
the western frontier in Europe, the line of the Dnyepr (see note 4, chap. 20).
For other Tartar 'dukes' mentioned elsewhere in Carpini and Rubruquis, see
the separate notices, e.g. for Montii, Maud, or Mauchi note 5, ch. 21; for
Ttrbon see note 6, ch. 20; for Sartach and Scacatai, Rubruquis, pp. 217—19,
238—46, 253—9, '63, 268, 375—7, 379—80, 390 of the Kecueil text; cf.
d'Avezac in same vol. of the Paris Recueil, 1839, '^'- S^o— ^5 d'Ohsson, Histoire
des Mongols, 11. 3, 8 — 9, 15, 99, 110—2, 138, 147—8, 156, 158, 159, 166,
445-69, 619, 621, 624—9; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 109,
112— 3, 140, 158, 165, 167—8, 170, 185, 279, 287, 289—90, 293—4, 297, 300,
302, 309—12, 3r5, 318—9, 322, 324—5, 330—'. 333—4; "• ". 15—16, 44.
141; with notes 280, 281, 381, 459, 668, 689, 742, 744, 746, 747, 758, 779,
819; Viv. St Martin, Memoire sur VArmatie, il. 265; Marco Polo, ed.
Pauthier, chs. 2, 3, 68, 76, 194, 220 — i, pp. 6 — 9, 184, 187, 238 — 41, 720,
754; Gaubil, Gentchiscan, 98, loi ; Abul-Ghazi, Histoire ginealogique des
Tartares, 375— 81, 39^. etc., 445—7. 452—3- etc., 482—4 (1726); 100— i,
145—6, 148—64, 173—4, 178—82, 186—93 (1871— 4); Abul-Faraj, iVw^r/a
Dynastiaruni, 306, 310, 320, 327.

In spite of many omissions, Carpini's list of the Mongol Princes is
unrivalled in Mediaeval Christian literature and is fully confirmed by the
best Asiatic writers of the period. M. Polo and King Hayton give genealogies
parallel to Carpini's, but not so full, and apparently irreconcileable with the
latter in places.

NOTES. 283

CHAPTER 14.

1. Tribute payers '. in Hak. 's original /r/'^w/a. p. 121 1. 7

2. Well disposed people: in Hak.'s original yfafe/?'^«j. 1. 20

CHAPTER 15.

1. Duke Bathy his nephew, in Hak.'s original, B....qui in secundo gradii 1. 32
attingebat eum.

2. Countrie of Altisoldan...Bisermini ... Saracens ...spake ...language of
Comania.

Bisermin, Beserman, Besurman, Busurman, Busstirtnan, Basurman (in
Chinese, Pu-su-man) are forms of an old Slav corruption of Musulman. Sig.
von Herberstein, the Imperial ambassador to Moscow in 1517 and 1526, and
Alexander Guagnino, who about 1520 served in the Polish garrison at Vitebsk,
both declare it was a regular term for all the Tartar neighbours of Moscow.
So Old Slavonic vocabularies use it for Moslems in general : in modern Russian
it means 'heretic,' 'scoundrel.' Carpini's use of Slav terms is shewn here, as
in his Neper, Don, and Volga, and his Bileri for Bulgari, Huytir for Uigur,
and Chyacuiai for Chagatai.

The Land of the Bisermini in John de Piano is employed for Moslem
Central Asia, the lands of the 'Altisoldan' or Khwarezm Shah ('Khorazmian
Empire'), which stretched from the Ural river to Badakhshan, and from the
sources of the Tobol to the Indian Ocean, the Zagros Mts., and the neighbour-
hood of Tabriz, including nearly all the S. and E. coasts of the Caspian. The
'Altisoldan' or Supreme Sultan of Khwarezm (treated by Hak. as if a proper
name) was conquered by the .Mongols in 1220: one Ala-ed-din Mohammed
ended this dynasty, a fugitive in the islets of the Caspian. His four sons
Rukn-ed-din, Gayyath-ed-din, Gelal-ed-din, and Ozlak-Shah were associated as
co-sovereigns with their father. Cf. d'Avezac in the Kecueil, iv. 501 — 15;
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 216 — 322; il. 255, and the map prefixed to
vol. I.; Sprengel, Geographische Entdeckungen, 281; Karamzin, in the French
version of 1819, Histoire de Russie, iii. 280 — 2, iv. 52; Herberstein and
Guagnino in Ramusio, II. 72, 171; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 70,
269; II. 78, and note 173.

3. Bar chin... Orna: in his fuller text, Carpini reckons as the chief cities 1. 36
of the Bisermini:

(i) Barchin, otherwise Karachin, Karkin, Pharchin (in Hayton), Barthra,
probably a little below Otrar on the Syr Daria, the Ba-rh-jen and Pa-eul-
ching of the Chinese, the Barkhaligh of Persian authors.

(2) Sarguit, otherwise Sakinc, Sargiut, whose site is quite conjectural.

(3) lankinc, otherwise lanckin, lanckint, lakynt, lat/ikint, the Yang-ki-
kan of the Chinese, the Vangi-kand of Persian authors, the Yangi-kettd or
'new city' of its own Turkish people, described by Benedict the Pole as the
first city met with — by Carpini and himself — in traversing Turkia (usually the
Seljuk Sultanate of Riim in 13th cent. Latin, but here obviously Moslem
Central Asia). Two famous Yangi-kends are known, (o) near the mouth of the
Syr Daria, (;3) on the upper Syr Daria, in Fergana.

(4) Leinfinc, otherwise Lemfint.

Here Carpini and Benedict certainly touched : that they visited Barchin,
lamkint, or Ornas is only conjecture, unless with Bretschneider we take
Lemfinc to be a clerical error for lanckint.

284 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

[p. ei]

p- m (5) f)r>ja[j], the Ornarum civitas of Benedict the Pole, who places it

apparently in Gazaria (Khazaria, always understood as the modem S. Russia),
is very hard to fix. Three of the Carpini Mss. agree with Benedict in placing
it in S. Russia, upon the river called Don; but the chief mss. (Petau and
Corpus) say only upon a certain great river. D'Avezac argues powerfully for
a position on the site of Azov or Tana (Kecueil, iv. 505 — 12) but there is no
other evidence for a town of Ornas at the Don Estuary; and the names of
Ornay^ Ornache, Arnay, Amache and Erlsa in Moslem and Slav writers
appear to refer to Urgenj (the modern Khiva, the capital of the Khwarezm
oasis). According to Frahn, the Oma[s'\ of Carpini is the Ornatia or Oruntia
of Alberic, and like Orttache, etc., is a corruption of JCurganj, i.e. Urgenj.
A third identification with some point on the lower Syr Daria near Otrar is
supported by several recent investigators, e.g. Rockhill, /iubruck, Hak. Soc.
p. 14, note, based on Bretschneider's view.

In this connection we must also notice (i) that Benedict appears to confuse
the Maeotid Marshes with the Aral Sea, or with certain swamps N. of the Aral,
(3) that Carpini makes the Tartars, after taking Ornas, enter the terra Turcorum
and Russia. By terra Turcorum here d'Avezac thinks Comania is meant, but
in Friar John it generally signifies Moslem Central Asia, in other writers the
Seljuk dominion of Rflm or Turkish Asia Minor. 'Barchin' and 'lamkint'
were captured by Juji (Chuchi), the eldest son of Chinghiz, in the spring of
laii. Cf. d'Avezac, as above; d'Ohsson, Hi stoire des Mongols, i. a 18 — iio,
111 — 1; Nouveau Journal Asiatique, XII. 284, giving evidence of King Hayton,
also in Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 164 — 172; Gaubil, Histoire de
Gentchiscan, p. 37; Frahn on Ibn al Wardi and other writers' use of Orttay,
Ornache, etc., Ibn Foszlan, Beilage I. § 4, p. 162; Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, I. 170, 285, and notes 483, 676.
1. 13 4. Russia. ..Kioto. Here two expeditions are perhaps confused in one:

(o) that of I22I — 4, marked by the battle of the Kalka, May 31, 1223 (?), and
the crushing defeat of the Russian Principalities in the open field by Subudai
and Chebe, ()3) that of 1236 — 43, led by Batu, and marked by the Mongol
storm of Kiev, Vladimir, etc., and the conquest of all the Russian states except
Old Novgorod by Lake Ilmen. The name of Kiev and of the grand duke
Mstislav {' Mieczislav ' or ' Mscislaw ') passed, through the Mongol conquest, into
the annals of China. Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 1. 33S — 345; 11.
no — 120, 183 — 86, esp. 119; Caubil, Gentchiscan, 35 — 41, 90, 97, 103 — 4;
Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 1. 295 — 8, 307, 318 — 20; 11. 73 — 81, and
notes under these pages, esp. no. 758 ; and on the earlier history of Kiev,
Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De Administrando Imperio, ch. 9 ; Adam of
Bremen, Historia Ecclcsicu Hammaburgeiuis, II. 19 [66 Lapp.]; and above all
Nestor, /ajj;w, and esp. chs. v., vi,, Vlil., Xlil., XViii. etc. (a.m. 6388 — 6621
= A.D. 880 — 1 1 1 3). We may notice Cahun's suggestion, Introduction ^ P histoire
de fAsie, p. 350, that the Mongols were instigated by the Venetians to destroy
Kiev, a dangerous rival to Italian trade in the Euxine. The full text of Carpini
(in the Recueil, iv. 772; not in Hak.) gives a valuable reference to Italian
traders at Kiev on the traveller's return to that city in 1247.
!• 22 6. Out of Russia and Comania... Hungarians... Polonians. After the

campaigns of 1238—40, the Mongols were said to have collected 270,000 ears
of Russians and Bulgarians [perhaps also of Kumans]; the right ears of the slain
being cut off.

NOTES. 285

On the Mongols' attacks upon Hungary and Poland, cf. d'Ohsson, p. 123
Histoire des Mongols, ll. 120 — 83; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches,

6. As is aforesaid, after slain, properly belongs to the clause, had the l- ^4
Hunganans manfully withstood them {si Hungari viriliter restitissent).

7. Morduans ...monsters. I'he Morditans, or as they are called later (in !• 27
ch. 35 of Hak.'s division) Mordtiyni, are the Finnish Mordvins of the Middle

Volga : traces of them are found in Kazan, Penza, Simbirsk, Saratov, Astrakhan,
and Orenburg provinces ; they are now almost entirely Russianized.

The Byleri or Bulgaria Magna are the Old or Black Bulgarians of Bolghar
and the Volga below Kazan, at its junction with the Kama ; they are called
Bilar[s] in several Moslem geographers and historians, e.g. Abulfeda and
Rashid-ed-din.

The Bastard or Hungaria Magna are the Bashkirs of (i.e. thinly scattered
over) the modern Samara, Orenburg, Perm, and Vyatka.

The Parossits are probably the Borassits of Edrisi (writing c. 11 Jo), con-
sidered to be Slavs by the ' Nubian geographer,' but probably a Finnish tribe
of the modern provinces of Perm and Vyatka. Some have identified them,
apparently by mistake, with the Berthas to the S. of Great Bulgaria.

The Samoyedes still exist under that name in the modern province of
Archangel (Arkhangelsk); cf. Engelhardt's admirable account of their present
state, Russian Province of the North, pp. 272 — 98.

The monsters in Hak.'s ch. 23 are sayd to have dogges faces. There may be
a reference here, d'Avezac suggests, to non-Samoyede peoples whose grave
mounds and other remains are known to antiquaries as those of the Chudes.
This term is the regular Russian one for 'Finn,' while the derivative chudovishcha
means 'monster.' See note i, ch. 11.

As to the effect of Mongol invasions in the Far North, it may be noticed that
just as Matthew Paris relates that in 1238 the people of Gothland and Friesland,
through fear of the Mongols, dared not leave their homes and come to the
Yarmouth herring fishery {Cronica Majora, under A.D. 1238, vol. ill.
pp. 488 — 9, in Rolls series edition), so Torfaeus has preserved a record
of a great migration of Permiaks or inhabitants of our 'North Russia' (the
mediaeval Permia or Biarmia) to Norway, between 1217 and 1263. Cf.
d'Avezac in the Recueil, iv. 489 — 91, 492 — 3; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols,
II. 185 — 6, 619 — 29; Peuples du Caucase, 72 — 8r, 129 — 31, 213 — 8, 234 — 5,
257 — 8; Torfaeus, Historia rerum Norvegicarum (1711) iv. 303 ; Strahlenberg,
Description historique de I'empire russien (1757, Amsterdam), 11. 149 — 50,
166 — 8; Edrisi, Climate, v., section 4 [p. 142]; and Rubruquis, pp. 274 — 5,
327, in the Recueil text of 1839; the latter preserves a curious history of a
Dominican mission from the Theiss in New Hungary to the Bashkirs of Old
Hungary, noticed by Alberic Trois-Fontaines, Chrotticon, 564; see also Rock-
hill's version of Rubruquis, Hak. Soc, 1900, pp. 129 — 31 ; Klaproth, Tableaux
Historiques de PAsie, 260 — i, 274 — 6, maps 17 — 20; Mimoires rel. h PAsie,
I. 134; Magazin Asiatique, il. 52 — 96; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches
(on Mordvins), i. 311, 317 ; 11. 70, with notes 748, 830; (on Volga Bulgarians),
I. 295 — 6, 300, 305, 307 — 10, and esp. 11. 81 — 4, with notes 843—5; (o"
Bashkirs of Great Hungary), I. 306, 326 — 8 and note 767 ; Frahn in Mimoires
de P Acad, de St Pet., serie 6, sciences politiques, i. 546 — 8; 11. 324, 387 — 8;
Fiabn, Ibn Foszlan, 164 — 9, 172 — 3 ; Herberstein in Ramusio, li. 170; Reinaud's
Aboulfeda, 216; Nouv. Journ. Asiat. (for Rashid-ed-din), ix. 514.

286 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

CHAPTER i6.

p. 128 1. 5 1. Duke Cyrpodan...Kergis: a reference to Charmaghan's [Charmogun's]

expedition into Persia, the Caucasus lands, Asia Minor, and Syria, in 1229 — 31,
etc. Here again the Kergis seem to be the Cherkess or Circassians of the
Caucasus, the Cherkis or Kerkis of Rubruquis (p. 252 of the Recueil text),
the yerkes of Abulfeda, the Chtrkassi of the Russian Annals. Cf. d'Ohsson,
Histoire des Mongols, I. 337 ; II. 15, 63 ; Viv. St Martin, Mhnoire sur PAmiifnie,
II. 120 — 3,264 — 5,272; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 112, 140, 295,
300, 305, 316; II. 90; with notes 280, 381; Notiv. Joum. Asiat. xii. 199 — 203.

1. 16 2. Ouertake: in Hak.'s original investigare.

1, 21 3. Isidore collet h...Cydopedes: after this Hak. does not translate et ex eis

Tartan nonnullos occiderunt.

!• 25 4. Armenia. .. Deururn. .. BalJach: Deurumorrzihcx De Urumrcier^ioiht

Seljuk Sultanate of RAm, Konieh, or Iconium, the Turkey par excellence of
the 1 2th and 13th cents. Baidach of course is Bagdad; this is a very usual
form : in Polo it is Baudas, e.g. ch. 24, Pauthier; it is the Ba-ghi-da and Bao-da
of the Chinese. The reference here is probably to the Mongol raids of 1237,
1238, 1242, and 1243, in which they took Erzeriim (1242) and Erzinghian (1243),
two of the chief centres of the Armenian race; these conquests were immediately
followed by the submission of the Sultan of Rfim. But Bagdad was not taken
till 1258, though tributary from about 1232, and Aleppo not till 1260, though
it also had for some time owned vassalage. Cf. Abul-Faraj, Historia Dynas-
tiarum, 312 — 14; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, ll. 123 — 125; also
I. 118 — 120, 122, 138 — 9, 140 of the same.

[p. «a]
CHAPTER 17.

p. 124 1. 7 1. As it were, one Colonel, in Hak.'s original vnum simply.

They are enioined, a trans, of dehent.

Shoulders ami breasts defenced, in Hak.'s original crura tecta only.

Brigandines ...icukes, both translations of loricas.

Caparisons [/or their horses], in Hak. 's original cooperturas.
p. 125 1. 3 6. A file in, in Hak.'s original limas...iuxta.

Loopes, in Hak.'s original ansas.

CHAPTER 18.
1. 39 1. MaceSf in Hak.'s original dolabrum.

[p. «8]

126 1.20 2. Spies, m\{AV.''s OT\g\nz\ speculatores.

1. 32 3. Depart and casseir their bandes, in Hak.'s original recedere, simply.

Hak.'s translation is even looser than usual in these two chapters.

1. 37 4. And not to lie out of their armour, in Hak.'s original nee iacere spoliati.

On the whole Mongol system of war Carpini is strikingly confirmed by other
authorities: cp. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 386 — 404.

1.7

1. .7

I. 22

1-^3

«.

1.24

1-3

1. II

NOTES. 287

CHAPTER 19.

1. Sea apostolique: then held by Innocent IV. (Sinibaldo de Fieschi) p- 127 1. 3

"43—54-

2. King of Bohemia..., i.e. Wenceslas [' Wenceslaw,' ' Wacslaw'] III, or I. 7
I. A.D. 1230— H63.

3. We had [kinsfolkes in Polonia], in Hak.'s original habebat \consangui- !• 9
neos...\

4. After \hauing given vs... ^letters, Hak. does not trans, et bono conductu. \. 11
6. Chief e houses: in Hak.'s original f«r/aj. \. 11

6. Boleslaus duke of Slesia (Silesia), i.e. Boleslaw W., pudicus, Duke of '• '3
Lignitz, Sandomlr, and Krakow. At Breslau Carpini found Benedict the

Pole ; he was already travelling with Stephen of Bohemia, who turned hack at
Kanev: cf. Benedict, p. 775 of the Recueil text (iv.) ; d'Ohsson, Hisloire des
Mongols, II. 121 ; lirGi%c\\ne.\AQr, Mediaeval Researches, I. 321; and see note 14
of this chapter.

7. Conradus duke of Lautiscia, i.e. an uncle of Boleslaw, Prince of !• ^5
Lenczy, ' Mazovia, and Kuyavia,' whose seat was at Plotsk : in Benedict

he is dux Polonortim, frankly (p. 774 of the Recueil text), cf. d'Ohsson
and Bretschneider, as above.

8. Wasilico duke of Russia, i.e. Vasilko or Basil, Prince of [Volhynian] 1. 16
Vladimir or ' Vladimir- Volinski,' 1214 — 1271.

9. Duches of Cracow. ..duke...: the Duchess is Gremislawa, the Duke is !• 23
Conrad of Lautiscia or Lenczy; he and his son Lesko or Leszek were now at

Krakow; cf. d'Avezac, in Recueil, IV. 481, 482.

10. Daniel... brother of Wasilico: i.e. Danil or Daniel, Prince of Galicia 1. 35
(Galich) and Vladimir (1205—6, 1211 — 1264), one of the Russian leaders at

the Kalka battle (May 31, i223(?)), celebrated by Karamzin as the bravest of
their princes, now on a visit to the Tartar court. Cf. d'Avezac in Recueil,
IV. 481 — 2; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 120; Karamzin, in the French
version of 1819, Histoire de Russie, III. 287 — 9, 323 — 332; iv. 20 — 24.

11. Lituanians...: Kiev and all Western Russia passed under the rule of p. 128 1. 2
the Lithuanians, through the conquests of Ghedymin, 13 rs — 1328, and Olgierd,

1328 — 1381 ; and so under Poland, through the union of the crowns of Lithu-
ania and Poland in 1385 (marriage of Jagello and Jadwiga or 'Hedwig').

12. Danilon, i.e. Danilov; the full text of Carpini here (Petau MS.) reads 1. 6
Darifone, which d'Avezac, Recueil, 737, emends to Danilove. There are several

places of this name in the Ukraine.

13. Millenary: in original millenarius, the Mongol mingatan or com- 1. 9
mander of a thousand; cf. Rockhill, Rubruck, etc. (Hak. Soc) p. 4.

[p. 64]

14. Second daye after . . . Purification . . . Canoiv immediatly vnder. . . Tartars : 1. 2 1
i.e. Carpini, Benedict, and Stephen, on Feb. 4, 1246, arrived at Kanev on the

Dnyepr, 105 kils. or over 60 miles S.E. of Kiev, just above the junction of the
Dnyepr and the Ros. Here Stephen of Bohemia was left behind {tertio fratre
debilitato, Benedict, p. 775 of the Recueil text).

15. Michaeas : otherwise Micheas (in Vine. Beauv. and d'Avezac's Recueil !• 24
text, p. 737; Mitheas in the Petau MS.). This general's camp appears to be

what Benedict means by the secunda custodia of the Tartars (p. 775 of the
Recueil text).

288 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

CHAPTER 70.

p. 128 1.32 1. Vnciuil and horrible rtianer'. in Hak.'s original Ae^rrj^/AV^r, simply.

1.35 2. Victuals [at our handes^: in Hak. 's original t/^^arz/V.

p. 129 1. 12 3. Motuttaitieirs: in Hak.'s original (Vine. Beauv. text) Alontatiorttm, a

misreading for Moravorum, men of Moravia, as in the Rectuil text, d'Avezac,

P- 739-
1. 20 4. Corrensa: so in Hak.'s original; in the Petau MS. Corenza, and so in

the Reauil text, d'Avezac, pp. 739, 740, 743, 744, 747, etc. ; in Benedict,

p. 775 of same text, Curoniza. See note 5, chap. 13.
1. 23 6. Together with a guide: in Hak.'s original cum corum diicatu.

CHAPTER 21.
1.38 1. For we passed through'. mYi2\i.\or\^vixa\ et itisuper veneranitis per.

[p. e«]

p. lao 1. 14 2. Bathy... mightiest prince... except... Emperour: BcUu, Ruhruquis' ^<ztf/«,
the Ba-du of Chinese annals (the Yuan-Sht), which also term him Great Prince
(ta-wang). He was also known as Sain Khan, the Good Lord or Gracious
Sovereign; cf. M. Polo, ch. 220, p. 754, Pauthier. His liberality was famous
for a Mongol; in his life he affected the strict and primitive Nomade chief,
uncorrupted by town life. On the death of Juji, his father, he divided his
heritage with his brother Orda, the latter taking the lands and troops N. of the
Jaxartes or Sihun (Syr Daria) and E. of the Ural river, Batu receiving all W. of
the Ural. After the campaigns of 1236 — 43 he became the most powerful of
the Mongol Princes, and in 1248 he put his nominee Mangu on the throne of
Chingiz. Cf. note 7, chap. 21, and note 5, chap. 13; Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, I. 165, 167, 300, 308, 311, 318, 322, 324—5. 3.^'— 4 ; "• ". i5.
141 ; also notes 459, 741.

In Hayton, Batu is the great basiliopator ^father of kings). Carpini's
spelling is practically that of the Russian annals, Bati, another proof of the
Slavonic influences in his work.

Simon of St Quentin (in Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., book xxxii.
[otherwise xxxi.], ch. 34) makes Batu's [Batoth's] army in 1236 — 43 amount to
over 600,000 men, 160,000 Tartars, 450,000 vassals, etc. : see also d'Ohsson,
Histoire des Mongols, 11. 334 — 7. For Batu's foundation of Sarai, cf. note 7,
chap. 11.

For his honorific title of Aka or Aga, marking him as chief of the descen-
dants of Chingiz after the Great Khan, cf. St Martin, MJmoire sur VArmSnie,
II. 266; d'Avezac in the Recueil, iv. 484. For his refusal of the Imperial
throne after Kuyuk's death, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 249. For
Rubruquis' account of him, in close agreement with Carpini's, cf. pp. 264, 267,
268, 273, 280, 296, 307, 351, 353, 375, 377, 378 etc. in the Recueil ie\t.
1. 16 3. First tuesday in Lent...Maundie thursday: i.e. from the 27th of Feb.

to the 5th of Apr., 1246.
1.21 4. Coniania... Neper: Carpini's mention of the Borysthenes by its 'Slav' (or

rather local) name of Dnyepr is not the earliest in Christian literature, as often
assumed (e.g. appar. by Rockhill, Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 8). Danapris is in
the Anonymous Geographer of Ravenna, IV. 5 (p. 179 Pinder and Parthey),

NOTES. 289

c. A.D. 670. The forms Advairpi, AdvaffTpi occur in Constantine Porphyro- p. 180
gennetos, /A- Administrando Iniperio, chap. 8, before A.D. 959.

Also Napei-fida for Naper Jluv. appears in the Cotton or Anglo-Saxon map
in the British Museum (Cotton Mss., Tiberius B. V.) of c. A.D. 990; while of
course it is the regular term among Russian and other Slavonic writers, e.g.
Nestor, chaps, i., iv., vi., vii., xii., xv., etc. (a.m. 6368 — 6370, etc. = A.D. 860
— 862). These rivers, in their lower courses, flowed through what had long been
Comania or Kuman-land : a region where the Mongols had now almost extir-
pated their Turkish predecessors. The Komans, A'utnans, or Kipchak of
Carpini and Rubruquis (cf. Rub. in Rectieil, p. 246, etc.) are the Polovtsi of the
Russian Chronicles, in succession to the Pechinegs. The name of Comania occurs
in the Arab Geographers, e.g. Edrisi and Ibn Khaldun: the people and lan-
guage were purely Turkish. Cf. the vocabulary of 1303 in Memoires rel. h VAsie.

6. Monti; , otherwise Monty, Money, Mauci, etc., is Mauchi, the second 1. 24

son of Chagatai.

6. Don...Tirhon: here again the 'Slav' or local name for the Tanais is 1. 35
noticeable (as in Benedict the Pole, Carpini's comrade), and may be contrasted

with Rubruquis, who only gives us the classical name, pp. 216, 246, 247, 249,
250, 252, 266, in the Kecueil text. For earlier instances of the word Don
we must go to the Russian Annals, e.g. Nestor, as in chap, xc, a.m. 6619
(a.d. nil), of Nestor's Chronicle, the Pervonachalnaya Lyetopis.

Tirhon, or Tyrbon, in Vine. Beauv.'s text, is Carton and Carbon in the
Petau and Corpus mss., and Cartan in the Reciieil text, d'Avezac, 743.

7. Volga... Bathy: the Volga, Ptolemy's Rha, is usually called Etil[ia], 1- 28
Ethil[ia], Itil[ia], Atil[ia], Attil[a] in Latin, as in Asiatic and Byzantine,

Mediaeval Literature ; the ' Slav ' or local name here given is the one used
in the Russian Annals, e.g. Nestor, throughout, as in chap. LXXXI. (a.m. 6604
= A.D. 1095) ; it does not seem to occur earlier in Latin or Greek writers, cf.
Menander Protector, in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, vol. cxiii. 806 — 811 in the
Bonn edition, pp. 295 — 302, 380 — 5; and in Muller's Fragmetita Histor. Graec.
IV. 235, etc. (account of the Embassy of Zemarchus, A.D. 568 — 9, from the
Emperor Justin IL to the court of the Turkish Khan Dizabul).

Batu's encampment on the Volga dated from 1235. Here he founded Old
Sarai (long after Carpini's visit) in about 1253 — 56 (though the foundation has
often been ascribed to Berke, 1257 — 1265), and here he died in 1256. Cf.
note 2, chap. 21, and note 5, chap. 13; Yule, M. Polo, I. 5; Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, I. 300, 306; II. 71; and note 831; also I. 165, 167;
II. 8, 81, 141 of same work; Russia and Asia, 1876, by Prof. Grigoriev,
identifies the ruins near Tsarev, on the left or east bank of the Akhtuba, with
Old Sarai, but see p. 337. Rubruquis, pp. 376, 378, is decisive about the
foundation by Batu.

8. laec : otherwise the Yaik or Ural river, the lagac \_-ag\ of Rubruquis. 1. 29
Here the old name is kept, as in the Russian chronicles, cf. Menander Protector

as ref. to in prev. note: Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 167, 300, 301,
and esp. 306.

9. Great sea... arme of S. George... Constantinople: on the ' arm,' or strait, !• 33
of St George (the Dardanelles or Hellespont), cf. Saewulf, pilgrim narrative of

£. A.D. 1102 — 3, end, in Recueil, vol. iv. 1839, P- ^53 J Beazley, Dawn of
Modern Geography, II. 154, 155.

Also cf. Will, de Boldensell, a traveller of 1336 — in Canisius, Antiq. Led.
^Basnage), iv. 337 — 57 ; d'Avezac in Recueil, IV. 486.

H. 19

290 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. ISO 1. 36 10. Exontrate themselves into the Grecian sea... called Mare niaior\%\c\: in

Hak.'s original, intrant mare Graeciae...dicitnr Magnum mare.

Carpini here confuses the Euxine with the Caspian, or rather makes Dnyepr,
Don, Yaik, and Volga flow into one sea and that the Pontus ; in this he had at
least the apparent countenance of some ancient authors, cf. d'Avezac in the
Recueil, IV. 486—7.

CHAPTER 22.

p. 181 1. 7 1. Bathy...Comania : see notes 2 and 4, chap. ii.

1. 8 2. Tabernacles : in original stationibus.

1. 17 3. The Orda...ElJegay: on the state kept by Batu, cf. Rubruquis in the

Recueil, IV. 267— 273.
1. 26 4. Goodfriday : in original die Parasceiu, i. e. April 6, 1 246.

1. 28 6. Russian, Tartarian, and Saracen languages: the 'Tartar' language must

he Mongol ; the ' Saracen ' is prol>ably Arabic, though some have suggested a

dialect of Turkish.
1. 40 6. Once the kings of Hungaria : i.e. Bela IV.'s. Bela was successor of

Andrew IV., and reigned 1235 — 7^; cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II.

1.^2— '59-

[p. 66]
CHAPTER 33.

p. 1S2 I. 20 1- Easter euenx i.e. April 7, 1246.

2. Emperor Cuyne: Hak.'s favourite form of the name : on Kuyuk see
chap. 13, note 4.

3. Skillet : in Hak.'s original caldario.

4. Through Comania : cf. note 4, chap. 21 and note 13, chap. 23.
p. 188 1. I 5. Morduyni Byleri : translated by Hak. as if the name of one people ; in

Hak.'s original Morduynos, Byleros, i.e. Mordvins and Bulgarians. See note 7,
chap. 15.

6. Bastard. ..Hungaria magna: see note 7, chap. 15.

7. Parositae and...Samo^etae : see note 7, chap. 15.

8. Dogges faces: see note 7, chap. 15.

9. Alani...Circassi...Gazari: the Alans are also called Ases, Osses, or
Oss[etians]. They occupied an extremely important position among the
Mongol vassals ; many of them were Christians. Cf. note 8 to chap. 16 of
Rubruquis.

The Circassi are the Cherkess[es] and the Gazari the Khazars. On these
cf. d'Avezac in the Rectuil, IV. 494 — 5; Fnihn, De Chazaris, 1822, through-
out; Nouveau Journal Asiatique, Xll. 530, giving extracts from King Vakhtang's
History of Georgia; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 295, 298 — 9, 305,
316; II. 84 — 90, 93; d'Ohsson, Peuples du Caucase, 31 — 71; 186 — 212;
Klaproth, Tableaux historiques de VAsie, 174 — 181, 268 — 273; MJmoires
relatifs h VAsie, i. 147 — 156 ; V. St Martin, Mimoire sur V Arminie, 11. 186 — 7.
1.7 10. Iberia...Cathes...Brutaches: Iberia shovXAhe mc&ni ioT Georgia. The

Cathes [Cathos, otherwise Tacos, Cacos, Caches, in MSS. of Carpini and Vincent
of Beauvais] are probably the still existing Kakhetians (Kakhs), whose wine is
so famous. The Brutaches [Brutachos], otherwise Briithachos, Brticarchos, are

1.20

1.^3

1-34

1.35

1. I

1.2

1-3

1-4
1.6

NOTES. 291

connected by d'Avezac, Keaml, 496 — 7, with the district, and river, o{ Borchalo p. 188
in the Kur basin, the Berdaj of Moslem writers; cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, I. 294, 299; V. St Martin, Mcmoire sur VArmhtie, il. 356 — 9;
Sprengel, Geographische Entdeckungen, 284 ; Rubruquis, p. 382 of Recueil text,
ref. to Jews in Shirvan ; Haxthausen, Trans-Caucasia, 136, etc. ; Forster,
Histoire des dt'couvertes et voyages dans le Nord, I. 153.

11. Scythia.. .Georgia... Armenia. ..Turkie: Scythia is Hak.'s trans, of 1. 9
Cithontm. The Georgians are elsewhere called by Carpini Obesi or Obeses,

i.e. Abases or Abkhasians of the western Caucasus. See p. 709 of the Recueil
text, and d'Avezac, p. 497 of the same vol.

12. On... lVest...Hungaria, and Russia: this makes Comania or Kuman-
land stretch far northward. Its most northerly region seems to have been that
around the Don sources.

13. Kangitiae: the Ka77a/) or Kdv/cap of Constantine Porphyrogennetos, 1, 15
the Canglae of Rubruquis (pp. 265, 274 of the Recueil text), and of Abul-Ghazi;

Rub. makes them a branch of the Romans. They are the Kankalis and Kankli
of Moslem wTiters, the Kanglin of the Chinese, and perhaps identical with some
of the Pechinegs, Patzinaks, or Bajnaks, overthrown by the Romans in the
nth — 12th centuries and driven out of our S. Russia into the poorer steepes
E. of the Yaik or Ural river. This identification with certain tribes of the
Pechinegs seems approved by Constantine Porph., De Adm. Imp. ch. 37 ;
Anna Comnena says the Ka77a/) spoke the Roman language. Cf. Bret-
schneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 28, 223, 229, 299, 301 — 4, and note 735 ;
d'Avezac, Recueil, iv. 499 — 500; d'Ohsson, Peuples du Caucase, 117 — 21;
254 — 60; AhnX-Ghdiii, Histoire gt'ttJalogique des Tartares, \\, 83 — 9(1726); 17,
37 — 8, 50, 124 (1871 — 4). Ace. to Rlaproth, the Nogai Tartars, representing
a branch of the Pechinegs, kept the name of Kangli in the early 19th century.

14. leroslaus duke of Russia: see note 3, chap. 30, and note 5, chap. 5. '• 17
16. From the eight day after Easter vntill Ascension day : i.e. from 1. 22

April 16 to May 17, 1246.

CHAPTER- 24.

1. Bisermini: see note 2, chap. 15. 1, 32

2. Soldan Alti: in original Allisoldanus, see note 2, chap. 15. 1. 35

3. On... South... Jerusalem and Baldach... Burin and Cadan...ThycLday... 1. 37
On North .. .blacke Kythayans... Ocean... Syban: see note 5, chap. 13.

For S. and N. read S.W. and N.E. Carpini's directions are somewhat
astray here, but usually they are fairly accurate and better than Rubruquis'.

4. From... Ascension, vntil eight dates before. ..S. John Baptist: i.e. from p. 134 1. 4
17 May to 17 June, 1246.

6. Daunce before : in Hak.'s original, plaudere coram. 1. 9

6. Ordu...auruientvnto all the Tartarian dukes\omnium...antiquiorem'\: ovi 1. 20

Ordu or Hordu, see note 5, chap. 13. In Mangu's reign, Batu took precedence

of all after the Great Rhan himself, see note 2, chap. 21.

[p. 67]

CHAPTER 25.

1. Euen of Saint Peter and... Paul: i.e. June 28, 1246. 1. 36

2. Naymani... Pagans. On June 28, 1246, the travellers entered the I. 37

19 2

292 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 134 Naiman country. 'Some writers call the Naimans Turks, others Mongols.

Their centre was on the upper Irtish ; the Kirghiz were to the north, the
Keraits to the east ' ; but cf. note 5, chap. 8.
p. 135 1. 8 3. Day of Marie Magdaletu...Cuytte the Emperour elect : i.e. on July 11,

1146, they reached the Mongol court.
1. 12 4. Court Imperiall'. in Hak.'s original rwr/rtw j<7/<«;»«w.

I. 18 6. Horse-fleshe : in Hak.'s original eh \equis\.

CHAPTER 26.

1. 31 1. Wds mainteymd a verie solemne atid royall court: in orig. adunabatur

curia solennis. This curia solemnis for the election of Kuyuk was held,
d'Ohsson thinks, near Lake Gueuca, where the last Emperor (Okkodai) had
often resided in summer. Chagatai died soon after Okkodai ; otherwise
probably he and not Kuyuk would have been elected at this curia solemnis,
which only took place after more than four years of Turakina's regency. Cf.
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 195 etc., 317 — 19.

1.33 2. Fitu... cloth', in Hak.'s original /«»]^«ra.

!• 35 3. Wall of planks: in Hak.'s original lipteum tabulatum.

180 \. 1 4. Blew robes: in Hak.'s original W<j;/m/«r/«r»V.

1. ai 0. Could f$ot drini [mares Mt/ie]: in Hak.^s onginal non bibebamus.

[p. 38]

1.26 6. leroslaus of Stisdal ... Kythayans ...Solangi: cf. note 1, chap. 29;

note 3, chap. 30. On Yaroslav of Suzdal, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols,
II. 196, and on the Mongol capture of Suzdal, ibid. 11. 1 15 — 6.
1. a8 7. Sonnes. .. of. ..kingof Georgia. ..4000. ambassadors : this was 'as told us by

the agents ' (procuratotibus) Carpini adds. Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols,
II. 196—7 ; II. J17 — 110; Simon of St Quentin, in Vine. Beauv., Spec. Hist.
XXXII. (XXXI.) 50. Also note 5 to chap. 6 of this version. The //[^Vr of the
Caliph is a nuncius in Hak.'s original : the 'ten soldans besides* included Rokn-
ed-din, afterwards Sultan of RQm, the princes of Mosul, Ears, and Kerman, the
brother of the Prince of Aleppo, and the envoys of the Assassin or Ismaelian
Prince of Alamut. This catalogue may be paralleled by Simon's account of
the uncle of the Prince of Aleppo and the brother of the Sultan of Mosul at the
camp of Baiju, ipsum cum trina genuum flexione, capitumque in terram allisione
...adorantes. We may notice that Carpini only speaks oi genuflexions, w&\e.x
of prostrations ; Friar John is mistaken in thinking that the Great Khan never
spoke directly with any man, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, li. 218.
1-35 8. IVithout the lists: in Hak.'a origma] extra tabulatu/n.

CHAPTER 27.

p. 137 1. 4 1. \_Wands.. ] purple wooll: in Hak.'s original lanatn coccineam. These

were the tufts or tughs, in all ages emblems of Nomade Sovereignty in Asia.
1. 12 2. Day of ...Assumption, i.e. Aug. 15, 1246.

1. 17 3. Next vnto the ayre,no\.'vi\W3\i.'%ox\gm2\.

1. 18 4. Fecut of Saint Bartholomew, i.e. Aug. 24, 1246.

NOTES. 293

CHAPTER 38.

1. fVas about [to become... Christtatt], in Hak.'s original deberet. p. 137 1. 40

2. Cleargie men of the Christians: after this Hak. does not translate the p. 138 1. i
clause et expensas eis da bat.

8. Great [Tent^ mWnk.^s ox\g\na.\ mains {tentorium^ 1. 3

4. According to... custome of ...Graecians: i.e. according to the rites of the 1, 4
Greek Orthodox Church.

6. Ring belles : in Hak. 's original pulsant only. 1. 5

6. By a speaker: in Hak.'s original per interpositam personam : see chap. 1. 10
26, note 7.

[p. «»]

7. Occoday ...poisoned: on the death of Okkodai in 1241, see d'Ohsson, !• 33
Histoire cks Mongols, il. 86 — 7. Okkodai really died of drunkenness, alter-
nating with over-violent pastimes. He was 56 years old, and had reigned 13;

he was buried in the valley of Kimen. He was famous for his generosity : 'the
only use of wealth is to win the hearts of our subjects.' Turakina was the
chief of more than 60 wives and concubines of Okkodai's, Kuyuk being
Turakina's eldest son ; her other four sons, Kutan, etc. never came to the
throne; see d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 99, after Rashid-ed-din.

8. This posie: in original hoc, simply; on Kuyuk's seal-inscription cf. 1. 39
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, li. 235 — 6. The description of Kuyuk given

by Carpini must be compared with that of Chinese authors who describe the
Khan's favour to the Kashmir lamas Watochi and Namo: Rashid-ed-din com-
plains of Moslem humiliations in Kuyuk's reign: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des
Mongols, II. 234, 235; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 160, 165, 185,
308, 318—9, 333; II- 8 and notes 434—6, 742. 758.

CHAPTER 29.

1. Chingay... chief e secretary: on the protonotarius, 'chancellor,' minister p- 139 1. 4
of state, general, and proAMncial governor Chinkai, Chen-hai, or Chingcai, cf.

note 4, ch. 31, also Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 60 — i, 6^, 81, and
note 144; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 189, 269. The fullest account
of Chinkai is in the Yuan-Shi, ch. 120, the essence of which Bretschneider
professes to give in his note 144 (as above).

2. Duke of Solangi. Cp. note 6, chap. 26. The Solangi are the inhabitants I, 6
of Korea and Manchuria (or great part of these regions), known as Solonghos

by the Mongols, the Langa and Solanga of Rubruquis, pp. 289 — 90, the Sulangka
of Moslem writers. Chingiz first conquered Korea in 1218; it revolted from
the Mongols in 1231 — 2, and was then re-conquered, 1235 — 41; cf. d'Ohsson,
Histoire des Mongols, i. 360. King Vang-tung, after his revolt, took refuge in
Tsiang-Hua island, off the W. coast of Korea.

3. Trappers and caparisons: in Hak.'s origimA phaleratos et armatos. 1» 30

CHAPTER 30.

1. Tent...Kythayans: on the skill of the Chinese as artificers see Carpini p. 140 1. 5
above.

294 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 140 1. 9 2. Stage. ..of boards: m Hiik.^s ox'\g\na.\ soIariolum...de tabulis.

1, 2Q 8. Ieroslaus...Soldal\ i.e. Yaroslav of Vladimir and Suzdal: see note 6,

chap. 26. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, il. 76 — 7, also gives the
version of the Russian Annals, that Yaroslav died on his way home from the
Mongol court. His body was brought back to Vladimir.

[p. 70]

1. 31 4. After eate and drink Hak. does not translate the words de tnanu ipsius.

On Turakina's regency, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 188 — 195.
1. 34 6. Strange bleio colour: in Hak.'s original miro modo glaucum.

CHAPTER 31.

p. 141 1.6 1- Flag of defiance: ia Hzk.'s ongmaX vexillum.

1. IS 2- Russian goldsmith. ..Cosmos: cf. Rubruquis on William Buchier the

French Christian, goldsmith at Karakorum, pp. 309—10, 334, 337, 342, 374,
etc. in Recueil ttxX. (not in Hak.).

I. 34 3. Day of S. Marline: i.e. Nov. 11, H46.

1. 35 4. Kadac.Bala: Kadak was a sort of President of the Mongol Imperial

Council of State ; in Hak.'s original procurator, translated principal agent. Cf.
note 1, chap. 29; also d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, li. 189, 269, on the
position of Kadak and 'Chingay' under Ogul Gaimish, their conspiracy with
her on behalf of the House of Okkodai, and their execution by Mangu.

1.38 6. Eche sentetue: in Hak.'s original j;>/;'7//3j <7ra/wwj.

1.41 6. Hatu mistakeft: in Hak.'s original minus haberemus: the full text of

this letter exists only in the Colbert MS. of Carpini, immediately before the
text of Benedict the Pole, and is printed by d'Avezac in the Recueil, iv. 594—5.

CHAPTER 11.

p. 142 1. 21 1. Spies and intelligencers in our dominions: in Hak.'s original ^jr/Zora-

tores terrcu, simply.
1- ^3 a. Seruants... legates of Almaine: in Hak.'s orig. seruientes, qui slant

nobiscum, ex rogatu Cardinalis, legati scilicet Alemanniae, viz. the Dominican

Hugo de Santocaro.
!• 16 3. Dutch : in Hak.'s original Teutonicis.

[p. 71]

1. 36 4. Feast of Saint Brice, i.e. Nov. 13, 1146.

I. 39 6. [Gowne]...furre... outside: in Hak.'s original /i7w de foris. Here the

word purpura translated a piece of purple seems used in the sense of dress of

honour or robe of ceremony,
p. 148 1. I 6. Yarde: in Hak.'s original ^^.twot.

CHAPTER 33.

1. II 1. Feast of ...Ascension, i.e. May 9, H47.

1. 12 2. Bathy... written: in Hak.'s original Batky...quod Imperator diligenter

scripserat, demandare.

NOTES. 29s

8. The thirteenth day after Pentecost, being Saterday: in Hak.'s original p. 148 I. 17
iabbatho infra octauas Pentecostes, i.e. June 2, 1247.

4. Holde. . . Pope for. . . Lord: not only Daniel and Vasilko, but also Yaroslav 1. 40

of Suzdal seem to have given Carpini promises of this nature: cp. letter of
Innocent IV. to Alexander, Prince of Suzdal, 10 Kal. Feb. 1248.

§ 9. Critical Notes to Rubruquis.

ABBREVIATIONS OF MSS. etc.

A. = London (British Museum) MS. King's Library, 14 c. Xlll. (from
fol. 225 r°, onwards).

B. = Cambridge (Corpus) MS. No. 66 in C.C.C.C Libr., beginning at fol. 67.

C. = Cambridge (Corpus) MS. No. 407 in C.C.C.C. Library, beginning from
fol. 37 r°.

b. = Cambridge (Corpus) MS. No. 181 in C.C.C.C. Libr.

E. = Leyden MS. No. 77 in Leyden University Libr.

[? F. = Phillipps MS. , a MS. bought from Libr. of John Cochran.]

H. = Hakluyt's text.

P. = Paris text, from the standard edition of Rubruquis by Francisque
Michel and Thomas Wright in Vol. IV. of the Recueil de voyages etc. of the
Paris Geog. Soc, 1839, pp. 199—396: text, pp. 213—396.

M.W. = Michel and Wright ; this refers to these editors' collation.

[Certain headings for chapters given in H. do not appear in P. They will
be followed here, for convenience. Qn the Rubruquis MSS., see Introductory
Note to this Vol.]

CHAPTER I.
[p. 71]

1. Transibit, H. ; transtet, P. [not in M. W.'s collation]. p. 144 1. 13

2. Bulgaria, H. ; vulgariter, P. [not in M. W.'s collation]. 1. 25

3. Mille octo, H., with A., C. ; mille cccc, P. with D., B. ; but in B. there 1. 26
has clearly been alteration. 1, 28

4. Prouinciae, H., with A.; puncte, P.

[p. 72]

6. Kersoua, H. [and later]; Kersona, P. [and later]. p. 145 1. i

6. Bombasioy H. ; gambasio, P. 1. 10

7. Species, H., with E. ; spices, P. 1. 11

8. Matriga, H.; Matrica, P.; Matrita, A. and C; Materia, B. 1. 12

9. [Mercatores de] Constantinopoli, H. with B. ; ...Constantinopolim, P. !• 17
[not in M.W.].

10. Matertam, H. with B. ; Matricam, P.; Matritam, A. and C. [and 1. 18
later Materta, Matrica, etc].

11. Thosas, borbatas, H. ; ^^ hosas borbatas, P. 1. 20

12. Maricandis, H.; Maritandis, P.; Maritanais, D. 1. 24

13. Before Tanais and after orificium P. inserts maris. 1. 25

14. Valakia, H. Blakia, P. 1. 34

296 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. X4S 1. 35 16. Solonomam, H., with C. ; Sclavoniam, P.; Solonomiam, B. ; M. W.

wrongly give Soloniam (for Solonomam), as A.'s reading.
1. 37 16. [Totum^frnmentum, H.; ...ferrum, P.

1.38 17. [Applicuimus...^ SolJaiae, H.; ...Soldaiam, P.; Soldaya, B. {Soldia,

A., B., C, later] ; not in M. W.
1. 39 18. Praeuenerant, H., with B. ; ptrvenerant. P.; not in M. W.

1. 40 19. Dixerunt, H., with A., C. [and later]; dixerant, P. with D.

1. 41 20. Sartach, H. ; Sarcac, P.; Sarcaht, A., C; Sarthac, B. [later P. reads

Sarcaht, Sarcach, Sarchac, Sarchat; also Sartaht and Sartcuht in A.].

[The words nee alicujus...applicuissem, in the next sentence, are omitted

byE.]
p. 146 1. 5 21. After Baatu, P. adds inyeme; not in M. W.

1. 6 22. Audiuimus, dixi, H. [not audivemus as given by M. W.] with B. ;

audivimus diet, P.
1. 17 23. [Vel equos pro\ iummarij's, H., with A., B., C; ...saginariis, P.

1. 19 24. [Quod] non acciperem, H., with B. ; ...acciperem, P.

I. 20 28. Apportant \Rutem\, H., with li.; porlant..., P.; aportant..., A., C.

1. a I 26. Veliem, H.; nollem, P.

1. 77 27. Muscatum, H., with A.; muscatel. P.; musccUos, B.,C.

1. 35 28. Ltctisiernia, H., with A., B., E.; Uetiserinia, P., with best MSS.

[p. 78]

1. 37 29. Cremona, H., with A., B., C; Cremonia, P.; Tremonia, E.

80. Gout, H., A., B.; Gossel, P.; CtJw/, C, E., D.

1. 39 81. Nostra eUemosyna, H., with B. ; vestra..., P. ; nostra elemosyna, A.

p. 147 1. i6 32. Salmastri, H., with A.; saJinastri, P.; salmastir, D., E.

1. 17 33. Efficit salem, H.; efficitur sal, P.

1. 2o 34. Ipperperam, H.; yperperam. P.; Yperperant, D., E. ; Iperperam,

A., B., C.

CHAPTER 1.

1. 28 1. Scythiam, H.; Cithiam, P.; Siehiam, E.

1. 31 2. Debet [paseere], H.; debeat..., P. Not in M.W.

p. 148 1. I 3. The words eirca collum...suspendunt filtrum are wanting in D., E.

1. 3 4. Consumunt, H.; consuunt, P.

6. /« [/a<ri>«a5?], H.; vel aliud\J...d\, P. ; m aliud{f...o], E., B., D.

1. 5 6. Before triginta pedes P. inserts aliquando.

1. 17 7. [Imbuto] seuo, H.; ...r^/<;, P.

[p. 74]

1. 30 8. Sexdecem, H.; with A., B., C; x;rw, P. [B. omits >4rt(5,r/].
1. 39 9. Plana, H., with A., B., C; plena, P.

CHAPTER 3.

p. 149 1. 39 1. Xenia, H., with E.; exenia. P.; et exernia que differentur, M. W.

wrongly give as read by all MSS. but E. \exennia. A., B.]; M. W. give H.'s
reading as exenia.
1. 40 2. After bancus, H. adds ibi est-, after ciphis, P. adds stat in introitu,

which H. omits with A., C, D., E.; D. and E. omit all the last six words of
the chapter as given in P.

NOTES. 297

CHAPTER 4.

1. Before de melU, P. adds de tritico; H. omits, with A. p. 160 1. 3

2. Claret [sicttt vinuNi], H.; clarum, P.; claro, A. 1. 4

3. Before incipit P. adds dominus; H. omits. 1. 9

4. After tres veniunt cantantes, P. adds et saltantes; B. omits. 1. 20

[p. 76]

5. Terunt, H., with A., B., C; fei-unt, P. 1. 26

CHAPTER 5.

1. Morlicinia, H., with E. ; niorticina, P. [and later]. 1. 29

2. \_Pulcherrimos\ socttlares, H.; ...sotulares, P.; not in M. W. p. 161 1. i

3. Qua [so/emus], H. ; qtialibet..., P.; quolibet, D. 1. 5

4. ^/zV^r, H. ; aw/cw, P. 1. 12

6. Saptargat, H. ; Captargac, P.; Scaptargat, E. ; Saptargac, A., B., C.

CHAPTER 6.

1. Partim \^iugere\, H., with B. [which reads stiggere], D., E. ; parvum..., 1. 23
P.; paululum. A., ace. to M. W. ; A. really \\3iS parvum surgere.

2. [Vtrem siue] bucellam, H. ; butellum. P.; bucellum. A.; buccellum, B. ; 1. 25
pMiellum, E.

3. Ratio, H. ; regula, P. [B. omits «««';« e^/]. 1. 36

4. Z<zr «/jt cuius fetet venter, H. ; ?'« cujtis fetus ventre lac, P. ; ?'« cuj'us 1. 37
feti..., D., E.; A., B. transpose these words, reading /ac t« ciij us fetus ventre

[B.], /tf^ m cujus fetet ventre [A.].

6. After coagulum, P., A., D. add coagulatur; not in M.W. 1. 38

6. Before serum P. adds /<7f ; H, and A., B. omit. p. 162 1. 2

7. 30. casalia, H., with A., B. ; xxx homines, P. 1. 5

8. Unumquodq;, H.; quilibet. P., with A., B., D. as in the next four 1. 6
examples.

9. Quam...afferunt, H.; quod...afferant, P. 1. 9

10. Before lac the words tVa et isti, given by H., are omitted by P., which 1. 10
reads ita oportet before quod ipsi afferant.

11. Vtribus \arietinis\ H. ; ventribus..., P. 1. 12

12. Putrescit, H.; putrefit, P. 1. 14

[p. 76]

13. Gri-vt, H., with A.,B., C ; grice, P.; P., later, ^'7</. 1, 20

CHAPTER 7.

1. Before Mures, P. adds capiunt etiam mures, quorum multa genera \, 29
habundant ibi ; H. omits, with A., B., C.

2. Before et omne genus, P. adds sed dant avibus suis...Glires comedunt; 1. 30
H. omits with A., C.

3. {Marmotes...'] ipsi, H., with B.; ...ibi, P. 1. 31

4. Cati, H.; cala. P.; taca, D., E. M. W. do not notice H.'s reading. 1. 35
6. Artak, H.; arcali, P. 1. 39
6. Torta, H., with B. ; tortua ut aries, P. ; H.'s reading torta not noticed 1. 40

by M. W.

298

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 153 1. I 7. Girfalcones...herodios, H.; girfaus, erodios. P.; girfaus, herodios, B.

1. 4 8. Medietatem, H., A., B. ; medium,!?.

1.6 9. Verbereiur^avento], II.; reverbetiir...,'P.\ rez'erberetur,'R.,'E. M. W.

give H.'s reading as verbetur.
1. 1 1 10. Bambasio, H., with B. ; wambasio, P. [and later].

XI. Moxel...Kersis, H., with A., B.; Maxel...Kerkis, P.; Pascatir, H.;
Pascatu, P., with A. ; Paschatu, E.
1. i8 12. Contra \ventum\, H., with A.; ad..., P,

1. 28 13. De grossiari...filtrum, H.; de ilia gross... % philtrum. P.; M. W. make

W.. ovnW. de grossiori; A. reads here /A///r«w ; B., Yi.Jiltrum.
1. 31 14. Patullas sub stilts, H. [with A., B.]; panellos subsellos. P.; fanellas,

A., B. ; sub stilus, D.

CHAPTER 8.

1.35 1. Cristat...ttmpora, H. [with A., B.]; ptrsucatras cos(at...tim/>ora, V.;

later, P. reads tympora, which A. reads here; timpora, B.
p. 164 1. 7 2. Postta, H., with A., B. ; Pratttrta, P.

1. 8 3. Botta, H., with B.; Bocca, P.

[p. 77]

Scilictt \vnius cubitt\, H.; similiter..., P. ; simili, D.

Before virgulam ornant, P. omits ji^/", given by H. and A.

Longum \in circuitu], H., with B., D. ; lungum.... P.; not in M. W.

Before dtsuptr lantea P. adds et virgula; H. and A. omit.

XSicut^ viti [diutrsi^cantts], H. ; ...viri.... P., with A.; not in M. W.

Pingtitdint \_f(uits\ H., with A., B., C. ; st...pingutndo..., P.

p. 156

l-'5

1. 16

1-^5

1.26

1-31

1.8

1. 10

1-13

1.28

1.30

CHAPTER 9.

After viri faciunt. P., with A., omits solum, given by H.
Et, H. [after ipsum cosmos]; id tst, P.
Before inspissato. P., with A., adds acttoso; actios, E.
Quia [adueniunl] tcu, H. ; qtu...ei. P.; quia...ti. A., D.
Before iniuriam P. addsy?^/i; H. and A., B., omit.

p. 156

p. 157

1.13

1.14

1. 18

1. 20

\-ll

1.35

1.36

1-37

1.6

1.21

C. ; B. omits.
[No stop.] Not in M. W.
P.

CHAPTER 10.

[p. 78]

[Falsos nuncios'] quia, H.; ...qui scilictt, P.
Sacriltgas, H.; sortiltgas. P.; sort il egos, B.
[AlanguyAam, H.; ...chan, P.; ...thatn, A.
Vnam. Si tst dt nobilibus, H . ; unam si..., P
Apposuerunt \^... cosmos], H., with B., D., E. ; opposuerunt
Structas [lapidibus], H., with A.; stratas..., P.
Circa [artam], H., with A., B., C; citra .., P.
£t vbi \aliquis], H. ; Quando..., P. ; D. omits.

CHAPTER II.

1. iBigis] nigris, H., with A., B. ; ...nostris, P.

Quas\dtferrem]Sartach,'\^., with A., B., C.; que...Sarcath, P.; qut.
Sartach B.

NOTES. 299

8. Sin minus, H. ; sin autem. P., with A. ; si autem, D. p. X67 1. 25

4. \_Nomine\ Scacatai, H.; ...Scatanay, P.; ...Scatai, B., C. ; Scatatai, 1. 26

A., D. ; elsewhere P. has Scatatay, etc.

6. Chirothecas, H. ; cyrotecas. P.; cirotecas, B., A.; cirothecas, E., D. ; 1. 33

H.'s reading is not given by M. W.

6. Batrator, H., with A., B., C. ; baratator, P. 1. 36

7. Apram, H., with A., B.; Airam, P.; Agram, B., C. p. 158 1. 2

[p. 70]

8. Dio, H.; divo. P., with A. 1. 6

^ CHAPTER 13.

1. Adas, H., with A., C. ; ^aj. P.; Ats, E. ; /4aaj, B. p. 169 1. 33

[p. 80]

2. Etiam si cogtu)uissent...rectificabar, H., with [A.,] B. ; . . .cognoscerent p. 160 1. 8
[so Pi.J\...rectificabavi^ P.

CHAPTER 14.

1. Intrassemus : videbantur, H. ; f«w i«...j vid... [no stop] P. p. 161 1. 8

2. [Quindecim diebus] qtnbus non, H., with B., D.; quod nos, P. 1. 11

3. Fnutibus et panem biscoctum, H.; biscocto [only] P., with D., E.; 1. 13
vinum veringal plenum et panem biscoctum. A., C. ; plenum biscoctum, B.

4. Bones, H., with A., C; personis, P.

6. Bobus, H., with A., B., C. ; P. inserts equis et. 1. 15

6. Viginti \dietas\ H., with A., B., C. ; xxx..., P. 1. 20

7. Comani ..Capchat, H., with B., C., and later with A., B., also; Com- 1. 22
mani...Capthat, P. ; Capthac, E.

8. \Hungaria...\ Tanaim, H. ; ...ad Thanain, P.; Tanayn, A., B., C; !• 3^
Tanain, E.

9. Praeponunt \^...Rutenis'\, H. ; proponunt.... P., with A.; here begins !• 33
Ch. IS in A., C.

CHAPTER 15.
[p. 81]

1. Xenio, H.; exennio. P.; extremo, E. So later xenium, H.; ^x- p. 162 1. 10
ennium, P.

2. [Comedentes^ viaticum, H.; ...panem. P.; nostrum, A. 1. n

3. [^jr^^//jV] seruientibus, H. ; . . .survenientibuSy P., with B. ; ...super-
venientibus, A., D., E.

4. Grauabat, H., with B., D., E. ; grevabat, P. 1. 22

5. ^wi-of fz/w volebam, H., with E.; ^/^(7</ «o« valebam. P.; quando nole-
bam, D. ; quajtdo volebam, B.

6. Aedificationis, H., with B., C, E. ; predicationis, P.

7. Perpendi, H., with B., C. ; percepi, P.

8. A'/'/w^ [y?«M?Mj], in H. only; P., with A., omits Nilus.

9. ^«^a, H. ; ripa. P.; rf^^a, all Mss. but E. M. W. give H.'s reading as
riga.

10. Borbatam [recentem], H., with A., B., C. ; borbotam, P.

1. 163

1-3

300 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 163 1. 7 11. Sequana Parisijs, H. [Parisius, A.]; Secane Parisius, P.; Sokena,

A., C. ; Sokana, B. ; Sequane, E.; later P. reads Secatta', A., B., C, Sekena.
1. 12 12. After oritur de paludibus P. adds Meotidis; not in H.

1. 13 13. In{quoddam...Mare], \i.; faciens.... P.; A. omits m.

CHAPTER 16.
p. 164 1. 3 1. Syluas ad aquilonem. Sunt, H. ; silvas. Ad aquilontm sunt, P.

[p. 88]

1. 1 5 S. Merduos, H. ; Merdinis, P. ; Merduius, A., B. , C.

1. a6 S. Cergis et Alani siue Acas, H. ; Cherkis...sive Aas, P.; Kerkis, A.,

B., C.

1. 29 4. [.^w.?* ••] obediunt, H., with A.; ...mom obediunt, P.

1. 32 6. After habitabant Comani, P. inserts Capchac, which H. omits; Ca/-

chat^ B.

CHAPTER 17.

1, 35 1. Etiliam, H., with B. ; Ethiliam, P. ; Eciliam, A.

p. 166 1.5 2. Domini lannam, H.; dominum lannam. A.; Domttm lamiam, B.;

dominum qui vacatur lamiam, P. ; Domum quis vacatur lam lam, C, D., E.
1. 16 S. Afferebamus, H., with B., D. ; offerebamus, P. Not in M. W.

1. 18 4. Sic [seruarcm] H. ; ji..., P.; sic servant em. A., C.

1. 34 8- ^''-«' Franciae, H. ; Franciae omitted by P., with A.

1. a J 6. Baldnuyno de Hannonia, H. ; Baldeuino de Hemmonia, P.; B...ivyno

de Hammona, A., B., C.
1. 26 f- \.Socijs\ domus Dominicae, H.; ...David, P. [and later], with all MSS.
1. 39 8. [Dominus] noster, H., with B. ; ...vester, P.

p. 166 1, 5 •. Biblium quod...psalterium, H. ; bibliam qttam et psaltenum, P. [and

later]. H.'s omission of ;/and placing of psalterium in apposition to biblium,
not noticed by M. W. Bibliam quam psalteriutn, A., B.
1. 6 10. Before /«/f A ra< P. inserts valde, not in H. (or A.).
1. 7 11. Supercilicio, H. ; superpelliceo, P. ; superceliceo. A., B., C.

1. 8 12. [Ante] dominum, H., with A., B. ; ...domum, P.

[p. 88]

1. 10 13. Ter, H., with A.; cum, P.

1. II 14. Requisiuerunt, H. ; acquisierunt. P.; requisierunt, B. , D.

1, 23 15. Armeni, H.; Hermeni, P.

1. 49 16. Turcicum, H.; Turkum, P.

CHAPTER 18.

p. 167 1. 16 1- [/Va/'^^...] Coiacis, H. ; .. Coiac, P. [j«/<?r, B.].

1. ^2 2. Before j^t/ Moal, P. adds mom «/ Christianus, and between j^«ta and

nomen inserts enim; not in H. or D.

CHAPTER 19.

[p. 84]

p. 168 1. 8 1. Concan, H. ; Cotuham, P., with A ; Coirchan, E.

1. 10 2. Qui [diuinator], H., with A., D. ; quod..., P.

NOTES. 301

8. Propter snccursum, H.; pro succursu. P.; not in M. W.; A. reads p. les 1. 13
succurswn only.

4. Cara-Catny, H., with B., E. ; Caratatay, P. [later Caracatay\, Cara- \, i^

catos, Carsitatay, Carstatay, Caracaias, other forms in A., C. [M. and W.
give H.'s reading as Cara-Caiai.l

6. Nigri[Catay\ H.; ntger.... P.; nigrum..., A., C. 1. 16
«. Dicehatur Yaymaii, H., with A., C; dicebantur Haiman, P.; dice- 1. 21

batur Nayman, B. ; dicebantur Naivian, D.

7. Mangu, H., P. ; Magu, A., B., C; Mandu, E., D. 1. 26

8. Ken can, H.; Ken cham. P., with A., C. ; Keu, D; Koncham, B. [Can, 1. 27
H., usually; Chatn or C^a«, P.].

9. Potetts, pastor..., Fut, H.; potens pastor..., Unc, P., A. [H. reads F«f 1. 33
or 6^«<r in other places] ; Nunc, E.

10. Alpes...Caracatay, H., with B. ; Alpes...Caratay, P. 1. 34

11. Tartari, H.; Jarcar, P.; Tarcar, D. ; Tarcai, E.; Tartari, A., B., p. 160 1. 4
C. [M. and W. give H.'s reading as Jartari.^

12. [Cttria] Cyngiscan...Mancherule, W.; ...Chingis Chan...Onankerule, 1.23
P.; Chingis Cham...Mauchertde, A., B., C.

13. Tartar/ [i-j/ r^^V)], H., with A., C.; Caracaron...,Y.; Caracari, 'R. 1. 24

14. Acquisitio, H., with B,, D. ; prima adquisitio, P.; not in M. W.

CHAPTER 20.

[p. 86]

1. Beita, H., with A., C. ; Jerra, P.; Berca, B. ; Fra, E. [7>rra 1. 38
frcUris, D.].

2. .yw/^r, H., with A., E. ; frater, P,

3. {Permittit in] terra, H.; ...curia,'?., viiXh K.l'Q. oralis non\. p. 170 1. 2

4. Interficiunt, de die lalitantes. Et,\i.; tnt...nt. De...latitant,et,Y. \. \^
6. Occursum, H., with B., D. , E. ; occasum, P. 1. 15

6. 7a/j«w, H., with B., D., E.; ^a/^/«, P. 1. 16

7. Tandem, H.; ergo. P.; A. omits. 1. 18

8. Before quemdam lacum [q...nd...m, H.], P. adds in meridiem, cadens \^ 2q
in; H. omits, with A.

9. Sircan, H., with A., B., C. ; Sirsan, P. ; Sirtan, B. ; Siroan, D. 1. i\

10. luxta, H. ; jw/^r, P.; A. omits. I. 23

11. Musihet, H., with A., C; Muliech, P.; Mulihec, B. I. 34

12. Assassinorum, H. ; Axasinorum, P.; Haxasinorum, A., B., C.

13. Before qui...Canglae, P. adds Comani; H. omits, with A., B., C. 1. 37

CHAPTER 31.

[p. 86]

1. Mergitur, H. ; oritur, P. p. 171 I. 4

2. Feritatis...leones, H. with A., B. , C. ; ferocitatis...et leones, P. 1. 6

3. Before mixtim, P. adds ^/ Sarracenis; H. omits, with A. M. W. do I. 11
not notice H.'s omission here.

4. Quum ergo vidi...propi domus, H., with A.; quando...propriae.... P.; 1. 25
quando...prope, D.

6. Before ducti P. 2AA% primo; H. omits, with A., B., C. 1. 36

6. After sequenti die P. adds duett; H. omits, with A., B., C. [A. omits 1. 37

die.^

302 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ETC

p. X71 1. 40 7. Vi non [loqturemHr\...el [tunc], H., with A., C. ; quoii nihil. ..et quod....,

P. ; ut nichil, B.
p. 172 1. 5 8. Ad[papiliotum\ H., with A., B., C; ante..., P.

1. 10 9. [In oculis] forum, H., with A., B. ; ...nostris, P.

10. Piano carpiniy H. ; Policarpo, P., and all MSS.
I. II 11. Indtutifuimus, H., B. ; introdtuti sumus. P.; induH fuimus, A.

1.38 12. Confortare m timerem, H. ; confortari ne timeret. P.; confortare...

timertt, B., D. M. W. do not notice H.'s reading timerem.

[p. 87]

p. 178 1. I 13. Vt, H.; coutra quoi. P.; qtum, E.

I. 24 14. \Dlxit nobis\ summam, H., with A., D.; ...sententiam, P.

1. a6 18. £0 [amplt'us], H., with A.; egv..., P.

CHAPTER «.

p. 174 1. 4 1. [f/ungari'\...CUriculi, H., with A., B.; ...derici, P.

1. 1 4 2. \Scripsi\vtrasque, H. with A., B. ; ...utrinque. P.; utriqtu, E.

1. 13 8. Finem \exaltationis...crucis\ H.\ /alum, P. ; not in M. W.

[p. ••]
•I. 38 4. [Botas siue] btuellos, H., with A., B., C.\...hocellos, 'P.;...hosellos, D.
1. 41 5. Si^uirios, H., with A., D.; duos saginarios, P.

1. 43 6. Romanorum, H., with A., B., C; Comanorum, P.

CHAPTER 23.

p. 176 1. 6 1. lagag, H.; Jagat, P. ; Jagac, A., B., C.

I. 7 S. Pascatir, H., with A., B., C; Pascatur, P., as before.
1.8 S. Hungarorum, H. [not in M. W.]; Ungariorum, P.; Hungari, A.,

B., C. ; Ungarorum, D.
1. 18 4. Occurrerunt...Vandali, H., with A., B.,C.; concurrunt...lVandali, P.;

concurrerunt, D. ; H.'s reading Vatidali noi noticed in M. W.
1. 20 8. Hoc, H., with A., B., C; Iliac, P.

\. 21 6. Illos lingua... Boimorum. Sclauorum est idem idioma,Y\..\illos. Lingua
...Boetnorum et Sclavonorum eadetii, P. [A., B., D. omit idioma.] These
differences are only in part noticed in M. W.
1. 23 7. Sclauorum, H.; Sclavonorum, P., with B., D. ; Sdavanorum, A., C.

1. 26 8. [Po/>tilum] mtdtum, H., with A., B. ; ...nullum, P.

1. 33 9. Bulgaris [Saracenis\ H., with A., B., C, D.; Vulgaris..., P.

1. 35 10. Valachia, H.; Blakia, P., with A., B., D.; not in M. W.

p. 178 1.5 11. Ltuius, H., with A., B., C; tunc lentius. P.; H.'s omission of
tunc not in M. W.
1. 15 12. Saginarios, H.; pro saginariis, P.

CHAPTER 24.

[p. 89]

p. 177 1. 10 1. [Asinos...^ Colan, H., with C. ; ...Culam, P.; ...Colau, A., B.

1. 16 2. Kenchat, H., with A., C. ; Kinchat, P. ; Kenchac, B.

1. 21 3. 5"^£/ omitted by P. before quia iam eramus. Earlier in same chapter

H. reads quia; P., quart [nolebamus recipere aurum].

NOTES.

303

CHAPTER 25.

1. Ban [dominus], H., with A., C, D.; Buri..., P. Earlier in same p. 177 1. 37
chapter H. reads Burt. In same sentence H. reads sed nihil poteram [not nichil

as in M. W.]; P., nichil poteram; E. , et nihil poteram; A. omits sed.

2. \Sicnt\ Baatus, H., with A.; ...Baatu, P. p. 173 1. 2

3. Talas \erat post nos\ H., with B., D. ; Jalas..., P.; Talis..., A., C. 1, 12
H.'s reading not in M. W.

4. Before transiui etindo P. inserts tauten; H. omits, with A., C.
6. Homines Mangu chatn...nec exequuntur, H. ; homines Mangic.ne

execuntur, P. {Cham omitted : Magtc in A., B. : this not in M. W.]

17
'3

[p. 90]

6. Descen(iebant\a...montibus\ H.; dependebant, P.

7. Before ad meridiem, P. inserts qui erant; H. omits, with A., C.

8. [Solebant esse multae] villae, H., with B., D., E., which last (two)
read magnae; ...valle, P. M. W. give H.'s reading as ville.

9. [Omnes erant] destructae, H. [not destructe as in M. W.], with B., E. ;
distracte. P.; distructae, A.

10. [Quieuimus] quindecim, H. with A., B., C. ; ...xii, P.

11. Organum, H., with A., C. ; Orgonum, P.; Argonum, E. [later
Organa in H., P.; Orgona, B.].

12. Haec.Contomannis, H.; modo...Turcomannis, P.; Contomaniis,
A. , B. ; Contromaniis, C. ; Tiiitomannis, E.

13. /diomate, H.; ydioma. P.; ideoma, D. ; /afeo mare, E.

14. After partibus illis, and before dicuntur Organa, P. adds ojfficium
suum et scribere libros et forte ab illis; H. omits, with A., C.

16. Idolatrias, H., with E. ; ydolatras. P., with A., D. ; ydiolatras, B.

1- 3.^
'•34
1. 40

1.41

179 1.

1.5

1.6

1.8

CHAPTER 26.

1. Cealcu, H. ; Caalat, P.; Caalac, C; Ceialac, A.

2. Habetis...imaginem, H.; habetis hic.ymaginem, P.; habetis...ymagi-
nem, A. [M. W. a little later give quamdatn yminaginationem as H.'s reading
for P.'s quamdam ymaginem; here H. really has imaginationem\,

3. Ipsorum, H., with A.; episcoporum, P.

4. [Azrflr««'...] inuitant, H., with MSS. other than B., D. ; ...vitant,
P., with B., D.

6. [Z<Y««] i«'2'<?, H., with A. ; ...de, P.

6. After ornant se sacerdotes P. adds et offerunt thura el ascendant [sic,
with MSS.] lucernas; H. omits, with A., B., C.

7. Communes omnes, H., with A.; omnes omnium, P.
A., B.

8. Eorum [exeuntem], H., with A., C; corum..., P.

9. [F^/] rt//>r, H., with A., B., C; ...aliquando, P.

10. [/« /^co] <r^tf/i, H., with B.; ...cori. P., and so later.

communes omnium.

1.36

p. lao 1. 3

1-5

CHAPTER 27.
[p. 91]

1. After chorus contra chorum [corus... corum] P. adds in terra.

2. Orator ium quoddam eorum, H. ; Carrachorum quoddam templum eo-
rum, P. ; Coratorium, A., B. ; Coracorium, C.

1.23
1. 26

A., B.

1. J«

13.

1.17

IS.

1.4

14.

>-7

16.

304 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. X8O 1. ig 3. After quocumque vadunt P. adds semper in niatiibus, with A.

4. Quendam resteni, H. ; quamdam Ustam, P. ; restam. A., B., C.
1. 31 6. Ou mam Hactaui, H.; On man baccam. P.; Ou mani hactain. A., B.,

C. ; Ou mani bachan, E.
1. 33 6- Expectant, H.; exspectat. P., with E.

1. 37 7. [Emineat'\ si possint, H., with A.; ...si possunt, P.

p. 181 1. 1 8. Before Franci P. ow\\\.% fratres [not in M.W.]; and before j^x vt(/t,

P. omits ////. A. omits both with P.
1.3 9. \Capitihus\cartaceas, H.; 'J'artareas, P.

10. Jiigurttm, H.; Ingurum, P., with A. [later, at beg. of ch. 27,
Ingures\; Ingruum, B. [Virginis, later, D, E.J. Later M. W. wrongly give
Ingures [for Iugures\ as H.'s reading.
1. II 11. Mangti'Cham...vobis H.; Manguchan...eis, P.; Magu cham... nobis,

...ei, E.

Vnusspiritus, H.,and all Mss. but E.,D. ; «««jrfj/iW/«j, P. with£.,D.
[A/i^uis] cAarus eius, H.; ...carus ei, P.
laa 1. 4 14. [/l/^/awf/;'] fflj/ra, H., with B., E. ; ...castrum, P.

^j« before Maal et ingrediuntur added by P.; H. omits, with A.

CHAPTER «8.
[p. 93]

1. 16 1, Post obediuerunt [CAingis], H., with A., B.; primo obedierunt..., P.

1. 37 2. Ferociores, H.; fortiores. P., with A.

1. If) 3. Acuosa, H., with A., B. ; arctiosa. P.; artuosa, E.

1. 30 4. Iniungi, H., with A. ; mungi. P.; inungi, E.

1. 33 8. yV**-/, H., with A., B., C; Tebec, P.
188 1.5 6. Langa [ei Soiangu], H., with A., C; I^mga..., P., with B., D. ;
Selanga, A.; Solonga, B.

^- " 7. [Farum] interior, H.; ...inferior, P.

^* '9 8. After capitis, P. adds, ^/ «/ valde pulchrum ornamentum capitis; H.

omits, with A., B., C.

9. Before quando veniebat ad curiam P., with A., adds semper; H. omits.

1.36 10. Cathaya, cuius ituolae, H. ; Cataya qui, P. with A., C; Cathaia
qui, B. ; Cataia qui, E., D.

1- 38 11. Before et ille populus, P. adds with A. qui dicuntur Serici ab illo

populo; H. omits.

H. ends, with A., C, at the end of p. 291 of Paris {Kecucil) text, which
latter begins at p. 113 of vol. I v. (1839), and continues to p. 396, giving the
complete Rubruquis. In the margin of C is a note, at the end of the MS.; Hie
deficit multum; vide apud S. Edmundum residuum ; M. W. add, liber hie fuit
olim, ui videtur, peculium prioratus cujusdam apud Norwicum.

§ 10. Notes on Hakluyt's Version of Rubruquis.
pp. 93—117.

[p. 93]

CHAPTER I.

184 1.6 1. William de Rttbruk...of the Minorites: Friar William was probably

a native of Rubrouck village in Old French Flanders. His birth is commonly
dated about 1215 — 1220, his death about 1270. He is only known from the
present work, from Roger Bacon's Opus Maius (i. 305, 354, etc., ed. Bridges,

NOTES. 305

1897 ; Carpini is referred to in the same work i. 371), and from the Franciscan p. 184
records used by Luke Wadding in Scriptores Ordinis Minorum. Rubruquis
probably met Carpini and Benedict the Pole in Paris, at the Court of the
Saint- King Louis IX., when Friar John and his companion arrived there in
the early part of 1248, shortly after their return from Mongolia, on a mission
from the Pope to the French Sovereign (Luke Wadding, Annates Minorum,
III. 115). From these veteran explorers Rubruquis in all likelihood received
the first impulse towards his own great journey. He accompanied Louis IX.
on the Sixth Crusade, and was probably with the King when the mission
arrived from Ilchikadai at the end of 1248, offering an alliance against the
Saracens, and when the pleasing and plausible impostor, Sabeddin Morrifat
David, in charge of this mission, told the King of France how the Great Khan
and the chief lords of the Mongols had embraced Christianity three years
before. When Andrew of Longumeau (Jean Pierre Sarrasin's ' Andrieu de
St Jacques') started, in Feb. 1249, on the return embassy sent by Louis IX.
both to Ilchikadai and to the Great Khan Kuyuk, Rubruquis was also present,
there is no reason to doubt, as also when Andrew returned to St Louis at
Caesarea in 1251. Lastly Rubruquis seems to have met Philip de Toucy
[and Baldwin of Hainault ?] at Caesarea in the winter of 1251 — 52, and to have
heard much about the manners of the Kumans and the routes through their
country. The traveller left his sovereign some time in the winter of 1252 — 3,
made a stay (possibly of some length) in Constantinople, and started from the
imp>erial city for the Crimea on May 7, 1253. See Joinville and Sarrasin,
ed. Michel, Paris, 1867, pp. 142 — 9, 150 — 2, 254 — 5.

For modem studies cf. Oscar Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkuttde, 165, etc. ;
L^on Cahun, Introduction a V histoire de VAsie, 353—4, 355, 384 — 6, 392 ; Sir
Henry Yule's article in Encyclopaedia Britannica (9th edition), xxi. 46 — 7 ;
the same author's Marco Poto, li. 536; F. M. Schmidt, Ueber Rubruk's
Jieise, Berlin 1885 (Berlin Geog. Soc. vol. 20, pp. 161 — 253, and reprint);
W. W. Rockhill, trans, of Rub. with commentary, Hakluyt Society, 1900;
Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, 11. pp. 278 — 9, 320 — 381.

An excellent analysis of Rub.'s journey is in d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols
^ed. of 1852), vol. 11. chap. vi. pp. 283 — 309, and invaluable refs. to, and notes
upon, the same are in Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 1888, I. 204 — 5,
262—3, 299, 301, 305—7, 308, 311, 318, 327, 334; II. 25, 38, 41—2, 70 — r.
9>l, 84, 85, 86, 91, 116, I2C.

2. Yeare. ..iii)},.. .Nones of May... Pontus: i.e. Rub. sailed into the Black 1. 23
Sea on May 7, 1253. Pontus and Pontus Euxinus are the regular names of

this basin in classical and mediaeval geography ; it is called Dark, i] \eyofi4v7]
ffKOTfiv-r) (if the ref. here is really to the Euxine and not to the Baltic ; either
-would suit the context), by Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De Administrando
Imperio, chaps. 31, 42; Black by Friar Jordanus {nigrum, maurum), chap.
XIV. § 3, p. 61, Recueil text, vol. iv., 1839. Paris.

3. Great sea: in Hak.'s original Mains Mare. For Hak.'s in length... !• 25
1008 miles the best Mss. read MCCCC ; and so the text implies in Hak. a little

later, 700 miles also from thence to the East, etc. The true length is about 700
E. miles in all. Mare mains is an unusual term for the Euxine ; more usually
it is applied to the Mediterranean in the Middle Ages, as in Isidore, Etymo-
logies, XIII. xvi. I. As used for the Euxine, cf. Marco Polo, chap. i. (p. 5,
Pauthier ; i. 2 — 3, Yule).

4. Before towards Synopolis Hak.'s original has et contra meridiem, 1. 33

3o6 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 184 untranslated here. On Synopolis, our Sittope, called by Rub. a little later the

citie of the Soldan of Turkie, an important trade-centre (as outlet for Turkish
Asia Minor) at this time, of. Heyd, Commerce du Let'ant, i. 298, 550—3, il. 98
168, 103 — 4.
1.38 6. Hiberia... Georgia. See note 5, chap. 6 of Carpini.

1- 39 «. Gasaria..\Caesaria\: the name Caesaria (1. 31) has nothing to do with

Caesar, but is derived from the Khazars who dominated the modern Southern
Russia from the 6th to the nth cent, and are mentioned so often by the
Byzantines, e.g. in 626 by Priscus, if we may identify his 'AKaripoi and
'A»toTfi/)oi with the Khazars, and by Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De Adm.
Imp., chaps. 10 — 12 etc. Cf. the Gazari a.n^ Gazaria of Carpini 674 etc., 748,
the Gatzaria of Friar Jordanus, 62 (Recueil, iv. 1839). See also Beazley, Dawn
of Aloiiertt Geography, II. 212 — 3, 472, 474, 491 — 4. Frahn, De Chazaris, is
still one of the most important monographs on this interesting people (1822,
St Petersburg).
p. IBS 1. I 7. Kersoua : so in Hak.'s original, for fCersona, Kherson or Cherson, the

traditional scene of the martyrdom of .St Clement of Rome [civitas dementis
Rub. calls it later, p. 215 of Receuil text), on the west side of the quarantine
harbour of Sevastopol. See Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De Adm. Imp.
chs. 6, 42, and esp. 53, the most valuable mediaeval essay on Chersonite
history; Bockh, Inscript. Christ. 8740, 8742, 8757. See also Beazley, Dawn
of Modem Geography, I. loi ; II. 455, 499 — 504.

1. 5 8. Soldaia, i.e. Sudak or Sudagh, the 201-750^0 of the Byzantines, also

written by Latins Sodaia, Soltadia, Soldachia, Shot India: noticed by M. Polo,
chaps. 1, 2 (p. 6, Pauthier; l. 2 — 4, Yule) and by Edrisi (Jaubert), il. 394, who
calls it Soldadia. It was first captured by the Mongols in 1223 and again in
1239. Cf. Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, 11. 450 — i, and Rock hill's
note in Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 43, n. 2 ; also Bretschneider, Med. Researches,
II. 84, who warns us not to confuse Soldaia or Sudak with Solgat or Krim ;
see Abulfeda, 11. 320; Pallas, Travels through the Southern Provinces of the
Russian Empire, 1793 — 4, ll. 260 — 3, 217 — 27, 396 — 9, gives one of the best
modern descriptions of .Sudak and [Solgat-] Krim. In the century after
Rubruquis, Sudak greatly declined; cf. ll)n Batuta (Defremery and Sangui-
netti), I. 28; II. 415. On Venetian trade and establishments here, c. a.d. 1250
— 80, see Heyd, Commerce du Levant, i. 299 — 301, and Beazley, Dawn of
Modern Geography, as above.

1.6 9. Turkie nurchants: in Hak.'s original merccUores venientcs de Turchia,

i.e. Inner Asia Minor, the dominion of the Seljuk Turks (Sultanate of Rftm or
Iconium) from the close of the nth century.

1. 8 10. Russia. ..ermitus and gray furres[\nllzk.^song\n3.\varium et grisiam]

...bombast \\n onginaX bombasio^ ...silke... spices: Rossia, which Hak. translates
Russia, may refer to the port of that name (al. Rosia, Ronsia), probably near
the mouth of the Don ; cf. Heyd, Commerce du Levant, I. 205, 207 — 9 ; Beazley,
Dawn of Modern Geography, II. 452. But it is more probably the whole country
of the Russians (then confined to the central and S.W. regions of the modern
Russia) that is here referred to. The furs mentioned appear to be the kinds
known as vaire and minever, supposed to be squirrel and ermine. Purchas
translates ' little spotted and grisel'd skins,' which does not take us very far.
Rubruquis later, p. 329 of Recueil text, tells us moneta Rutenorum communis
sunt pellicule...varii et grisii. On this see Karamzin, Russian History, i. 307
— 9. ' Bombast,' i.e. Bombacium, is the early mediaeval name for cotton ;

NOTES. 307

Cotone is also used by Rub., Kecueii, p. 219; cf. Heyd, Commerce du Levant, p. 186
II. 614.

11. Matriga...Tanais...PonUis...a Utile aea [in Hak.'s original quoddam I. 13
mare verms Aquilonetti\ ...Materia: on Matriga or Materia, the Ta/idropxa

or TA Mdropxa of Constantine Porphyrogennetos, the Tmulorkhan of the
Russians, otherwise Matraeha, Matreg^a, Matrica, etc., cf. Heyd, Commerce du
Levant, l. 106, 11. 180, 379; Const. I'orph., De Adm. Lmp., ch. 42; Beazley,
Dawn of Modern Geography, II. 421, 451 — 2. Its nearest modern equivalent is
Taman or Phanagoria in the Taman peninsula.

Rubruquis (cf. also pp. 216, 252, in yV^(-7/«7 text) considers, like many ancient
and mediaeval writers — e.g. Edrisi, that the Straits of Kertch or Bosporos
formed the true mouth of the Don or Tanais.

12. Thosscs, Barbils: in Hak.'s original thosas, borbatas', better, hosas, \. ix
barbotas: cf. Rub. later (p. 249 in Recueil text; see note 17, chap. 15) on the

barbola (' turbut ' in Hak.) which he ate at the Tanais ferry.

13. After Soldaia, Hak.'s original has qucu est cuspis provinciae, untrans- !• 25
lated here.

14. Maricandis... Matriga vpon the mouth of the riuer Tanais: in Hak.'s 1. 26
original Maricatuiis... Materia el orificium Tanais, simply. Maricandis is

probably a mistake for Maritanais {Mare Tanais), the reading of D, the
oldest and best MS. (CCC. Cam., 181).

16. Zikia...Sueui...Hiberi...Trapesunda...Guydo : on Zikia (also read, in 1. 28

MS. D, Ziquia, but not, as Rockhill, Zikuia) cf. the Tivyol, Tivyiol, and "LiyLvvoi
of Strabo, li. 31 ; xi. 11 — 12, etc., the X'^P"- ^^^ Zix^as of Const. Porph., De
Adviinistratuio Imperio, chap. 42, the terra Ziccorum of Carpini, 748 {Recueil
text). It was the steppe region South of the Kuban and North of the Western
Caucasus. On the Suevi cf. the Suani of Pliny, Nat. Hist., vi. 4, the Soavat
of .Strabo, XI. 14: they belonged to the Karivelian race, and were highlanders
of the Western Caucasus as they are now. The Hiberi, Iberians, or Georgians
were not independent of the Tartars, as Rub. declares; since 1239 they had
been Mongol subjects. Guydo, governor of Trapesunda, i.e. Andronikos /.
{Gidos), Emperor of Trebizond, had died 1235; Manuel Komnenos reigned
1238 — 1263, and in 1252 sent an embassy to Louis IX. at Sidon. It is the
more strange that even by this means Rubruquis had not learnt that Guydo
no longer lived. Since 1244 Trebizond had been subject to the Mongols.

16. Vastacius...Astar: i.e. loannes III. Doukas Batatzes Diplobastazos 1. 36
('John Vataces'), Emperor of Nikaia (Nicaea) 1222 — 1254, and his son
Theodoros II. Doukas Laskaris (the Astarof Hak., the Ascar of the best Mss.).

Rub. says ' Vastacius ' was not in subjection to the Tartars, but it is certain
that he paid them tribute at this time. ' Astar's ' mother was Eirene Laskaris,
daughter of Theodoros I. Laskaris, 1204 — 1224, the first 'Nicene' emperor after
the Latin capture of Constantinople.

17. Valakia [Blakia in the best MSS.] ...Assanus ...Bulgaria minor... 1.40
Solonia [in Hak.'s original Solonotnam ; Sclavoniam in the Paris text]. The

Vlachs or Wallachians, described by Benjamin of Tudela, in Thessaly, were
also numerous in the modern ' Wallachia ' and in Bulgaria S. of Danube. The
land of Asan is the Bulgar-Wallacliian kingdom, founded c. 1186 by Asan
(otherwise Assan, Asen, or lovan-Asen I.), with the help of his brothers Peter
and John, as a revival of the old Bulgarian state destroyed by John Tzimiskes
and Basil II. {^xikyapoKThvoi). Asan reigned 1186 — 96: in Rubruquis' time
the ruler was Michael or Mikhailo-Asen, 1246 — 1257, the dynastic name being
kept up, as Rubruquis implies, Blakia quae est terra Assani.

20 — 2

3o8 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 180 Sclavonia (if that reading be preferred) here prob. refers to the Slav lands

in the N.E. Adriatic basin : but it is only read by one (the oldest and best) MS.,
viz. D. On Hak.'s reading of com {/rumetitum) for iron {ferrum\ as in all
the l^est MSS.), see critical notes.

[p. 94]

1.3 18. Soldaia the twelfth ... Kalends ...Iune...nurchants of Constantinople'.

i.e. Rubruquis and his party reached Sudak, May 11, 1253: he complains
a little later of the bad advice these merchants gave him for his journey.

The Palm Sunday sermon in St Sophia to which Rubruquis refers in the
next sentence was preached April 11, 1253, while Constantinople was still under
Latin dominion (1204 — 1261); Baldwin II. of Courtenay, 1228 — 1261.

1. 10 19- Infidels: in Hak.'s original incrediilos.

1. ij> 20. Sartach... Christian; cf. Rub., Hecueil \.c\l, 217, 238 — 40, 242, 249,

'."^i' 253 — 263, 2''4, 268, 270 — I, 375 — 6. Sartach was a Christian, says
King Hay ton's narrative definitely. On Sartach and Rubruquis' visit, cf.
d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, !l. 283 — 5, 291 ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, 1. 167 — 8, 170; II. 15, and esp. note 459; Patkanov's History
of the Mongols from Armenian sources, p. 73, and note 5, chap. 13 of
Carpini in this vol. Ace. to Bar Hebraeus, Sartach (or rather Sartakh, the
Sa-li-ta of the Chinese; also written Sartath, Sarcath, Sarthac, Sartaht,
Serttah, Salcalh, etc.; the MSS. of Rubruquis alone give ten different forms
of this name) was baptized and ordained deacon (Klaproth, fournal Asiatique,
XII. 211, 277). Innocent IV. addressed him as a Christian in 1254 on the
faith of his self-styled envoy John the Presbyter. .See Abel Remusat,
Relations... des Princes Chretiens... avec les Mongols (1822 — 4), p. 61.

21. Good and commoditie : in Hak.'s original z'//7//rt/« [CArw/ia«//a/M].

22. Baite: in Hak.'s original Herbergia: carriages or cartages, in Hak.'s
original res.

23. On sundry horses backs : in Hak.'s original super alios simply.

24. Gouemours of Soldaia : in Hak.'s original capitaneis primis, referring to
the Mongol lords, not to the Sudak magistrates, etc.

107 1. 7 26. Borrowed: in Hak.'s original accepimus.

26. Bartholomew . . . Goset . . . l^urgemanntis . . . Nicolas : Bartholomew of
Cremona, in p. 303 of the Recueil text of Rub., seems to be alluded to as resident
at the court of ' Vastacius' of Nikaia before this journey (see note 16). He
did not return with Rub., but stayed behind at Mangu's court. (See pp. 372,
374 of Recueil text of Rub.)

Goset (Gosset in the best MSS.) did not accompany Rub. and Bartholomew
to Mangu's court. Batu sent him back (with the puer Nicholaus) to .Sartach
(p. 271, Recueil) or detained him at his own 'horde' (p. 377, Recueil text
of Rub.).

'Homo Dei Turgemannus,' 'Turgemannus the man of God,' is mysterious;
Rockhill suggests his name in Rub. is a translation of Abdullah ' slave of
God ' (Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 50). Anyhow he was the interpreter {torgiman,
tarjuman, turguman, or dragoman) of the party, and a very poor one at
that.
1. 13 27. Almes heslowed vpon me: in Hak.'s original de nostra eleemosyna: the

Recueil text reads de vestra elcem°'.
1. 16 28. Promontories... Kersoua [for Kersond\ ...fortie castles. ..Gothes... Dutch

tongue [in Hak.'s original idioma Teulonicum^: see Rockhill's note p. 51 of

1.7

NOTES. 309

Hak. Soc. Rubruck\ Josafat Barbaro, Travels to Tana and Persia, Hak. Soc. p. 107
ed., 27 — 30 (1873) ; Benedict the Pole on the Saxi, supposed by him to be Goths,
p. 776 in Reateil text; Busbequius (Busbeck), Epistolae deque rebus Turcicis,
383, Leipzig, 1689; Heyd, Commerce dti Levant, il. 208; Yule, Cathay, 200;
d'Avezac in the Recueil, 498 — 9 (iv. 1839).

29. There ..Isthmus: in Hak. 's original ^wa^ fc<zr<r/a/«r. !• *4

80. Comanians... Tartars: see note 4, chap. 21 of Carpini. The Mongol 1- 28

invasion of Koman- or Kuman-land (our S. Russia), which led to the great
battle of the Kalka in 1222 (otherwise 1223 or 1224), also resulted in an
incursion into the Crimea, here referred to, in 1222 — 3.

Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 339, 345; Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, i. 297; 11. 68 — 73, 75, 84, and note 721, where the various dates
of the Kalka battle (i6th June, 1224, 31st May, 1224, and an unfixed day in
1223 or 1222) are discussed, and the preference is decidedly given to 1222.

31. The multitude: in Hak. 's. original tanta multitudo [Comanorum], 1-30

32. Which 7uere dead \ in Hak.'s original morientes. !• 33

33. Salte...Baatu...Sartach... Russia. ..Yperpera. See Strabo VII. 4, 258, I. 40
and the U. S. A. Consular Reports, iv. 477, on ancient and modern salt-
production in the Crimea, especially from the saline lakes and brine springs

near Perekop.

Tioo webbes of cotton, in Hak.'s original duns telas de cottone, offered by the
Russian traders for the Crimean salt : here the more modern word cottone is
used instead of the older Bombacium.

The \h'\yperpera seems to have been of between 10 sh. and 11 sh. value,
say, normally, \os. 6d. Carpini (p. 707 of Recueil text) uses the term as
equivalent to bezant {yperperorum sive bysanciorum). So do Marco Polo and
Joinville; cf. M. Polo, 11. 535 (Yule).

[p. 95]
CHAPTER 2.

1. Round foundation .. .compacted together: in Hak.'s original rotatn.. p. 188 1. 20
catuellatis. For celestiall citie to come, at the beginning of the chap., Hak.'s

original has only futuram [sc. civitatem], i.e. their next encampment on their
native plains or elsewhere. There is no reference to an after-life. On the
nomade habits, dwellings, etc., of the Tartars, Rubruquis has innumerable
parallels, from Hesiod and Herodotus (iv. 46, ill. 35) to Carpini (pp. 614 — 30,
638 — 643, Recueil text); M. Polo (l. 244, Yule); Ibn Batuta (ll. 361, 377 — 9,
387, Defremery and Sanguinetti) ; Barbaro (13, Hak. Soc), and the most
modern investigators (e.g. Sven Hedin, Through Asia, i. 419).

2. Roofe: in Hakluyt's original tigna. I. 21

3. Roundell: in Hak.'s original rw/aw. On the nomade tents and waggons 1.22
cf. also Rockhill's note to Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 54, and classical refs. in
Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 176; Hippocrates, De aere, aqua et locis, on the

four- and six-wheeled carts of the Scythians. Carpini, pp. 616 — 17 of Recueil
text, is an excellent parallel to Rubruquis here, throughout.

4. Morter : in Hak. 's original cake. 1. 24
6. Blackefelte: in Hak.'s original nigra only. 1. 26
6. Curiously painted ouer: in Hak.'s original opere polimitario variatum. 1. 29

Cf. Rockhill's note, p. 55 (end) of Hak. Soc. Rubruck.

1. Fore side: in lia.k.'s origina.1 anteriori extremitate. p. 180 1. 4

3IO THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 189 1.6 8. 7a//(7zc : in Hak.'s original ^/wo.

1.7 9. /ViJ/Afrj: in Hak.'s original //«warw.

1.30 10. F/7/<7^'«: in Hak.'s original z'»V/fl.

CHAPTER 3.

1.40 1. Southward. ..North part... EMt side. ..Southwards. ..West side. On the
Southward aspect of the nomade tents, cf. Rockhill, note on p. 56 of Hak. Soc.
Rubruck. See the parallel passage in Carpini, p. 745 of Recueil text, and the
plan and description of a yurt in Radlov, Atis Siberien, i. 370 (see also I. 414
of same work), copied by Rockhill, in Hak. Soc. Ktibruck, p. 58.

[p. 96]

p. 190 1. 15 2. The like superstitious idolatrie: not in Hak.'s original. On the felt

idols, cf. the parallel passage in Carpini, pp. 618 — ao of Recueil text; also
Benedict the Pole, p. 775 of same; M. Polo, on the idol Natigay, I. 249 — 51,
II. 478 (Yule); Barbaro, 34. On the oblations of drink towards the chief
quarters of the Heavens, cf. Carpini, p. 6ji of Recueil text; M. Paris, IV.
388 (Rolls Series).

CHAPTER 4.

p. 191 I. 3 1. Excellent drinke... Rise. ..Cosmos: Rub., p. 335 of Recueil text (not in
Hak.), gives to the rice, millet, [and honey] drinks here mentioned — and incor-
rectly said to be wodJf by the Mongols — the names oi cervisia de risio (otherwise
terracina), cervisia de millio [and boar>\. Carpini, p. 640 of Recueil text, truly
says that the Mongols had no vinutn, ceri'isiani, vel niedonem, except imported.
Cf. also Ibn Batuta, 11. 408; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 94; on
Cosmos or Kumiss and Kara-Kumiss, cf. Carpini, pp.640 — i Recueil; M. Polo,
I. 149 — 35a (Yule) and Rubruquis, pp. 237 — 8 Recueil text ( = chap. 6 in
Hak.); ^xe\.x\mK\<ltx, Mediaeval ResearcheSy I. 94; ll. 73.
1. 8 2. f idle... fid le: in Hak.'s original Citherula...cicharum (sic). On the

Musical instruments of Turks and Tartars, cf. Rockhill, note 3, p. 63, Hak,
Soc. Rubruck.

1.31 8. Stamping: in Hak.'s original terunt \ cf. Rockhill, note 2, p. 63, of
Hak. Soc. Rubruck; Gomboyev, Melanges Asiatiques de f Academie des
Sciences de St Pitersbourg, 1856, II. (pp. 650 — 666) Randbemerkungen zu
Rlano Carpini, p. 664.

CHAPTER 5.

1. 36 1. Dead carrions: in Hak.'s original morticinia. On the Mongol viands

and habits of eating cf. Carpini, pp. 638 — 9 of Recueil text ; Gomboyev, op. cit.
6.S7. 659; Matthew Paris, Historia Maior, iv. 373, 386—9 (Rolls Series);
Joinville, ed. Michel, 147 — 8; Schiltberger(Hak. Soc.), 48; l&w^htcV, Epistoiae,
385; Rockhill, note 3, pp. 63 — 4 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck.

[p. 97]

p. 192 1. s. ^- Puddings: in Hak.'s original andulges (French andouilUs). On the

horse sausages of the Tartars cp. Bergmann, Nomadische Streiferien unter den
Kalmuken (1805), "• 129.
1.9 3. Sandals and pantojles : in Hak.'s original Joa/Zarifj.

NOTES. 311

4. Buget: in Hak.'s original Bursa, Rub.'s trans, of Saptargat. Cf. p. 103 1. 23
Carpini, p. 640 of Recueil text, on the consumption of every morsel at Mongol
meals; Joinville (ed. Michel), p. 148, and Kockhill, note i, p. 66 of Hak. Soc.
Rubrutk.

CHAPTER 6.

1. Sharp of taste'. '\VL'^^.^%ox\^xa\fermentari. p. 198 1. 3

2. ^ajr/«: in Hak.'s original raj;^!?/. Rockhill translates 'like ra//iww^' 1.6
(p. 67 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck).

3. Almon : in Hak's original amygdalini. 1. 8

4. Caracosmos : this beverage, ace. to Rockhill, Hak. Soc. Rubruck, p. 67, 1. 10
note 2, is not made now. After this clause, Hak. does not translate the next

three lines Za^ ft/«?««w non coagulatiir...equae non coagulatur. Cf. Carpini,
pp. 671 — 2 of Recueil text, on the Mongol mares kept for milking.

6. Whay [or white musty, in Hak.'s original serum. 1. 15

6. [Rams^skinnes: in Hak.'s original z//r/^«j. 1. 28

7. Drosse [of iron]: in Hak.'s original scoria, 'iron slag.' On gry-ut, 1. 34
gruit, or grut, the kurt of the Kirghiz, cf. Radlov, Aus Siberien, I. 298, 428;

M. Polo, I. 254, 257 (Yule); Rockhill, note 2, p. 68 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck;
Bretschneider, Med. Res. I. 94, note 244 ; see also p. 234 of the Recueil text.

CHAPTER 7.

1. Litle beasts: in Hak.'s original mar motes, a trans, of sogur {soghur p. 104 1. 9
or sur).

[p. 98]

2. A kind of conies: in Hak.'s original cuniculi. Cp. M. Polo, I. 244 1. 13
(Yule).

3. Roes: in Hak.'s original gaselos. The Artak mentioned in the next 1. 17
line is the Argali or Ovis Poli: cf. M. Polo, I. 181 (Yule): the wild asses here

referred to are the culam (kulan) of p. 278, Recueil text.

4. Other haukes: in Hak.'s original kerodios, perh. 'peregrine falcons.' 1. 22
Cf. M. Polo, I. 262 (Yule). On Asiatic falcons, etc. and the falconry of the

Mongols see also M. Polo, i. 384, 388 (Yule); Radlov, Aus Siberien, I. 466;
Atkinson, Amoor, 146—8, 333 — 5.

6 . Cat ay a . . . Persia ...Russia, Moxel, Bulgaria . . . Pascatir . . . Huttgaria ... 1 . 3 2

Kersis: from Cathay or North China came ihe pantti sa-ici et aurei, translated
stuffes of silke, cloth of gold, perhaps Carpini's purpura, and baldakinum ; cf.
d'Avezac in Recueil, pp. 524 — 5. It seems less likely that Rubruquis' cloth of
cotton is Carpini's bukeranum, cf Recueil text, p. 290, or stiff buckram ; from
Persia and other parts of S. and S.W. Asia came the telcu de bambasio {bombasio)
or cotton cloth. Cf. Pegolotti, Pratica delta mercatura in Pagnini's Delia
decima, in. pp. 4, 136 (1766); Heyd, Commerce du Levant, 11. 6n — 14,
698 — 9; Marco Polo, i. 48 (Yule). Kersis or Kerkis here apparently means
the Kirghiz country; usually it refers to the Circassians, in Rubruquis, as
in Carpini {Recueil, 678, 679; contrast the use of the term, apparently for the
Kirghiz, on pp. 659, 708 of Carpini, in same).

6. After Two gownes Hak. does not translate ad minus. 1. 4 1

7. Papions: the Latin papio referred to is perhaps a kind of fox or badger p. 196 1. 3

312 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. lOS (as Rockhill suggests, note 4, p. 70 Hak. Soc. Ruhruck). Papion in French

means a baboon; this fur is again mentioned by Rub. p. 315 o( /iecuei/ lext
(not in Hak.).
1. 12 8. Fur [/heir gowns]: in Hak.'s original yi/r;a«/. On the Mongol dress

cf. Carpini, Recueil i&xK, p. 614.

9. Pelluce or silke shag: in Hak.'s original .?/«/« j(r/a<?.
I. 19 10. Couerings for their stooUs'. in Hak.'s original /om^Z/oj j»^ j«//tV.

CHAPTER 8.

1.27 1. Shaue...two seanus: in Yi2^^%OTVgiXaX ducunt rasuram cristae capitis':

for hinder part of their head Hak.'s original has only collum.

1. 19 3. Nape of the necke: in Hak.'s original summum (oncauitatis certiicis.

1. 32 3. Vpon the tioo hindermost corners of their heoiis they haue t'oo lockes

also: in Hak.'s original in angulis occipitis relinquunt crims; for tivine and
braid into knots Hak.'s original has only faciunt tn'cas, and for vndtT each eare
one the text reads vsqite ad aures. On the Mongol appearance, fashions of
shaving, etc., cp. Carpini, pp. 611 — 1 of Recueil text; Vincent of Beauvais,
Speculum Historiale, XXIX. 71.
p. !•• I. 1 4. Tartars... Turkes: this distinction of Turk and Tartar is very notice-
able in a West European of the 13th cent. The fashion here described is
confirmed by Chinese annals of the 6th cent., speaking of the Turks {Chou
Shu, L. 3).
1. 5 6. Botta : otherwise Bocca, the ornament properly called Bogtak or Bogh-
tkak\ cf. Carpini, 614 — 15 o{ Recueil text; Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist.
XXIX. 85; Ricold of Montecroce in Peregrinatores Quatuor, 116; Ibn Batuta,
"• 379> 388; Odoric, ch. 38 [369, 409 (Cordier); 131 — i, and Appendix I.
p. xxxi (Yule, Cathay)'\ ; Rockhill, note a, p. 73 in Hak. Soc. Rubruck; Bret-
schneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 52 — 53, and note 125; Journal A siatique,
serie IV. vol. X. 169; vol. xvi. 157, which refers to the survival of tlie Bogtak
among some of the Circassian and Ossetian women in the earlier 19th century.
According to Potanin {.Mongolia, II. 23), it is now extinct in Mongolia.
1. 8 6. ^ square sharp spire... pinocle: in Hak.'s original simply guadrum...

columnae.

I'll 7. Sayd spire: in Hak.'s original frt/t/^Z/ww.

!• 17 8. Hat or coyfe: in Hak.'s original a/wwtva.

[p. 99]

1. 27 S». Bestriding their horses like men: in Hak.'s original sicut viti [for virt\

diuersific antes coxas.
1. 28 10. About their wastes : in Hak.'s original super renes.

1. 29 11. With another skarfe they girde it abotu their breasts: in Hak.'s original

alia fascia stringtint ad mamillas.
1.30 12. Silke like a mufler or maske: not in Hak.'s original. On the Mongol

women on horseback, cf. Simon of St Quentin in Vincent of Beauvais, Spec.

Hist., xxix. 85; Carpini, p. 643 of the Recueil iG\t\ Matthew Paris, Historia

Maior, IV. 388; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 329.
1. 33 13. Sweet [faces]: not in Hak.'s original, which has fades only. On these

unguent fashions in Tibet in the 7th cent. A.D. and their present existence,

cf. Rockhill, Land of the Lamas, 214.

NOTES. 313

CHAPTER 9.

1. Dreadful \thunder\ : not in Hak.'s original. On the Mongol hatred of p. I©7 I. 6
washing, cf. Carpini, pp. 639 — 40 oi Kecueil \e\\. ; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols,

I. 409; II. 92 — 93, 6i8. On the fear of thunder and lightning, cf. Carpini,
p. 627 and p. 632 of Recueil text, and for a rather different superstition,
Schiltberger, Hak. Soc, 50.

2. Stirrops: in Hak.'s original strepas. \, ig

3. Saddles: in Hak.'s original cellas. On the occupation of the Mongol
men, cf. Carpini, p. 643 of /Recueil text.

4. Stale: in Hak.'s original advltae. On the Mongol marriage customs 1. 27
cf. Carpini, pp. 612 — 13, 642, in Kecueil text ; Simon of St Quentin in Vincent

of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., XXIX. 76; Marco Polo, I. 222, 245 (Yule); Tarikh-i-
Rashidi (Elias and Ross), 251 ; Gomboyev, 652.

CHAPTER 10.

1. Goes by the worst: in Hak.'s original peiorem partem habet. On the p. 198 1. 14
Mongol legislation, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 1. 408, 416 ; Carpini,

pp. 641 — 2, 624 — 8, of Recueil text; Marco Polo, l. 259 (Yule); Ibn Batuta,

II. 364.

[p. 100]

2. Witches: in Hak.'s original venejicas. \. 34

3. Mangu-Can : Mangu is the Great Khan (1251 — 7) visited by Rubruquis 1. 38
in 1254. On Mongol funeral customs, cf. Carpini, pp. 628 — 633, in Recueil

text; Simon of St Quentin in Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Historiale, xxix.
86; Ibn Batuta, IV. 301; see also Rubruquis, pp. 236 — 8 and later, p. 344
oi Recueil text.

4. Chingis,... their first lord and father: Rockhill, note 2, pp. 80 — 2 of P- '•®® !• 2
Hak. Soc. Rubruck, compares the Chinese title of Tat tsu 'great ancestor':

cf. Argun's letter of 1285 to the Pope on Gingiscam prima patri...Tartarorum
(Chabot, Histoire de Mar yabalaha...et Rahhan Qaxima, 190).

6. Comanids: on the Kuman and other South Russian grave- mounds, cf. I. 7

Pallas, Travels in. ..Southern Provitues of. ..Russian Empire, li. 305 — 9,
335 — 6 (1803); Rubruquis, pp. 237, 247 of Recueil text. On these tumuli or
kurgans in Central and Northern Asia, cf. Atkinson, Amoor, I. 150 — i, 179,
191 — 2; one of the most famous of these preserves (and gives to a town) the
name of 'Kurgan,' in West Siberia. On the Kumans in general see also
Rubruquis, p. 246 of the Recueil text (where they are identified with the
Kipchak); Carpini in the Recueil, pp. 742 — 3, 747; Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, II. 68 — 73. The suggestion that the name is simply a shortening
of ' Turkumans ' (made by Pears, Fall of Constantinople, p. 56) is hard to
accept. It is more probably connected with the river Kuma, in Cis-Caucasia,
flowing into the Caspian north of the Terek.

6. Pyramides\^...stones\: in Hak.'s original aJj/w^j. !• 13

CHAPTER ir.

1. From the towne of Soldaia, in Hak.'s original de villa only. Rockhill p. 200 '^\. i
believes Constantinople is referred to (note 2, p. 83 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck), but
this seems a little forced.

314 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 300 1. 7 2. Sartach...a Christian: see note ■lo, chap. r.

1. ^3 3. Sccuati...ihe Emperor of Constantinople: in Hak.'s original Scacatai,

described as consanguittetts Baatu or one of Baatu his kinsmen. Scatay,
Scatatai, Scatanay are other readings of this name (see critical notes) which
some identify with Carpini's Cadan {Kadati), yi. 667 — others with Cartati,
p. 743 — of Recneil text : this however is far from clear. Cf. Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, I. 308 — 9, and note 74a ; d'Ohsson, Histoire des
Mongols, II. 99.

1. 26 4. After conduct vs and before Howbeit, Hak. does not translate the

sentence Et alij qui adduxerant nos sunt reuersi.

1.30 B. Gloues: \n Hak.'s origxnsA chirothecas.

6. Points: in Hak.'s original corrigias.

[p. lOX]

1. 33 T. A very varlet: in Hak.'s original batrator. On Mongol insolence cf.

Carpini, pp. 636 — 7 of Recueil text.

1. 37 8. After lords Hak. does not translate tnundi.

1. 4^ 9. Apram: two MSS. read Agram, the best Airam, and so the Paris

Recueil edition of 1839. Airan or hyran is still the ordinary drink of the
Kirghiz, cf. Radlov, Aus Siherien, I. 439; Atkinson, Amoor, i. 41 — 1.
p. 201 1.4 10. Vnder... starry canopy: in Hak.'s original .n/^ <//V7.

CHAPTER n.

1. 24 !• ft^^ three of the clocke: in Hak.'s original Hora plusquam tertia i.e. a

little after 9 a.m. Ibn Batuta's account of his first view of a Tartar (Kipchak)

camp (II. 380) is very similar to Rubruquis'.
1. 31 3. A maund: in Hak.'s original veringal, a small basket. Cf. M. Polo,

p. 280 (Pauthier); I. 371 (Yule).
1.36 3. A citron: in Hak.'s original citharulam, Rockhill's 'guitar,' p. 87,

Hak. Soc. Rubruck.
1.38 4. More Jliit cmd saddle-nosed: in Hak.'s original j/w/V?;^.

p. 30a 1. II 6. In stead of a blessing: in \ia\i..\ or\g\no.\ pro benedictione.

1. 16 6. Eight dayes after... Ascension: i.e. June 5, 1253.

1. 18 7. Written in Greeke: this is noticeable, as the letters were fron> the last

Latin Emperor of Constantinople, Baldwin II., 1228 — 1261.
1. 20 8. Cosmos. ..Christians... Russians. ..wil in no case drinke: cf. Dulaurier,

Les Mongols d'apris les historiens armcniens (Journal Asiatique, serie V.

vol. XI. pp. 236, 238), giving evidence of the same prejudice among the

Christian Georgians.

[p. 102]

1. 36 9. The Apostles creed: in Hak.'s original symbobtm fidei.

1. 37 10. Shooke...\hecur\: in Hak.'s original mouit.

1. 42 11. The morowe after Pentecost: i.e. June 8, 1253.

CHAPTER 13.

p. 203 1. 3 1. Euen of Pentecost... A lanians... Adas... greeke bookes and... priests... not

schismatiques : Pentecost eve is June 6, 1253. On the Alans cf. Bretschneider,

NOTES. 315

Mediaeval Researches, I. 295, 298 — 9, 305; and esp. II. 84 — 90; note 9 to p. a03
chap. 23 of Carpini, and note 8 to chap. 16 of Kubmquis in this vol.

IVitJwut acception of persons is Hak.'s reproduction of sine acceptione
personarum.

2. Soddeti \Jlesh'\: in Hak.'s original ftft/<w. 1.8

5. Christians ...Russians.. .Hungarians .. .Cosmos : cf. note 9, chap. 12. 1. 15
4. Yperpera: see note 33 to chap, i, above; and Rockhill, note i, p. 90 1. 28

of Hak. Soc. Rtibruck. The gold coins of the Byzantine currency were said
to contain one-third alloy, at this time.

6. One thing most necessary greatly wanting: in Hak.'s original vinum 1. 31
iam deficiebat.

CHAPTER 14.

1. Pentecost... Saracen. ..Cosmos: Pentecost or Whitsun Day, 1253, was p. 204 1. 4
June 7.

2. Russians .. .great multitude [in that place: in Hak.'s original inter eos\ 1. 21
That Russians were numerous in 1253 so far to the .S.E. is noteworthy. See

note 14, chap. 15.

3. Extremity of ...prouince... fortified xvith a ditch... salt pits: cf. the story of 1. 33
the making of the ditch in Herodotus, III. 2, 15; also see Strabo, vii. 3; Vll.

4, on the Ta(pploi. and the isthmus (of Perekop). [Sooue, 1. 36, is for soone.]

[p. 103]

4. [Bladders] ofmilke: in Hak.'s original lade vaccina. p. 205 1. 4
6. Gasaria. .. directly Easttvard... Sea. ..South. ..waste desert. ..North: here 1. 9

waste in Hak.'s original is vastam. After passing the isthmus of Perekop and
leaving the Crimea (Gazaria), Rubruquis' course was not due eastward (recte
in orient em) but N.E.

6. Comanians ...called Capthac ...by the Dutch men [in Hak.'s original 1. 13
Tentonicis, for Tcutonicis]... called Valani...Valania'. here Capchat, a better

reading for Capthac, is obviously Kipchak, the Kin-cha and Ko-fti-cha of
the Chinese. See Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, 11. 68 — 73 ; also,
in the same work, pp. 23 — 4, 295 — 299, 300 — 308, 310 — 312 of vol. i. ;
PP- 8, 75, 141 of vol. II. ; and notes 829 — 833.

In Ye-lu-Chu-tsai's travels (1218 — 24), op.cit., I. 23 — 24, we find Kofu-cha
identified expressly with Ku-li-han, the Kipchak country, and in spite of
Bretschneider's rejection, this statement appears well borne out by the parti-
culars reported by the Chinese records under each name. Evidently both refer
to a land stretching very far north. Night in summer is barely long enough
to cook a mutton chop (or sheep's liver) in.

7. Isidore... riuer of 7'anais...AI^otis...Danubiiis...Alania: Isidore is Ru- 1. 16
bruquis' chief geographical book of reference, but the explorer refutes his
'authority' on the question of the inland character of the Caspian, p. 265 of

Recueil text.

Rubruquis, unlike Carpini, shews no knowledge of the name Do7t and only
uses the classical Tanais, just as he always speaks of the Etilia and never
of the Volga.

8. Edil or Volga: the last two words are not in Hak.'s original, which 1. 23
never speaks of Don or Volga ; cf. Olcus for Volga in the Psalter Map of about

1250 (B. Mus. Add. MSS. 6806); Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, 11. 621.
The last six lines of this 14th chapter, in the Latin original, are made in

3i6 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 205 Hak.'s version the first six lines of the isth. The description and localization

given of Russia, north of Comania and stretching from Poland and Hungary
to the (Upper) Tanais or Don, is thoroughly sound.

CHAPTER 15.

1. 3a 1. Sarcuens. .. Russians. ..flockes... Prussia: after beyond Kussia Hak. does

not translate the words <ui aquilotum.

On the oppressions of the Mongol tax-gatherers (baschati or baskaks) in
Russia, cf. Carpini, p. 700, 701, 703, of /fecuei/ text.; Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, li. 77 — 8.

1. 37 2. Dutch knights of the order of Saint Maries hospitall of Jerusalem...

wholly conquered and subdued: in Hak.'s original suhiuganerunt fratres Teuto-
nici. The complete conquest of Prussia by the Teutonic Knights was lately
(nu/>er), says Rub.; as a matter of fact it was l>egun c. 1330, but not completed
till after 1300.

!• 39 3. Afii^ht.. .winm Russia... [he/ping hand : \nHa.k.'sonpna.\manum simply]:

a curious passage which shews how much less Rubruquis had grasped the
military situation, and the strength of the Mongol empire in war, than Carpini.
p. a06 1. I 4. The great Priest (magTtus sacerdos) is evidently a Tartar name for the

Pope. Cf. note 7, chap. 74. For desert and solitarie places Hak.'s original
gives only solitudinem. From this passage it is difficult not to infer that
Rubruquis' general intelligence was distinctly lower than Carpini's, in some
respects.
1- 3 0. Went on : in Hak.'s original ibbamus.

1. 4 6. Towards the East. ..Sea of Tanais... sepulchres of the Cotnanians: for

• East ' read ' North-East. ' The Sea of Tanais is of course that of Azov, usually
called Pains Maeolis by Rubruquis; but see his strange and confused language
on p. 250 of the Recueil text, about the Tanais rising {oritur; in Hak.,
mergitur) ' in the Maeotid marshes which extend to the Ocean in the North.'
1. 7 7. In which places... wont... burie...kinred altos;ether : in Hak.'s original

Secundum quod solebant parentelae...sepeliri simul, 'the custom of burying the
whole of a family in one spot' (Rockhill).

1. 13 8. After eig^ht persons of vs Hak. does not translate exceptis servientibus.

His waifaring prouision is a trans, oi viaticum. The reckoning 'five' included
Rubruquis himself, Bartholomew of Cremona, Gosset, the Dragoman * Homo
Dei,' and the ptier Nicholaus ; see pp. 218—9 of Recueil text. The 'eight'
persons were made up by three guides.

On the privations endured by travellers in the Mongol dominions, the best
parallel to Rubruquis here is Carpini, 637, 670, 745, 762 — 3 {Recueil) ; see
also Simon of St Quentin in Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., xxxi. [xxxii.]
40-52-

!• 3' 9- I camiot nor I will not: in Hak.'s original nescio only.

!• 34 10. A litle smattering: in Hak.'s original aliquantulum,

!• 3^ 11. What soeuer came next...witlesse tongues end: in Hak.'s original secun-

dum quod ei occurrebat.

1. 40 12. Saint Marie Magdalene, i.e. July 22, 1253.

!• 41 13. Tanais. ..diuideth... as.. .Nilus...disioyneth.... This division of the Conti-

nents was already established in Herodotus' time : cf. Herod. HI. 32 ;
Pomponius Mela, l. 603. From the Tanais or Don, Rubruquis reckons nine
days to Sartach's camp and three more to the Volga. He cannot therefore be

NOTES. 317

supposed to have struck the Don quite at Kalatch, where it approaches nearest p. a06
to (37 E. miles from) the Volga.

14. Baatu and Sartach... cottage... Easteme banke . . .companie of Russians. 1. 43

This colony of Russians was at a great distance from the (then) home land of
the Russian people : see note 2, ch. 14. We may remember that in the most
powerful age of the old Russian states, Sviatoslav was said to have seized the
Khazar town of Bielovej [-vezh] on the Don, a. d. 963 — 6 ; cf. Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, 11. 85.

[p. 104]

IB. Lyter: in Hak.'s original barca. [Rowe is for rowed.] p. a07 I. 6

16. Played the foole most extreamely: in Hak.'s original egit valde stulte. 1. 8

17. Turbut...r}'e: \x\.Y\.2ik.\ ox\^w\s.\ horbatam...de siligi7ie. Borbotaist\i& 1. 17
reading of the Paris text, following the best MS. (D). It was a river-fish,

whether a barbel or sterlet is meant, or some other fish ; in any case it could
not be a turbot on the middle Don. See note 12, ch. i.

18. At eiierie house: in Hak.'s original ostiatim per diuersas donios. The 1. 19
purueyer of the village {procurator villae) would be in Russian the Starosta or

Elder.

19. Broad... as the...Sein is at Paris : cf. p. 264 of the Recueil text, where 1. 21
the Etilia (Volga) is described as four times greater than the Seine. In both

cases, as elsewhere, beyond the limits of Hak.'s text, Rubruquis writes as
a Parisian.

20. {^Fennes] of Maeotis, which fennes : in Hak.'s original de paludibus 1. 28
simply. This wild piece of geography has even been construed by Rockhill

into a hint of the true sources of the Don in the Ivanski Lake near Tula (note 2
to p. 97 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck). It seems rather a proof of ignorance.

21. [A. ..sea] 700 miles about : in Hak.'s original septingentorum millium. 1. 20
Cf. p. 215 oi Recueil text (ch. i, Hak.) where the sea of Tanais is said to have

a length and breadth of 700 miles {in latitudine et longitudine septi?tginta
milliaria). The real dimensions of the sea of Azov are about 235 by no E.
miles.

22. Wheat prospereth not, etc. This is not the modern experience of the 1. 43
inhabitants in the middle Don basin.

23. Russian women attire... heads like vnto our women: z.siTz.nge %X.3.itmtnt p. 208 1. 2
in view of the well-known peculiarities of the old Russian female head-dress.

24. Safegards or gowns : in Hak.'s original supertunicalia. The words 1. 3
with particoloured or grey stuffe which follow are in Hak.'s original vario vet

grisio ('with vaire or minnever').

25. Russian men... Dutch men: the last words in Hak.'s original are 1. 4
represented by Teutonici, here as elsewhere. Russian is supplied by Hak.;

the original reads homines simply.

26. Much like vnto a sugar loaf: these words are not in Hak.'s original. I. 7

27. Descry: in Hak.'s original inuenire. !• 13

28. Fourth day of our iourney .. .second of the Kalends of August, i.e. on
the fourth day after leaving the Don : the second of the Kalends of August is
July 31, 1253.

CHAPTER 16.

1. Region... beyond Tanais... Moxel... high Gertnanie...Merdui : the two 1. 22

3i8 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

208 words high Germanie are a translation of Alemannia. After this Hak. does

not translate the words Tartari eniiti diixerant eos ad introitum Alemaniae.

On the Moxel^nA Merdas (' Mordvins') cf. Carpini, pp. 676 — 7, 709, 747 of
Recueil text and note 7 to ch. 15 of Carpini in Hak.'s version ; Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, I. .-jii, 317; 11. 70, and notes 748, 830; Constantine
Porphyrogennetos (on Mo/>5la), De Adm. Imp., ch. 37; Nestor, Chronicle,
chs. I., VII., LXXXV. on the Mordva, esp. under A.M. 661 1 ; .Smirnov, Populations
Jinncises, I. 260 — 4, 337. The J/(£».r<r/ apparently correspond to the mostly Pagan
Moxia, inhabited by Moxii, of Josafat (Giosafatte) Barbaro, Travels to Tana
and Persia (1436, etc.), Hak. Soc, pp. 33—34.

1. 29 2- The bratu courage of the Almans: in Hak.'s original Alemanos only:

as yet in Hak.'s original \% adhuc. Cf. p. 747 of Recueil text (ch. 15, Hak.),
where the author's confidence in the Teutonic Order and its ability to deliver
all Russia from the Tartars is still more plainly expressed.

1. 35 3. Not ielous : in Hak.'s original tion zelotypi.

1. 38 4. Aferclas: an obvious misprint for Afcrdts (Merdui, Alerdini, i.e.

Atorduini or Afordvins) which is the reading of Hak.'s original: see note i in
this chap. As to their being Saracens, there may have been Moslems among
them, but as a whole they seem to have l)een Pagans.

Cf. Carpini, pp. 676 — 7, 709, 747 of Recueil iexi (on the Alordui, Aforduani,
and Afonluini), and note 7 to ch. 15 of Carpini in Hak.'s version. D'Avezac's
identification of the Alerdas with the Bnrtas, Bertas, or Bartas of Moslem
geographers (e.g. Masudi, II. 14) is rejected by Smirnov, Populations Jinnoiscs,
I. 464. Cf. Bretschneider, Aiediaeval Researches, i. 311 — 31J, who refers the
term to the Burtasses (Chuvashes?), living on the Middle Volga in the loth
century.

1. 39 6. Or ydga: not in Hak.'s original; the same applies to the words [Etilia^
otherwise called Volga, a little later. The source of the Volga in 'the North
part of Bulgaria the greater' might pass if applied to the Kama; in reference
to the Volga these words cannot possibly be taken as an indication of the true
origin of the river (in the Valdai plateau). Cf. on Great Bulgaria, Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, II. 81—4, and esp. 83.
2O0 1. I 6. Certain lake containing in circuit...^ moneths trauel: the Caspian, of

course, which a little later in same chap., p. 152 of Recueil text, Rubruquis
calls the sea or lake of Etilia, and defines as made by Etilia with the help of
other rivers from Persia [p. 105 of Hak.'s Eng. vers.], cf. also p. 165 of
Recueil text.
1.6 7. Not distant .. .aboue x. dales tourney: at the point where the Don

approaches most near to the Volga, the distance between the two rivers is
only 37 E. miles, a very long 10 days ! it is pretty clear from this that
Rubruquis must have struck the Don considerably N. (or S.) of Kalach.

tp. X05]

1. 10 8. To. ..South. ..high mountains. ..Cergis... Alani...Lesgi: thesehighmoun-

tains are of course the Caucasus, which Rubruquis passed (by the Derbent Pass)
on his return journey. The Cergis here are the Cherkess or Circassians, as
usually in Carpini and in Rubruquis, though both writers employ the term
also for the Kirghiz; cf. pp. 231 (Rub.), 659, 678—9 (Carp.) of Recueil text.
See note 1, chap. 12, note i, chap. 16, of Carpini.

On the Alans, Asi, or Aas, see note 9, ch. 23 of Carpini and pp. 709, 748
of the Recueil; Marco Polo, 11. 162, 491 (Yule); Ammianus Marcellinus,

NOTES. 319

XXXI. 2 ; Marignolli, Book 11., ch. 2; in Yule, Cathay., 37.^ ; in Fontes h'eruin p. ao9
BohemUaruiii , vol. ill., p. 507 (1882); Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches,
11. 84 — 91, and esp. 85 — 6, 91 ; a wonderful piece of concentrated and illumin-
ating study; Masudi, Prairies d^Or, 11. 42, according to whom the Alans first
embraced Christianity and afterwards Islam ; Karamzin's Russian History
IV. 119, 355, which tells how Sviatoslav in 963 — 6 fought with the Yasi
(Asi, Alans) and how the same race was known to the Russians of the 13th
century as living beyond the Terek under the northern face of the Caucasus.
On the Lesgi (Lazi?) cf. Jordanes (Nisard, 1869), 432; Ibn Alathir m Jourtial
Asiatitjue, serie iv., xiv. 455 ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, \. 295.

9. Lesgi. ..in subiection : Hak. does not translate similiter here. I. 15

10. Or the yron gate... Der bent : not in Hak.'s original. The story of 1. 16
Alexander's wall built across the gate of Derbent ' to exclude the barbarous

nations out of Persia' is told very fully in the Koran, ch. xviil.. The Cave,
verses 82 — 96. See also M. Polo, i. 55, 11. 537 (Yule) ; Peschel, Geschichte
der Erdkunde, 93; Masudi, Prairies d'Or, u. 2, 3, 7, 72 (B. de Meynard and
P. de Courteille), preserves the tradition of Chosroes Nushirvan building this
wall (531 — 579 A.D.). Cf. Procopius, De Bella Persico, IV. 3; the Armenian
notices collected and Klaproth in Journal Asiatique, xvi. 277 ; Al-Istakhri
(Mordtmann, 1845) p. 86; also in Ouseley's [so-called] Ibn Haukal, 158; Ibn
Khordadbeh (Rarbier de Meynard) in Journal Asiatique, serie vi., vol. v.
pp. 490 — 6: Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, i. 407, 414, 433; Bret-
schneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 115 — 9, and note 846, where the tradition is
mentioned of an earlier Persian King, Kobad, the predecessor of Chosroes
Nushirvan, fortifying both the Pass of Derbent and that of Darial or The
Alans' Gate (a.d. 491 — 531); Rubruquis passed through the gate of Derbent
on his return (pp. 381 — 2 of the Recueil \.&\\.). See next note.

11. Vnderstand more... trauailed... by ...same : this part of Rub. 's journey 1. 18
is wanting in Hakluyt : it may be found in pp. 381 — 4 of the text in the Paris

Recueil. All the latter half of Rub. is equally missing from Hak., from p. 291
(foot) of the Recueil text to the end, p. 396. The portion printed by Hak. only
represents pp. 213 — 291 of the same (1839) edition.

12. Bet7veene...riuers...Comanians : the rivers referred to here must be 1. 20
Tanais and Etilia (Don and Volga) though several lines have intervened since

Rub. last spoke of ' these two streams.'

CHAPTER 17.

1. Sartach. ..Etilia... Court : the Camp of Sartach was properly speaking 1, 25
Rubruquis' objective, and if he had interpreted his instructions as narrowly as

Ascelin and Simon of St Quentin (1247) he would not have gone further.

2. Three \wiues\: in Hak.'s original duas vel tres. 1. 28

3. About [200]: in Hak.'s original ybr/^. 1. 29

4. Nestorian...Coiat: this is Rub.'s first reference to the Nestorian 1. 30
courtiers and ministers so powerful at the Mongol courts. Coiac is the best

reading of the name, and so Hak.'s text reads later (e.g. later in this chap. 17,
and at the beg. of chap. 18 = pp. 256, 257 of Recueil text).

6. The Lordes Gate : in Hak.'s original domini lannatn ; the best reading 1, x%

is dominutn qui vocatur lainiam. A little later Hak. does not translate dictus
before Coiat. On lannam cf. Rub. p. 298 of the Recueil text (not in Hak.)
where the word is spelt lam : it was the title of the officer who had charge of

320 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 3O0 the imperial postal and courier service under the Mongols and survives in

Russian ( Va/n, Yamshchik, etc.).

Cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 406 — 7; II. 63; Marco Polo, I. 420,
423 (Yule),
p. aiO 1. 3 6. Vsing: in Hak.'s original tractans.

1. 3 7. Vesiiments : in Hak.'s original capella. A little later, our deuotions is a

translation o{ henedictionem.
1. 14 8. Prince antong...Franckes...Entperour...king of France... : Franciae is

omitted by the Rectuil text, but in any case is understood.

On Baldwin of Hainault, his marriage to a Kuman princess about 1240, and
his journey to Karakorum, see Rubruquis p. 326 in /^ecuei/ text (not in Hak.),
Lebeau, Histoire du Bos Empire, Paris, 1824, xvii. 392. For [j«v///j] donius
dominicae, a ' Knight of the Temple,' the Recueil text reads, with the best Mss.,
\socius\ David; the manuscript abbreviation has been misunderstood by
Hakluyt, and by Purchas after him ; Bergeron of course only translates from the
text of Hak. and Purch. On this David and his companion Marcus (whom
Rockhill thinks the socius here referred to) see William of Nangis in Recueil
des Historiens cUs Gaules, Paris, 1.S40, 360. That David's alleged mission to
Louis IX. (while at Nikosia in Cyprus) from the Mongol general Ilchikadai,
commanding in Persia, was an imposture, is declared by Mangu Khan in the
letter entrusted to Rubruquis, p. 370 of Recueil text.
1. 41 9. Curtesit : in Hak.'s original mandeUo.

[p. 106]

p. 311 1. 25 10. Nestorians... Armenians. ..figure of Christ: cf. Badger, The Nestorians

a>ui their rituals, 1844, II. 133, 414, and Rockhill, note 3, p. 104 of Hak. Soc.
Rubruck.
1. 31 11. Arabike and Syriake... translated at Aeon. ..Armenian priests. ..knight

...of the Temple... tongues: from Acre Rub. may have set out on his journey,
the first stage of which was the voyage to Constantinople.

On the Knight of the Temple (socius doiiius dominicae) or rather the com-
panion of David (socius Daviit) see above, note 8 in this chapter.

This passage shews how thoroughly Rubruquis had tried to equip himself
for his journey by means of the most useful Levantine languages. He mentions
an Arabic MS. among his books.
1.4a 12. Feast of S. Peter ad vinculo : i.e. Aug. i, 1253.

CHAPTER 18.

p. 318 1. 4 1. The Bible... sentences... Psalter of.. .the Queene: cf. p. 272 of Recueil

text (nullos [^libros'\ hahebam nisi Bibliam et Breviarium).

The Sentences (Sentencias) were probably the great work of Peter Lomliard,
the Magister Sententiarum and bishop of Paris (i 158) ; f 1 164 [i 160].

On Sartach's final acquisitions from Rub.'s stock of books, see p. 380 of
Recueil text.

[p. 107]

1. 15 2. Directly Eastward ... Etilia or Volga: the last two words are not in

Hak.'s original. On the Volga cf. Carpini, p. 743 of Recueil text and n. 7, ch. 2 1 ;
Benedict the Pole, p. 775 in Recueil; the Psalter Map of c. 1250 A.D. (Olcus).

NOTES. 321

It is of course the Rha of Ptolemy, the Atil (otherwise Itil, Etil, Edil, Etkilia, p, 318
etc.) of Menander Protector, Constantine Porphyrc^ennetos, Theophanes, and
nearly all Byzantines and Latins of the earlier middle ages. On p. 265 {Rec.)
Rub. compares the Etilia to the Nile because it crescit in aestate sicut Nilus.

3. Not... a Christian, but a Moal: Moal is Rubruquis' favourite form of 1. 20
Mongol ox Alongal. See note 10, chap. 19.

4. The name of a Christian: in Hak.'s original «<?ot^« Christianitatis. \. 21

CHAPTER 19.

1. When the French-men [Franct] tooke Antioch...Con Can...diuiners... !• 3°
Turkes : Con Can is the title ' Gur Khan' taken in 1125 (not 1098, 'when the

Franks took Antioch') by Ye-lu Ta-shih, the founder of the Kara-kitai Empire
in Central Asia. See Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 216, 225, 235,
II. 256, and note 1059. The title of Khan (otherwise Khakhan, Kaan, Ko-kan,
Cham, Can, etc.) has nothing to do with the word Khatn, a diviner, shaman or
sorcerer, as Rub. thinks.

On this title and Simon of St Quentin's corruption of it into Gogcham, cf.
Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., xxxi. [xxxii.] 32.

On the Turks {Torci, Torti, ZJ/m of Carpini), whose Central Asiatic origin
is clearly indicated by Rub., cf. Carpini pp. 680 (on Sultan of Riim), 709, 749,
750 of Recueil text ; Benedict the Pole, in same, p. 777 (on Turkya). See Bret-
schneider, Mediaeval Researches, II. 49 — 50 and note 602 (on Turkish title of
Khan, Ko-kan, Khakhan, the Byzantine l^aydvos).

[For the Northern regions lying thereabouts at the beginning of this chapter
Hak.'s original has only in illis lateribus Aquilonis.']

2. Kara- Catay...Catay... Ocean sea. T\vq vfoxds giuen to make a difference 1. 40
are in Hak.'s original ad diff'erentiam ipsorum.

On the Kara-kilai, cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 208 — 235,
also pp. 18, 72, 129, 167 of same, and notes 537 — 595.

On the name of Cathay\\.t.. (a) China in general, (/3) more narrowly. North
China], cf. Carpini p. 653 in Recueil and note i to chap. 9 of Carpini (Hak.'s
version); Yule, Cathay, xxxiii., cxv — cxvi., cxxiii., cxxxv., who perhaps
does not always sufficiently recognise sense (a) ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Re-
searches, I. 209, 225, 232, II. 280 — 281, and note 1104.

3. Alpes...Nestorian shepheard...Yayman. ..Christians. ..King John: Alpes p. 214 1.6
and Fascua are words apparently used interchangeably by Rub. here.

On the Nay man or Naiman (' eight ' in Turkish), the proper reading for
Yayman, cf. Carpini, pp. 648, 752, of Recueil text, who says, apparently with
truth, that as a nation they were heathen. See also Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, I. 43, also pp. 61, 63, 73, 167, 218, 230 — i, 234 — 5; d'Ohsson,
Histoire des Mongols, I. 163 — 71, etc.; Tarikh-i- Rashidi (Elias and Ross),

74, 93-

On Prester John cf. Carpini, note 3 chap. 10; Marco Polo, 1. 227 — 233,
II- 539—543 (Yule).

In the last passage the theory of Prof. Bruun of Odessa is stated, viz. that
Prester John (Polo's Unc) is John Orbelian, the generalissimo of Georgia
under several kings.

4. Nestorians ... rumors ... Afangu Can... Ken Can. On the Nestorians, 1. 13
their real successes in Asiatic missions, and their failure in the latest Middle

Age, cf. the Singanfu inscription of 781 ; Abul-Faraj's account of the conversion

H. 21

322 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

314 of the Keraits between looi and 1012 (the uhimate original perhaps of the

Prester John story); Carpini, pp. 650, 651 in Recueil (on the Uigurs) ; Marco
Polo, ch. XXIII. p. 45 (Pauthier); Quatremere's Rashid-ed-dm, 93; Assemani,
Bibliotheca Orientalis, vol. III. part ii. pp. 77 — 175, 413 — 617; Yule, Cathay
Ixxxviii — ci., ccxliv — v., cxxxviii — ix. 60, 81, 123, 174 — 182, 197 — 8, 204 — 5,
248. Bretschneider, MedicuvaJ Researches, i. 66 — 7, 261 — 3, and note 160;
Beazley, Dawn of Modem Geography, i. 212 — 223, II. 347 — 8, 352 — 3,
362, 364, and refs. ; Palladius, Ancient Traces of Christianity in China in
Russian Oriental Record, I. 25 — 63.

Ken Can, otherwise fCeu Can or Cham, is Kuyuk Khan, Mongol Emperor
1246 — 48, whom Carpini visited. In Jean Pierre .Sarrasin (Joinville and Sar-
rasin, ed. Michel, 255) he is called Quio Quan.
1. 23 6. /rtVr Andrew: i.e. Andrew of Longumeau, sent by Louis IX. to the

Mongols, Feb. 1249, received by Ogxil Gaimish (the regent 1248 — 1251) and
repeatedly referred to by Kubruquis. See pp. 265, 279, 296, 310, 353, 363 of
Recueil text and note 3 to chap. 3 of Carpini; Joinville, Hisloire de St Louis
(Michel), 142 — 149; William of Nangisin Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, XX.
359» i?6o — 1,365 — 7 ; Jean Pierre Sarrasin, in Joinville, ed. Michel, 254 — 2«;5 ;
Beazley, Daxun of A/oeUm Geography, 11. 318 — 20; Rockhill, pp. xxvii — xxxiii
in Hak. Soc. Ruhruck.
1. 26 6. Vut : in Hak.'s original also Vtu, a much better reading for Ung, Ong,

or Wang Khan of the Keraits, the personage referred to ; cf. Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches ^ I. 242 (note 605), 273 ; Marco Polo, ch. LXXIII.
pp. 217 — 19 (Pauthier; l. 227, Yule; and ihe latter's note on Prester John in
same, pp. 229, etc.) ; Palladius, Elucidations of Marco Polo's Travels in North
China in i\Mt Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, new
series, vol. x. pp. 23, etc.

7. Alpes of Cara Catay: in Hak.'s original Alpes ipsorum Caracatay.
1.27 8. Brother lohn: in Hak.'s original /ro/r^ only.

1.29 9. Cara Caruni...Crit or Merkit... Christians. On ' Cara-Camm ' (Kara-

Kuren), cf. note 3 to chap. 3 of Carpini and the latter's text, p. 608 of tlie
Recueil.

On Crit and Merkit [for Hak.'s or read ancr\ cf. d'Avezac in the Recueil
PP- 533 — 7» and Carpini's text in same, pp. 645 — 7, 708; M. Polo, i. 231 (Yule);
Chabot, Hisloire de Mar Jabalaha III....etdu mome Rabban (7a«wrt...( Paris,
1895), p. 14 ; d'Ohsson, J/istoire des Mongols, I. 48 — 50, 54 — 5.

The former of these names (if not the latter as well, repeated in double-
jumble, like Chin-Machin, Langa Solanga) no doubt refers to the Keraits. If
by Merkit the Keraits are also intended. Rub. is apparently right in thinking
them to have once been Nestorian Christians.
1. 34 10. Moal... Tartars. Rockhill derives Rub.'s Moal horn the Turkish form

Mogal, note i, p. 112 to Hak. Soc. Rubruck. The first mention of the
Mongols in Eastern works is said to be in the Annals of the ' After Thang'
923 — 934 A.D. They are mentioned as Moiryot/X/ow in the Byzantine historian
George Pachymeres (1255 — 1308). Cf. Carpini, p. 645 of the Recueil text, on
the Mongali and n. i, ch. 8, ns. i — 4, ch. 3 of Carpini (Hak.'s version) ; vSimon
of St Quentin in Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Hist., xxxi. [xxxil.] 34, on the
Mongol or Alongli. On the name Tartar (Tax«i/>', Tax<ip'oi, Tardpt, and
Toxdpi in the Byzantines, e.g. George Akropolita and George Pachymeres) cf.
Thomsen, Inscriptions de POrkhon, 98, 126, 140; Rockhill, note i, p. 113, of
Hak. Soc. Rubruck, who thinks the first occurrence of the name is in A.D. 732 ;

NOTES. 323

Matth. Paris, Historia Maior, iv. 78, 109, 131 — 3 (Rolls Series); William p, ai4
of Nangis, in Recueil des historietis des Gauks, xx. 365 ; the Letter of Ivo
of Narbonne a.d. H43 (in Hak. pp. 21, 22 of the edition of 1598 or 1599)
which uses the form T attar ox Tatar', d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 427,
428 — 9 (reproducing Rashid-ed-din) ; also same, I. 22, on the name Mongol
(=' simple,' 'feel)le').

11. Issue male : in Hak.'s original haerede. 1. 39

12. Cyngis : in Carpini usually Chingis, and so often written in Rubruquis 1. 42
Mss. ; cf. pp. 646 — 8, 650, etCv in the Recueil text, and note 3, chap. 8, note 7,

chap. 9 of Carpini (Hak.'s version).

[p. 108]

13. Mangii-Can. On Mangu Khan's mother, called Seroctan by Carpini p. 315 1. 15
(Recueil, p. 666) otherwise Siurkukteni, niece (not daughter) of Ung Khan and

wife of Tului, Chinghiz Khan's youngest son, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols,
I. 67 — 8; 11. 59 — 60, 267; note 5 chap. 13 of Carpini (Hak.'s version). On
another wife of Tului, a grand-daughter of Ung Khan, cf. Quatremere's Rashid-
ed-din, 93.

14. Tartars .. .consumed: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 427 — 9, 1. 30
reproducing one of the most important passages of Rashid-ed-din.

16. Mancherule: a misreading for Onan-Kerule, the basins of the Onon 1. 25

and Kerulen (Kerulun), head waters of the Amur. Cf. Quatremere's Rashid-
ed-din, 115, etc.; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 49 — 51, 54 — 55,
192, 249.

16. Tartaria: in Hak.'s original Tartari.

17. For the most part: in Hak.'s original /w/^. 1. 27

CHAPTER 20.

1. Russians... Alanians \ [The Valachians of the text here is a trans- I. 35
lation of Blacorum.^ In this list of Christians who had to pass by Sartach in

going to Batu's Court, it is curious to find Kerkis [here prob. meant for Circas-
sians, rather than Kirghiz]. Though Rub. vehemently doubts the Christianity
of Sartach, he admits here the prominence of Nestorian priests at his court. On
their services, gongs, etc. {pulsant tabulam), cf. Carpini, p. 766 of Recueil text;
William of Nangis, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules, xx. 362 {pulsant cam-
patias et percutiunt tabulas); Rockhill, note 3, p. 116, of Hak. Soc. Rubruck.

2. More in league with: \n H.a.k.'s or'igina.] magis amplectitur. 1-38

3. Pray vpon their beades . . .deuotions : in Hsk.' s or'igm&X pulsant tabulam p. 216 1. i
. . .ojfficium .

4. Vnder Baatu...Berta: in Hak.'s original Berta super [for fraterl \. 2
Baatu. On Berta, Carpini's Rerca (i.e. Berke), cf. Recueil, p. 668, and note 5

to chap. J 3 of Carpini (Hak.'s version). Rub. is well up to date in noticing
Berke's conversion to Islam ; cf. d'Ohs.son, Histoire des Mongols, II. 8, III.
377 — 8, 418 — 9; Marco Polo, chaps. 2, 220 — 6 [supplementary]; pp. 6 — 7,
754—9 (Pauthier).

5. Porta ferrea or Derbent: the last two words are not in Hak.'s original. 1. 3
On this pass cf. Rubruquis on pp. 381 — 2 of the Recueil, and note 10 to

chap. 16 of Rub. (Hak.'s version).

6. Etilia...foure times greater then... Sein: another Parisian comparison, 1. 28
cp. note 19 to chap. 15 of Rub. (Hak.'s version).

324 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

216 1. 30 1- After Bulgaria the greater Hak. does not translate quae est ad

Aquilonem. Rubruquis' description veniens de maiori Bulgaria quae...aqui-
lonem can hardly be considered an indication of the true source and course
of the Volga, as taken by Rockhill, p. xxxvii of Hak. Soc. Rubrtuk: cf. note 2,
chap. 18 of Rub.; note 7, chap. 21 of Carp.
1. 31 8. Hircan sea... Caspian... Frier Andrew...! my selfe...inuironed on all

sides with lande: in Hak.'s original we have Sircan for Hircan, Canglae for
Changiae, and nothing for the words ami in returning likewise, after Mangu-
Can. The Paris text reads Sirsan ; other readings are Sirtan, Sirran, Sircan
[i.e. Shinianl], The ' Sea of Hyrcania' seems a plausible emendation. Isidore's
name of the 'Caspian' (Sinus Caspius), to which Rub. refers, occurs in
Etymologies, XIII. xv. 1, XIII. xvii. i (Patrologia Latina, LXXXII. 484, 486
Migne) where it is termetl a gulf of the Ocean [Sinus dicuntur maiores
recessus maris, ut...in Oceatw Caspius, Indicus, etc.), the view of Pliny, Hist.
Nat., VI. 36. Cf. also Marco Polo, i. 54 (Yule). Herodotus, i. 276, and
Ptolemy, are the chief ancient authorities supporting Rubruquis in the true
view of this water as an inland sea. See also Bacon, Opus Mains, i. 354 (ed.
Bridges). Friar Andrew and Rubruquis together entirely encircled the Caspian.

The monies Musihet, hoc est, Assassinorum are of course to the South of the
Caspian, not to the East, as Rubruquis puts them. The great Persian fortress
of the 'Hashish-eaters' was Alamut, N.E. of Kazvin. Musihet, othei-wise
Muliech, Mulihec, is from the Arabic word mulhid, 'a heretic,' best shewn in
the forms Mulidet, Melahideh.

On the Canglae (A'ankly, Kankalis of Moslem writers, KdYxap, K(i77a/), of
Byzantines), cf. Carpini, 749 of the Recueil text (who calls them Cangitae) ;
Const. Porph., De Adm. Imp., chap. 37 ; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Alongols, I. 196
— 197; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 301 — 4, also pp. 28, 223, 229,
199 of the same vol. and notes 735, 738. The name signifies lV/ieeled-Car[s'\.
Const. Porph., as quoted above, makes the KiyKap a name of three Pechineg
tribes (rptwr Oe/xaruy).

CHAPTER 21.
[p. 109]

p. 217 1. 15 1. After /ron Gate, the words otherwise... Derbent are not in Hak.'s

original.
1. 18 2. Albania'. Rub.'s description is based on Isidore, Etymologies, ix. ii. 65;
XIV. iii. 34, which passages are again based on Solinus, Collectanea, XV. 5 : apud
hos populos [apparently all the 'Scythian' races mentioned in chap. XV., Neuri,
Geloni, Agalhyrsi, Anthropophagi, Chalybes, Dahae, Albani] nati canes feris
anteponuntur, frangunt tauros, leones premunt. Isidore has practically the
same wording as Rubruquis; the source of Solinus here is Pliny, Hist. Nat.,
VIII. 149.

Rub.'s words here are noteworthy in illustration of the confusedness of some
of his geographical ideas. AH the country is called Albania from the West side
of the Caspian, and Alexander's iron gates, to the Maeotid marshes, where the
Don rises, and the Northern Ocean ; Tata ilia regio a latere Occidentali istius
maris, tibi sunt Porta ferrea Alexandri et monies Alanorum, usque ad Oceanum
Aquilonarem et paludes Maeotidis ubi oritur Tanais [Hak.'s mergitur is a
misreading].

NOTES. 325

8. Match: in Hak.'s original /rffw<7«/. p. 217 1. 20

4. Bulgaria ..greater... certaifte cottages... most wicked Saracens : cf. Car- 1. 36

pini, pp. 677, 708, 747 in Recueil, and note 7, chap. 15; Rockhlli, note i,
pp. 131 — I of Hak. Soc. Kuhruck'. Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De Admini-
strattdo Imperio, chaps. 12, 42 ; Marco Polo, I. 4, 6, 7, 45 (Yule) ; Theophanes,
Chrotwgraphui, I. 545 (Bonn edition) ; Alesalek-al-absar (Q^anUemtre), vol. xiil.
oi Notices et Extraits, p. 270; Masudi, Prairies dOr (Barbier de Meynard and
Pavet deCourteille), chap. 17 ; Frahn's Ibn Foszlan (1823), throughout ; Berezin,
Bolghar on the Volga {i^i,^; in Russian), throughout; ^xeischncid&r. Mediaeval
Researches, 11. 74, 81 — 4, also i. 295, 300, 305, 307, 309, and notes 843 — 5 in
same; Frahn, Wolga Bulgaren (1832), throughout; d'Ohsson, Histoire des
Mongols, I. 345, II. ch. 3. As to the cottages {quaedam casalia) Hak.'s marginal
note Astracan is quite misleading. The locality referred to was apparently near,
but above, Ukek, and not far below Saratov, some days' journey N.'of Sarai:
cf. Ibn Batuta, 11. 414; Marco Polo, I. 8 (Yule); F. M. Schmidt, Ueber
Rubrtik's Reise, 182.

Berezin advances the startling view that Islam reached Bolghar, the neigh-
bourhood of the modern Kazan, in the 9th year of the Ilegira (631 a.d.) ; in
any case the religion of Mohammed was preached here in the 9th century (a.d.) ;
triumphed in the loth; was weakened, but by no means destroyed, throughout
Old or Black Bulgaria, during part of the Central Middle Ages (nth — f3th
centuries) ; and recovered its ascendency in the 14th century, an ascendency
extended for a time to the Lower as well as the Middle Volga. Coins of Batu
were struck at Bolghar.

6. Extreame borders : in Hak.'s original exitus. 1, 38

6. Damnable religion: in Hak.'s original legem. p. 318 1. 4

7. Court of Baatii: cf. Carpini, pp. 744 — 7 of Reciieil, and note 7 1. 5
chap. 21 of Carpini (Hak.'s version). The form Batoth occurs in Simon

of St Quentin.

8. Horda...tlie midst: on the meaning of Horda or Ordti cf. Carpini 1, 14
(p. 609 of Recueil), who rightly makes it signify the slatioftes unperatoris et
principum. Cf. Rockhill, n. i, p. 57, of Hak. Soc. Rubruck; Bretschneider,

Mediaeval Researches, I. 18, 43, ^7, 58, 114 (and notes 23, 97, 137).

9. Gouernour or chieftaine among them : not in Hak.'s original, but some !• ^5
such word is clearly understood.

10. No subiect or inferiour person : in Hak.'s original m«//z/j only. A little 1. 16
later the words directly opposite against the court are a translation of rede ante

curiam vel ex opposito curiae.

11. Messengers to Ken-Can [Cham in Hak.'s original], i.e. Andrew of 1. 30
Longumeau, and his party, sent to Kuyuk Khan (Rub.'s Keu, corrupted to

Ken) in 1249 (Feb.) — 1251. The words then Baatu demanded {qtiaesiuit
etiam) are quite misleading: it is the ductor or guide who asks, not Batu,
whom Rub. does not see until a little later when they were led into the pavilion
{papilio) : the word his before pauilion is equally misleading : the guide con-
ducted the Friars to Batu's tent.

12. John de Piano Carpini. ..Baatu. ..sate. On Batu and Rubruquis' visit, I. 40
see d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 285 — 290, 309, 335.

All the MSS. read Johannes de Polycarpo: cf. Carpini, pp. 744 — "j oi Recueil,
and Benedict the Pole, pp. 777— 8 of same, where it is stated that envoys at the
Mongol court had to be dressed with becoming pomp ('baldaquin over their
gowns,' etc.). Rub. does not do, here, what Benedict says is necessary.

326 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

[p. IXO]

p. aiO 1. 16 13. A fresh ruddie colour: in Hak.'s original petfusus giitta rosea. On

Jean <1e Beaumont cf. Joinville, Histoire de St Louis (ed. Michel, 1867),
p. ^56; F. M. Schmidt, Ueber Rubruk's Keise. Jean de Beaumont's name occurs
109th in the list of Knisjhts of the Household, who accompanied St Louis
to Tunis. He was Admiral of the Crusading fleet at the Landing in Egypt,
June 5, H49.
1. 57 14. Before the words / added further Hak. does not translate et ipse

diligenter auscultauit.
I. XX 16' Silly interpreter: in Hak.'s original interpres only.

1. 30 16. Best known: in Hak.'s original debetis scire.

p. S20 1.3 IT. Sarcuens ... Jerusalem : referring of course to the Sixth Crusade

(St Louis' first) H48— 1154 a.d.
1. ^ 18. To you sir : in Hak.'s original Ad vos. On the Mongol custom of

offering kumiss or wine to guests cf. Quatremere, Kashid-ed-din, 354—9.
'1. 13 19. The man of God: in Hak.'s original Homo Dei, earlier called Turge-

mannus also.
1.37 20. Goset theclearke...^6 Yperperas...lad: Cosset the <-/ifr/f«j was probably

in minor orders; 16 yperpera was about £\i, or a little over. The boy was
Nicholas; cf. p. 119 of the Jfecueil text (chap, i, Hak.).

CHAPTER 22.

p. aax 1.3 1. Assumption et/en: i.e. Aug. 14, 1153.

1. 13 2. //ee had neuer eaten: in Hak.'s original comederim. Cf. Carpini,

pp. 762, 747, 745 in Kecueil', Simon of .St Quentin, in Vincent of Beauvais,
Spec. Hist., XXXII. [xxxi.] 48.

[p. Ill]

1. 17 8. Hungarians: cf. note 7 in this chap.

L 19 4. At any songs without booke : in Hak.'s original »/«//a r<>ni;. Rub.'s ref.

here is prob. to the Church Service but it can hardly be rendered * with much
expression ' as Rockhill translates.

I. 11 6. Pretilywel: in Hak.'s original competenter.

L 99 6. Inke and paper: in Hak.'s original M^r/rtJ.

1. 36 7. Baptized in Hungaria: ci. Analecta Franciscana, ll. 56, on the Francis-

cans in Bohemia from 1231; from this country they must soon have entered
Hungary,
p. aaa 1.3 S. EndeofHolyroode:'in\ld,\i.^song\na.\finemexaltatioftisSanct(uCrt4cis,

i.e. Sept. 21. Yoxfinem the Kecueil (173) reads festum, i.e. .Sept. 14, 1253.
1. 4 9. Millenarie, i.e. MingcUan, commander of a thousand ; cf. Carpini,

p. 736 in Kecueil. Five classes of Mingatans are reckoned in the Mongol
service: cf. Yiesenzi, Journal A sialique,^x\e IX., viii. 104.

1. 21 10. With the wool stil vpon them : in Hak.'s original villosam.

1.25 11. Second day after Holy rood. ..Eastward. . .feast of All Saints : the second

day after the Exaltation of the Holy Cross is Sept. 16. In Eastward, here,
Rub. gives (for once) the right direction. All Saints' Day is Nov. 1.

1.28 12. Changle... Romanes: /;'<?wa/wr«w here is pretty certainly a misreading

for Komanorum, the reading of the Recueil text, following the best MSs. and
common sense.

NOTES. 327

CHAPTER 23.

1. lagac: i.e. the Ural river. Cf. Carpini, p. 743 of Recueil (faec, a better p. 232
reading), and Benedict the Pole, p. 777 of same (laiac). It is the Aa^x of
Menander Protector, in Fragntenta Histor. Graeca, 229 (Migne, Patrologia
Graeca, vol. cxill. 806—811; account of Zemarchus' mission), and the Fei^x

of Conslantine Porphyrogennetos, De Adm. Imp., chap. 37.

2. Pascatir... Hungarians: i.e. the land of the Bashkirs, Carpini's i^^jrar/j-
(p. 708 o{ Recueil, and Benedict the Pole, p. 776 of same). Cf. also d'Ohsson,
Histoire des Mongols, li. 620 — 1, and Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i.
306, 326 — 8, 329, and notes 767 — 8.

3. Bulgaria the greater... any citie: cf. note 4, chap. 21.

4. Hunnes of olde time', in Hak.'s original Hutii only. The words, Next p. 223
vnto it \is Bulgaria the greater] are a trans, of the strange phrase unde ipsa est
[maior Bulgaria].

The identification of Huns and Hungarians is another hasty piece of mis-
taken name-inference on Rubruquis' part.

Though Rub.'s Latin text in Hak. p. 175, 1. 13, says that it [Pascatir] is
the same as Bulgaria maior, he has just said that it borders on the latter to the
West : the statement here is inconsistent with the whole context : for Bulgaria
we should probably read Hungaria.

6. Isidore reporteth ...Alexander ...Caucasus ...^gypt .. France: the im-
pregnable 'iUalles and bounds of A., in Plak.'s original, are simply claustra A.;
barbarous and blood-thirstie, in the same, 2iie feras only; and the words from
inuading... South are not in the Latin at all.

On the Huns, and their European inroads usque in Franciam, Rubruquis
simply copies Isidore, Etymologies, Book ix. ch. ii. § (i(> (Migne, Fat. Lat.
LXXXII. p. 334.

On the wall of Alexander in the Caucasus, cf. note 10 to chap. 16 of
Rubruquis (Hak.'s version).

6. Blacians...llac...Assani: Whereupon, just before ^/an'awj, is Unde in
Hak.'s original.

On the Bulgarian migration from the Volga to the Danube valley (in 485,
or rather c. 480 — 500, etc.), cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, II. 82 — 3,
!• 3^9; Stokvis, Manuel d" histoire (Leyden, 1888 — 93), il. 527.

By the terra Assani he means of course Modern or ' Lesser' Bulgaria,
south of the Danube.

[p. 112]

7. Sclauonians.. .one language. . . Vandals .. .Hunnes : Rub. 's remarks on the
connection of these languages are of striking penetration and accuracy, and
have been rightly noticed as a pioneer essay of the highest value in the fewest
words.

8. Will prouoke...to enuy: in Hak.'s original prouocabo simply. Before
whom God hath raised vp, Hak. does not translate populum multum et gentem
stultam. Deuteronomy, xxxii. 21, is the passage quoted verbatim, with the
substitution only of eos, at end, for illos.

9. Friers praedicants... Bulgarians... pr cued Saracens: in Hak.'s original
the last two words are facti Saraceni.

On this mission of the Dominicans from the Theiss to Great Hungary or
Pascatir in the middle Volga basin, cf. Alberic Trois-Fontaines, Chronicon,
under a.d. 1237.

10. Bulgaria... belonging to the Greekes : Bulgaria, south of the Danube,

328 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

338 conquered by the Byzantines, 970 — 1018, and retained in subjection till ii86,

revolted again in the latter year and founded the Bulgar-Wallachian kingdom
which fell before the Ottomans in 1398. See note 17 to Rub., ch. i.

1.38 11. Hungaria...PanHonia: to say that the Hungarian kingdom of the

Danube plain was the old Pantwnia is almost totally misleading. Dacia was
the Roman provmce that best corresponded.

1. 39 12. Land of CangU... Holy roodi. ..All Saints : before this Rub. spoke of
starting from Batu's camp on the second day after Holy Cross (Sept. 16).

1. 41 13. Paris... Orleans : from Paris to Orleans (a Parisiis usque Aurelianum)

is no kils., over 60 E. miles, a considerably greater distance perhaps than
Rub. is likely to have ridden each day, though it may have been reached
occasionally.
384 1.8 1^ /^/MoMjA [A^ /r0///</]: in Hak.'s original Jt.

1. 13 16. Emptie horsa : in Hak.'s original saginarios. After this Hak. does

not translate mutare equos saginarios.

CHAPTER 14.

1. 19 1. Sodden Millet to sup off : in Hak.'s original sorbere milium: cf. Rock-
hill, note J, p. 133 of Hak. Sec. Rubruck\ Carpini, pp. 640 — i 'va.RecueU\ Ibn
Batuta, II. 364.
1. II 2. Breast [of... mutton^, in Hak. 's original fw/i'j.

8. Euery man a measured quantitie : in Hak.'s original ad mensuram.
1. aj 4. Eating or drinking: in Hak. 's original Arti/r/V-wj,

1. 30 5. Benighted before... iourneis end: in Hak.'s original de node descen-

debamus.

On the briars {spinas) used for fuel, cf. Benedict the Pole, p. 776 in Recueil,
who calls them absinthia (absincium), i.e. saxaul.
1. 40 •• Chingis...foure sonnts: cf. Carpini, pp. 665 — 7 of Recueil and note 1

to chap. 10, notes 1 — 5 to chap. 13 of Carpini (Hak.'s version).

In all matters of nomenclature Carpini is usually superior to Rubruquis,
e.g. in the lists of Mongol princes, of nations conquered by or still in-
dependent of the Mongols, and of Italian merchants at Kiev, as well as
of the South Russian rivers, Dnyepr, Don, and Volga (by their modern
designations).
. 336 1. 10 7. [A/*...] of so lasting an a^: in Hak.'s original ita senex.

Magnus Papa is probably a translation of the most usual Mongol term for
the Pope.

1.14 8. Because it was: in Hak. 's original ^worf «J<r/.

1.15 9. Euen of...Al Saints... East... South... A Ipes : i.e. on Oct. 31, 1253:
Rubruquis turned S.E. : — not 'due south' {recte in meridiem) as he says; —
probably some way (200 or 300 miles) W. of Lake Balkhash.

1. 10 10. Asses. ..Colan: i.e. the Mongol Kulan or wild ass, already alluded to

by Rubruquis (p. 230 oi Recueil). Cf. Herodotus, IV. 61 ; Strabo, vii. 4, 259;

d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 322 (on Chingir hunting wild asses near

C<»/a«-Tashi).
1. 23 11. South... high mountaines : perhaps the Kara-tau range, renamed by the

Russians the Alexander Mts., running from near Aulie-Ata to Lake Issik-Kul.

[p. X18]

1.26 12. Eightday after. ..All Saints. ..Saracens. ..Kenchat. The Octave of All
Saints is Nov. 8, 1253.

NOTES. 329

Ktnchat or Kinchat is Kettjek in Moslem writers. Cf. F. M. Schmidt, p. 226
Ueber Ruhnik's Reise, p. 193; Rockhill, note 2, p. 136, Hak. Soc. Ruhruk.

13. At the tmunes end : in Hak. 's original extra villam. 1. 28

14. Before. ..S. Michael... name of... prouince: i.e. before Sept. 29, 1253. 1. 32
The name of the province is now 'Syr Daria ' ; it was part of the Kara-Khitai

empire and (after the Mongol Conquest) of the sub-kingdom of Chagatai ; the
title of Kara-tagh seems to have been given it. See map 24 in Schrader's Atlas
Historique and the map prefixed to vol. I. of d'Ohsson's Histoire des Mongols.

16. By making... sluces: not in Hak.'s original. 1. 38

16. Exonerate it selfe : in Hak.'s original descendehat. The river here I. 39
referred to is perhaps the Talas, which flows into Lake or Swamp Kara-kul,

almost in E. Long. 70 (Greenwich).

17. By an hideous gulf e .. .bowels of... earth: in Hak.'s original simply a
terra : no ' hideous gulf,' but a marshy lake, absorbs the river [? Talas], as is
suggested in the Latin text. At end of ch., Hak. does not translate bis \de
vino bibi\.

CHAPTER 25.

1. Neerevnto: in Hak.'s original /^;-<?/2«(7//j«j. p. 226 1. 3

2. Caucasus. All this is thoroughly in the language of later classical 1. 5
geography, which normally assumed an Asiatic backbone-chairi from extreme

east to extreme west, called most usually the Caucasus, but also the Imaus,
Emodus, etc.

3. On both parts to the sea : in Hak.'s original ex utraque parte maris. I. 6

4. And on the West part... conioyned vnto the foresaid Caspian sea: in 1. 7
Hak.'s original et quod transiueratnus mare supradictum : ' and [I understood]

that we had passed beyond the aforesaid sea ' [i.e. the Caspian].

6. Talas. .. Dutchmen. ..Buri...Andre7o... Ban. The Dutchmen are Teu- 1. g

tonici in Hak.'s original, here as elsewhere. Ban and Buri[n] are of course the
same person; cf. Carpini, p. 666 in Recueil a.nA n. 5, ch. 13; Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, I. 333 — 4, also pp. 308, 311, 315, 318 of same vol.

On Talas city (probably corresponding to the modern Aulie-Ata), cf.
Menander Protector, lUepl Upea^iup "Pw/xaiwv irpds "E^j't;, in Fragmenta Histor.
Graeca, 228 (account of journey of Zemarchus); in Migne, Patrologia Graeca,
CXIII. 888; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 18, 19, 71, 130, 169, 228,
^3'' ^53» 301 ^nd csp. 226; II. 252; Tarikh-i-Rashidi (Elias and Ross),
pp. 79 — 81, 171, 364; F. M. Schmidt, Ueber Rubruk's Reise, 195 — 200.

6. Passe and repasse: in Hak.'s original z/a^/aw. 1. 19

7. After Mangu-Can, Hak. does not translate Sed in supradicto casali 1. 30
intellexi, quod Talas erat post nos iuxta motes per sex dietas. On Rub. 's visit

to Mangu's court, see d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 290 — 6, 297 — 309;
also II. 257 of same work, where Rub.'s evidence is cited in confirmation of
Mangu's measures against Okkodai's partisans.

8. Bolac : the Phulad of King Hayton, the Bo-lo, Po-lo and Pu-la of 1. 33
Chinese contemporaries, the Pulad of Moslem writers (e.g. Rashid-ed-din).

It was apparently near Lake Sairam (Sut-Kul) in the valley of the Borotala in
Zungaria. Cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 17, 125, 162, 169;
II. 41 — 2 (esp.). This passage may be compared with what Rub. says on
p. 216 in the Recueil (p. 186, 1. 2, of this version) as evidence of the
importance of iron to the Tartars and of their eagerness to obtain iron
weapons and implements.

9. From . . .foresaide cottage .. .directly Eastward: in Hak.'s original a 1. 38

330 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, ITC.

p. 326 praedicto casali 'from the above-mentioned village.' Rub.'s course from

Kinchat was apparently first E. along the north face of the Alexander range
and then E.N.E. to the Hi and Semiryechensk, E. and S.E. of Lake Balkhash.
1. 40 10. Daunced: in Hak.'s original //a«</«/^a«/.

p. 227 1.6 11. More surlie and stotUe: \xi\i^k.\ ox'\^\Xi2X superiores.

1. 8 12. Alpes...Cara Catayans: the alpes or pascua of the Kara-Kitai are pro-

bably the hills between the Chu and the Hi. The tnagnus flutiius here is
probably the Hi : see Yule in Encyclopaedia Britannica, art. Rubrtiqun\ F. M.
Schmidt, Ueber Rubnti^s A'eise, 202 — 3.
1.14 IS. Village... [Equiusy. in Hak.'s original ^tf/*a/« t/tV/i/w... [A...].

Equius was perhaps near Kailac and the modern Kopal, as F. M. Schmidt
suggests, p. 203 of work quoted above. The Persian-speaking Saracens here
are notable.
\. \1 1*. Foresaide Alpes... descended... pi aiue... Sea or lake... fifteene day es : these

Alps are probably not the foothills of the Alexander range as some have
thought, but outliers of the Zungarian Ala-tau. The quoddam »iare...siue
qtundain Icuuin is probably the Balkhash, rather than the Ala-Kul. The
Reciieil text here (p. 281) makes the lake xxv days, not xv, in circumference.
\, 11 IB. Distilling'. '\nY{z^.\ox'\^\x\7\ dcscendfntibus.

[p. 114]

1. 17 16. After feede their caltel there, Hak. does not translate quia optima

pascua erant ibi.

1. 28 IT. Caiicu : probably the Kayalik, A'aligh, and Khaulak of Moslem

writers, the I/ai-va-li of the Chinese, near the modem Kopal in Semirye-
chensk. Cf. Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 126; II. 37, 40 and notes
808, 813; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 246, 516; Yule, Cathay., ccxii —
ccxiii. 576 ; F. M. Schmidt, Ueber Rubruk^s Reise, 204 ; Tarikh-i-Rashidi
(Elias and Ross), 288.

1. ii 18. Ought to haue accompanied : \x\ \ia.V..\ ongxnsiX debebat esse socius.

1. 22 19. Organum...Contomanni...Organes. On Organum, i.e. Almalik or

Kulja, cf. Yule, Cathay, 522; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, I. 114,
167, and note 285.

The name of a woman (Organa), wife of Kara Hulagu (the Ila-la-hii-lie of
the Chinese, Chagatai's grandson, Chinghiz' great-grandson), has here been given
to a country, forming part of the modern Semiryechensk, over which she reigned
as regent (after Kara Hulagu's death), 1252 — 1260. For Contomanni the
Recueil (282) rightly reads Turcomanni, with MS. D : cf. Carpini in the
Recueil, p. 708 and critical note (2, chap. 25, p. 303 of this vol.

The derivation of Organum from Organistae is very characteristic and must
be set against Kub.'s better grounded philological remarks in other places.

I. 39 20. Here first... worshippers of idoles . . .many sects. By idol-worshippers

both Buddhists and Shamanists are no doubt meant here.

CHAPTER 26.

p. 228 1. 3 !• lugures... Organum: on the Uigurs, Carpini's Huiur, cf. p. 650 of the

Recueil, where they are called Nestorian Christians: see also n. 2 to chap. 9
of Carpini; Y>xe.\^(:i!ciV^€\A^x, Mediaeval Researches, I. 236 — 263; also i. 214; 11. 26,
53, 177 — 8, 180 of same; E. Chavannes, Le Ncstorianisme et V inscription de

NOTES. 331

Kara Balgnsoim, 1897, pp. 16, 45, 47 ; V. Thomsen, Inscriptions de I' Orkkon, p. 228
1896, p. 147. Rub. evidently considers the Uigurs practically Pagans, but
admits they believed in one God [Recueil, 388). Manichaeism was introduced
among the Uigurs <•. A.D. 761 (inscription of Kara Balgasun). On Organum
see note 19, chap. 25.

Cf. Theophylact Siniocatta, V. 10 (vol. 46, p. 225 of Bonn edition, 1834), on
the 6th cent. Turks with black crosses pricked on their foreheads.

5. Saracens... religion: in Hak.'s original Saraceni in tantii inuitant eos, 1. 22
quod nee eliam volunt loqui inde eis. Here invitant is really intensive for

vitant.

4. Kalends... Saracens... Passeouer: by the 'Saracen Easter' Bairam is 1. 25

probably meant : cf. Schiltberger, Travels (Hsk. Soc), p. 70.

On the Buddhist festivals on the ist and 15th, 8th and 25th of the month,
cf. Rockhill, Land of the Lamas, 100, and note 2 p. 143 of Hak. Soc. Rtibruck.

On the prayer-ritual of these idolaters as described by Rub., see note 3
p. 143 of Hak. Soc. Jiubruck, which declares that the details omnes adorant
ad aquilonem . . .extensis palviis ante pectus are quite incorrect as to modern
Buddhists.

6. Curteously inuite and louingly intertaine: in Hak.'s original colligunt: 1. 28
for citizens of the said citie of Cailac the original has only homines.

6. In maner of a Vestry: nol in Hak.'s origina]; for them jc/ues to goe forth p. 229 1. 3
into is in the original quasi eorum [for corum'] exeuntem. The details given by

Rub. as to the arrangement of the idol-temples seen by him apply perfectly
to Lama sanctuaries now (Rockhill, n. i, p. 144 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck).

7. As the idole of Saint Christopher: in Hak.'s original sicut pingitur \, 10
Sanctus Christopherus. The picture of St Christopher on the La Cosa Map of

1500, carrying the infant Christ across the Western Ocean to the New World,
will occur to all geographers. On Buddhist parallels to the Christian giant,
cf. Marco Polo, I. 221 (Yule); Friar Odoric (chap. 30) in Yule, Cathay, 108 — 9,
and Appendix I. xxiv — xxv. ; King Hayton in Beazley, Dawn of Modem
Geography, II. 389—391, and in YAa-^xo\)cv, Nouv. Journ. Asiat. (1833), Xll. 289
and instances in Rockhill, note 3, p. 144 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck.

8. Nestorian priest... in Catay: cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, \\. 260, 1. 11
on Bolgai or Bulgai as a Nestorian Christian, and his influence under Mangu.

On Nestorian Christianity in China see Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, I.
215 — 222 and the refs. there. Assevaam, Bibliotheca Orientalis, vol. in. part ii.
PP- 77 — '75> 4'3 — 617 is the chief collection of material on the history of
Nestorian Missions: E. Chavannes, Le Nestorianisme et P inscription de Kara
Balgasoun, 1897 r Pauthier, De r Authenticite de V Inscription de Singanfw,
and Yule, Cathay, I. Ixxxviii — ci, are valuable studies.

9. Christians of the East ...great belles : it does not appear that the 1. 20
Christians living under the Mongols in Asia had no bells, as Rub. implies.

Cf. Rockhill, note 2 p. 116 and n. i p. 145 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck.

As to the exception, Ruteni tamen habent [campanas] et Graeci in Gazaria,
it is well known that nowhere in Christendom have bells reached such size and
importance as in the Russian Church. Crtza/^a of course is the Crimea : this
remark esp. applies perhaps to Soldaia or Sudak : cf. Ibn Batuta, in Yule,
Cathay, 402.

332 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

CHAPTER 17.

[p. "»]

339 1. 31 1- Long foormes: in Hak.'s original scamna. Rub.'s remarks about the

shaven heads, saffron garments [vestiti de croceo\ and monastic congregations of
the Buddhist priests are well borne out by later observation. They are com-
mented on by Rockhill, note a, p. 145 of Hak. Soc. Rtihrutk.

1. 36 2. Softly: in Hak.'s original in siiencio.

1. 38 3. At the time of their superstitious deuotions: in Hak.'s original apud

Oratorium quoddam eorum.
, 380 1. 2 4. String... nutshels...bead-roule'. in Hak.'s original resiem...7iucleorum...

pater noster. The Lama rosaries of the present day have 108 beads, cf. Rock-
hill, Land of the Lamas, and Ethnology of Tibet, 736.
1.4 B. Ou mam Hactani...God thou knowest: this is the earliest Christian

and European notice of the great Buddhist formula, Om, the Jewel in the
Lotus, hikm, whose use can be traced back to the 9th cent, a.d., cf. Rockhill,
Land of the Lamas, 326. The form here is not that of the Reaieil and the
best MSS., On mani baccam. Rub.'s mistranslation is wonderfully complete.

1. II 6. Pole: in Hak.'s original /*<r/«Vfl/« : cf. Rockhill, note 1, p. 146 of Hak.

Soc. Rubruek on the black tufts {tughs, yaks' tails) often found on these poles.

1. 16 7. Going... towardes: in Hak.'s original i>»^^<'.fj/«.

1. 19 8. French men .. .ornaments : in Hak.'s original fratres Franci...tyaras.

On Lama head-dresses cf. Waddell, Buddhism in Tibet, 196.

1- n ». Laced or buttened from the bosome: \\\ W&V.'%ong\n?i\ acdncti. On this

dress cf. Rockhill, note i p. 147 of Hak. .Soc. Rubruck.

1. 16 10. Houssel-boxe'. in Hak.'s original <-rtJ«/aw. No worse mistake occurs

in all Hak.'s loose translations than this oi pyx for vestment or chasuble.

IL Their... writing the Tartars did receiue...Mangti-Can...hand...of the
lugures: on the adoption of the Uigur script — itself based on the Syriac of
the early Nestorian Missions— by the Mongols, cf. Carpini, pp. 650—1 of the
Recueil; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 88—89; Bretschneider, Mediaeval
Researches, I. 53, 136-7, 262, and note 126. On the Lama charms, cf. Rock-
hill, Land of the Lamas, 77, 98, and note 3 p. 147 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck:
Rub.'s remarks on the form of these shew most keen and accurate observation.
On the burning of the dead and the sepulchral pyramids, cf. Rockhill, note 4,
p. 147 of Hak. Soc. Rubruck.
381 1. 22 12. Images of felt... carts... soothsayers: cf. Carpini, Recueil text, pp. 618

— 20; M. Polo, I. 249 — 50; II. 478 (Yule); Josafat Barbaro, 34; d'Ohsson,
Histoire des Mongols, I. 16; Friar Odoric (chap. 48) in Cordier, p. 486, in
Yule's Cathay, p. 156, and Appendix L to last-named, p. xxxix.

!• 34 13. Tents must be pitched... first of al: in Hak.'s original metandi castra...

post.

[p. lie]

1. 4» 14. Chidden full well for my labour : in Hak.'s original viultum dure

increpatus.

CHAPTER 28.

). 333 1.4 1. lugures... Caracarum... Presbyter Iohn...Vut: the Mongols did not

adopt the Uigur script when the Uigurs were established at and near Kara-

NOTES. 333

Icorum, as Rub, implies, hut in the time and through the personal efforts of p. 382
Chingiz Khan.

On Prester John see note 3 to chap. 10 of Carpini (Hak.'s version) and
note 3 to chap. 19 of Rub. (Hak.'s version). On Vut see note 6 to chap. 19
of Rub. (Hak.'s version).

8. Neere vnto...betweene \the tnouniaines] : in Hak.'s original «><■«... /w/^r 1. ii

[tmm/es].

5. Nestorians... can skill of their letters: see note 11 to chap. 37. 1. 16
4. Tangut: the empire of Tangut or Hia was dominant over modern 1. 18

Kansu and much of N. Tibet from a.d. 1004 (or even from 982) to 1226 — 7,
when Chingiz destroyed it, after an unsuccessful attack in 1209 — 10. Cf. Marco
Polo, I. 2o6 (Vule); d'Ohsson, Histoire cUs Alongols, i. 8, 95 — 6, 105 — 106,
139 — 140, 370, etc. ; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 27, 38, 58, 104,
184, 213, 221, 309; II. 16, and notes 46, 518.

6. Oxen...legges greater... exceedingly fierce: in Hak.'s original bones... \. 11

bassiores in tibijs .ferociores niultum. On the Yak, perhaps the iypi6^ovs

of Cosmas Indicopleustes (XpiariaviKT) Toiroyf)a(j)ia or Christian Topography,

P* 335 Montfaucon; Migne, Patrologia Graeciv, Lxxxviii. 444), who is the
earliest Western author to give a colourable reference to this animal {c. a.d.
545). Cf. also Marco Polo, I. 266, 268 (Yule); Tarikh-i- Rashidi, 416 (Elias
and Ross).

6. {^Homes...^ streighi: in Hak.'s original cornua cutwsa. \. 25

7. Coupled: in Hak.'s original iniungi, a misreading for mungi, milked, as 1. 28
in Recueil text and best Mss.

8. The qualities of a Btiffe: in Hak.'s original naturam bubali — the nature 1. 29
of a buffalo, i.e. even fiercer than a bull's.

9. Next [...Tebet]: in Hak.'s original post. Cf. Carpini on Burithabet 1. 30
(Recueil, p. 658, where the plucking out of the beard, as still practised, is
described); also Rockhill, note 2, p. 151 of Hak. Soc. Ruhritck, where he

suggests the derivation of the name 'Tibet' or 'Tebet' from 'Teu-Beu,' the
native pronunciation of Stod Bod or ' Upper Tibet,' Bod or Ben being the proper
name of the country as a whole. On the cannibalism of the Tibetans, Carpini
(as quoted above), Rubruquis (here), and Marco Polo, i. 292 (Yule), are in
practical agreement; and even Rockhill, who doubts this charge, admits
Rubruquis' later statement as still true — tainen adhuc faciunt pulchros ciphos
de capitibiis...; cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, i. 82, 96; 11. 317, 640;
Rockhill, Ethnology of Tibet, 727, and note i, page 152 of Hak. Soc.
Rubruck; Bretschneider, Mediaez'al Researches, 11. 11 — 5, 204, 221, 224.

10. Iugures...roote of... Turkish...: no remark of Rubruquis has earned p. 233 1. 9
him more credit than this 'interesting and perfectly accurate statement.' Cf.
Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, i. 236 — 263, and esp. 237, 263.

11. Langa and Solanga : a nation (the Churche and Sulangka of Moslem 1. t©
writers) whose country, forming one of the 12 chief provinces of the Mongol

empire in East Asia, covered a great part of Eastern Manchuria and Northern
Korea. Cf. Carpini, pp. 636, 707, 756 of Recueil and note 2, chap. 29 of Carp,
in Hak. ; d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11. 478, 638 — 9; Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, I. 190, 224; ii. 157, 173 — 4 and note 574.

12. Little browne men like... Spaniards', in Hak.'s original parui homines ]. 13
etfusci sicut Hispani.

13. Sleeues: in Hak.'s original manicis. Vpper vestment is a trans, of 1. 15
superlunicale. Rub.'s remarks on these dresses and 'mitres' still apply

334 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

p. 28S exceedingly well for the most part to those of the Koreans. Certain minor

differences or inaccuracies are noted by Rockhill, note i, p. 153 of Hak. Soc.
Kubruck.

1. 19 14. But there hang dawm c«rtait%e square flappts: in Hak.'s original sed

sunt quadrat dtsuper. Rough and rugged, a little later, is a trans, of rigidato :
houer of se extcndunt.

1. 29 16. Table... handf ull : in Hak.'s original tabulam ['tablet' here]...z'«mj

cubiti : on these tablets cf. Friar Odoric, ch. 42; p. 378 in Cordier; 141 — 1
and Appendix I. p. xxxiv, in Yule, Cathay. They are the Awrt of the Chinese
and of extremely ancient use.

1. 31 16. Any other: in Hak.'s original alicui.

1. 37 17. Muc: Nunc in one MS. (E). Perhaps the aboriginal Mosso tribes of

Yun-nan, cf. Rockhill, note 7, p. 154 of Hak. Soc. Rnbruck.
?• aS4 1. 7 18. Great Cat haya... Seres: Cathay is here conjecturally identified with the

land of the Seres or Ancient China, as seen from the Land Side by Europe.
No Christian writer ventures on this suggestion before Rub.

Cf. Carpini's remarks on the Chinese or Cathayans. pp. 653 — 4 of Recuei/ text,
an admirable summary, injured chiefly by the tendency to consider them as
much like Christians, with an Old and New Testament, etc. (the Chinese Five
Classics and Four Books, Confucian Analects, etc.). See also Bretschneider,
Mediaeval Researches, i. 309, 115, 132; II. 281; Yule, Cathay, xxxiii., xxxiv.,
xxxvi — xlv.. cxxiv — cxxvii., etc.

The idea of the name of Seres coming from a certain town in the same
country is also in Isidore, Etymologies, XIV. iii. 29 (Seres oppidum OHentis a
quo et genus Seriaim et regio nuncupata est) ; in Migne, Patrologia Latinay
Lxxxii. 500.

The town with walls of silver and towers of gold was probably Singanfu.
At the end of Hak.'s text, non obediunt Moallis et inter, mss. A and C
(London, B. Mus., Reg. 14 C. XIil., C.C.C. Cam. 407) also end. D (giving
all the text as yet known, nearly as long again as Hak.'s) ends with copiosas
expensas (C.C.C. Cam. 181) like the Kecueil text, which is based on D. The
broken sentence ends \et inter] eos et Indiam interiacet mare. See critical
notes, pp. J95, 304.

The edition of Yule's Marco Polo referred to throughout this vol. is that of
1875 : the new issue of 1903 was published too late for use here. See page
305 of this vol.

On the Volga and its names, note also that of 'Tigris' given to it by Marco
Polo and the Xivth century Friar-traveller Pascal of Vittoria (a.d. 1338).
See page 289 of this vol.

In MS. E of Rubruquis the form 'Coir Chan' is given [for 'Con Can']:
this is probably the very form in which Rub. wrote 'Gur Khan.' See page 279
of this vol.

ADDITIONAL NOTES.

§ 8. Notes on Hakluyt's Version of...Carpini.

CHAPTER 2.

1. Ascelline: the form Ezzelino is given in Paolo Pansa, Life of
Innocent IV., 4th edition, Naples, 1598, p. 44. Guichard of Cremona and
Andrew of Longiimeau are said to have joined Ascelin's mission at Tiflis :
Longumeau had already travelled, according to some, as a missionary in the
East. Ascelin did not re-appear before the Pope who commissioned him till
1250, though dismissed by the Mongols in July, 1247.

4. lohn de Piano Carfini: in Wadding's Annales Minorum we find as
other forms of this name Carpinis (li. 4, 74, 75, 104), Cardinis (il. 5).

Wadding, Annales, li. 408. is prob. not a reference to Carpini, but to an-
other Joannes, though d'Avezac, Recueil, 477, conjectures, without sufficient
warrant, that they are the same.

Of the two letters of Innocent IV. to the Mongols only the shorter one
is printed by d'Avezac, in Recueil, 479 — 80. The longer is given by Wadding,
Annales, III. 116 — 7. It is addressed Regi et populo Tartaroruni; begins Dei
Patris immensa benignitas; and ends aut potentes alios misissemus. Both
letters are dated Lngd., Ill Non. Mart., anno II. The shorter letter is in
Wadding, Annales, iii. n8.

The following, among others, wrongly attribute Carpini's commission to
Council of Lyons; Wadding, Annales, in. 116, Scriptores, 221; Bzovius,
Annales Ecclesiastici (Cologne, 1616), Xlll. 542, 567; Bergeron, Traicti des
Tartares, 72. D'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, II. 209, wrongly makes Carpini
start in 1246 [for 1245].

Wadding, Scriptores, 221, mentions that Carpini had the companionship of
Stephen of Bohemia \cum Stephana Bohemo\ Sbaraglia's Supplementum et
Castigatio [opus posthumum Fr. Jo. Hyacinthi Sbaraleae, Rome, 1806] refers
to pp. 295 — 6 of a manuscript chronicle left by Salimbeni [now printed] as the
source of the description of Carpini, quoted p. 271 of this vol. Sbaraglia,
p. 452, gives the date of Carpini's death as April 12, 1253, but it was at least
4 months earlier.

CHAPTER 3.

3. Cracuritn, etc. : Joinville does not mention Karakorum, but vaguely
describes the pasture land of the Mongols and the rocks at which that pasture
land began, where the people of Got and Margoth were shut up : of. Histoire
du roi S. Louis, ed. Michel, 143.

CHAPTER 4.
6. Mares milke, etc. : in p. 109, 1. 38, Mill is for millet.

336 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

CHAPTER 5.

6. Great duke, etc. : on Yaroslav II. of Vladimir cf. also d'Ohsson, Histoire
des Mongols, li. 315 — 6.

CHAPTER 6.

2. Duke of Russia, etc. : on St Feodor cf. also d'Ohsson, Histoire des
Mongols, II. 216.

CHAPTER 8.

1. Count rie... called Mongol, etc. : Benedict the Pole, Recueil, 774, expressly
terms himself the interpres of the party: this alone accounts for Carpini's
strength in Slavonic matters.

The Merkit or Merghed are also known as Uduyut.

5. Chingis: the name means 'strong,' 'firm,' from Chink, and is really
a plural. Chingiz Khan =' Khan of strengths,' ace. to d'Ohsson, Histoire des
Mongols, I. 99.

6. The Naimani, etc. : Rubruquis, in Recueil, 295, declares Naimani
erant proprii homines Freshyteri Johannis.

CHAPTER 9.

2. Huyri, etc. : on the earlier history of the Uigurs cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire
des Mongols, I. 3, 107 — 109. They were subject to the Chinese between
c. A.D. 630 and 745: in the middle of the Vlilth century Buku Khan founded
an empire destroyed by the Chinese and Kirghiz about 847 : in the vith
century the Uigur country apparently formed part of the dominion of the
Turkish Khans (Dizabul, etc.) who carried on so lively an intercourse with the
Byzantines.

6. Hudirat: the Voyrat lived in the basin of the Upper Yenisei: their
special habitat was along ' 8 streams ' which formed the river Kem.

CHAPTER 10.

3. India Maior...Presbiter lohn : Joinville defines the ' Emperor of Persia's
land ' as coming 'after' Prester John's, and describes the Tartars gathering ««</r^jV
\vis h f/j] la terre P...J.... Cf. also d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 54—8,
60—3, 66 — 8, 78—83, 435, on Unc, Ong, Ung, or Wang Khan, prince of the
Keraits; this personage was certainly one element in the Prester John story ;
Chingiz Khan himself was another; the Gur Khan of the Kara-kitai was a third,
the most definite and important of all ; while a fourth was the conversion of the
Keraits to Nestorian Christianity in c. 1007—8, reported not only by Abul-Faraj,
but also by Mares the Syrian [in Assemani, Bibl. Orient., III. 484].

CHAPTER II.

3. Burithabelh, etc. : d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 82, also cites the
form Buri-tibet from the Janti-ut- Tevarikh.

CHAPTER 13.

1. Lande of Kergis : cf. also d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, I. 3, 6, 8,
103 — 4, note. The Kirghiz between Selenga, Angara, Baikal, and Little Altai,
were vassals of China in the viith century: in 759 submitted to the Uigurs (Buku
Khan, etc.) : about 840 became independent and founded a short-lived 'empire.'
The name X^px" occurs in Menander Protector's account of Zemarchus' vith
century embassy to the Turks, when Dizabul gave Z. a slave of this race.

ADDITIONAL NOTES. 337

CHAPTER 15.

S. Countrie...Bisermini, etc. : Pushkin has a story The Basurman {heretic),
and in his tale The Undertaker the expression Bastirmane is used for ' scoundrels,'
'ruffians.' Correct refs. to d'Avezac and d'Ohsson here are: — Kecueil, IV. 501
— 5; Histoire ties Mongols... II. 279 — 82.

8. Barchin, etc. : note also form Eschnass for Omas.

8. Out of Russia, etc.: the 270,000 ears are from Abul-Faraj.

7. Morduans, etc. : d'Ohsson's extracts from the Tarikh-Jihankushai and
Jami-ut- Tevarikh are esp. important for the history of the Mongol campaigns
in the Volga basin.

CHAPTER 21.

2. Bathy, etc.: Batu's title of Aka or Aga signified 'Elder Brother.'
Ruhruquis in Recueil, 307, makes Mangu say sicut sol est ubique diffundens
radios suos, ita tnea potentia et ipsius Baatu diffundit se undique [not in
Hak.].

7. Volga, etc. : Rubruquis, in Recueil, 378, says plainly Sarai quae est
nova villa quam fecit Baatu super Ethiliam [not in Hak.]. This town of Old
Sarai, though usually assumed to have been at or close to Tsarev (on the
Akhtuba or Eastern arm of the Volga, in the lowest part of its course) and
practically in the latitude of Tsaritsin, may have been at a site lower down
the Volga delta, perhaps at Selitrennoye Gorodok or 'Saltpetre-Township,'
about 70 miles above Astrakhan, also on the Akhtuba. In this case, the ruins
at Tsarev would probably answer to New Sarai, founded about 1333 — 43 and
destroyed by Timur 1396. Cf. Yule's Marco Polo (new edition by Cordier,
1903), Prologue, chap, il., note i.

10. Exonerate, etc. : for similar errors of antiquity, Maeotid Marshes
supposed to flow into Caspian, Oxus to be upper course of Tanais, etc, cf.
Plutarch's Lives, Life of Alexander, 44, 46; Arrian, De exped. Alex., III. 30, 13 ;
Quintus Curtius, De reb. gest. Alex., Vll. 4, 7; Pliny, Hist. Nat. VI. 18.

CHAPTER 23.

10. Iberia... Cathes, etc.: on the Cathi c{. d'Avezac, in Recueil, 495.

13. Kaugittae : the Canglae or Kangittae are called by Rubruquis quae-
dam parenlela Comanoruni : see Recueil as cited in orig. note. On Canglae
and Kipchak Turks see also d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, l. 197, note.

CHAPTER 26.

7. Sonnes . . .of . . .king of Georgia, etc. : d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, 11.
196 — 7, gives a list of envoys present at Kuyuk's election, extracting from the
Tarikh-Jihankushai z.ViA Jami-ut- Tevarikh, which refer to Frank ambassadors
present at the place of Kuyuk's election. By this no doubt Carpini and Benedict,
and perhaps Baldwin of Hainault, are intended.

CHAPTER 29.

1. Chingay, etc. : on Chingai, and other ministers and notaries of Kuyuk's,
esp. Nestorians, cf. d'Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, Ii. 234 — 5.

CHAPTER 33.

4. Holde... Pope for... Lord: on these Russian promises cf. Oderic Rinaldi,
Annales Eccles., 11. 408 — 9; Bzovius, Annales Eccles., xiii. 567.

H. 22

338 THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, etc.

§ lo. Notes on Hakluyt's Version of Rubruquis.

CHAPTER I.

1. IVilliam de Rubntk, etc. : in Jean Pierre Sarrasin Ikhikadai is Eteltay,
or Ethcltay. See refs. in orig. note.

6. Gasaria, etc. : in Jordanus we have Osbet quod vacatur Gatzaria. See
ref. in orig. note.

26. Bartholomerv...Goset, etc.: the form Gossel is preferred by the Recueil
editors, 3i8.

28. Promontories... Got hes, etc.: these Goths of the Crimea are also noticed
in Monte Corvino's Letters from China (Jan. 8, 1305], recommending the despatch
of Latin missionaries by this route, di via notijico quod per terram Gatherum
imperatoris aquilonarium Tartarorum est via brevior et securior.

SO. Comanians, etc. : on date of Kalka battle cf. also Karamzin's Russian
History, ill. aa;, 236: d'Ohsson adopts date of May 31, 1113.

CHAPTER 3.

1. Southward, etc : on the reverence paid to the South by Tartars cf. also
Carpini, Recueil, 6jo, 6a 1, 756, 758.

2. The like...idolatrie: cf. Benedict in Recueil, 775, on the aurea statua
imperatoris, which he and Carpini were compelled to bow before.

CHAPTER 6.

4. Caracosmos : the mares kept for milking were often a valued article of
tribute to Mongol princes, etc.

CHAPTER 7.

6. Cataya, etc. : Carpini's purpura seems to have been samite, cf. Benedict
in Recueil, 777.

CHAPTER 8.

6. Botta: on the Bogtak cf. also d'Avezac in Recueil, 524 — 5, and refs.
there.

CHAPTER 11.

12. lohn de Piano, etc.: Benedict's full account of the necessary dress is
induti et ipsi desuper tunicas suas baldekina . . .quia nulli nuntiarum nisi accurate
vestiti vultum regis... licuit intueri. See ref. in orig. note.

CHAPTER 23.

2. Pascatir, etc. : Benedict's phrase is Bascardos, qui sunt antiqui Ungari.
See ref. in orig. note.

CHAPTER 24.

6. Chingis, etc. : add Carpini in Recueil, 624.

CHAPTER 26.

I. lugures, etc.: add Carpini in Recueil, 651.

CHAPTER 28.

II. Langa...Solanga: d'Ohsson considers Soulangca to be the partie
cultivee du pays des Tchourtches. See ref. in orig. note.

INDEX.

The numbers refer to the pages of the present edition only.

Affrica, daughter of Fergusius of Gal-
way, 23

Agatha, daughter of Henry, German
Emperor, 18, 19

Alans, Alani, Alanians, Acias, Acas,
Akas, Alania [Ossetia, Ossetians],
country and people of Caucasus, 87,
122; 97, 133; 159-60, 202-3; 164,
209; 169, 215; 170, 216; 171, 217;
290, 318-9

Albania [in Caucasia], 171, 217 ; 324

Aleppo, town and sultanate of, 89, 123 ;
see also 292

Alexander [the Great], 'Alexander's
Walles,' 175, 223

Alexander [II], King of Scotland, 27,

31
Alexander [III], King of Scotland, 31,

Alfred [Alfred the Great], King of
England, 8, 237-41

Altisoldan, Altisoldanus, Soldan Alti,
a potentate of West Central Asia,
overthrown by Mongols [i.e. the
Khwarezm Shah], 87, 121 ; 97, 133;
283

Andreas [Andrew of Longumeau], Friar-
traveller, 168, 214; 170, 217; 272,
305 ; 322, 324, 325, 329

Andreas [Andrew of Chernigov], Duke
of Russia, 78, III ; 273

Anglesey, 6, 22, 236, 237, 244

Armenia, Armenians, 88-9, 123 ; 97,
133; 286

Artak [Argali or Ovis Poli], 152, 194,

Arthur, King of Britain, i, 2, 3, 4, 5

Ascelline, Ascelin [Anselm], Friar-
traveller, envoy from Pope Innocent
IV to Tartars, 74, 107 ; 269-70

Astar [Laskaris], son of Vastacius [John
Vataces], 145, 185 ; 307

Austria, Duke of, his defence of Neu-

stadt against the Tartars, with help
of ' King of Bohemia, Patriarch of
Aquileia, Duke of Carinthia, and Earl
of Baden,' 40, 248-9

Bala, Mongol court-secretary, 104, 141 ;
294

Baldach [Bagdad], Caliph and realm
of, 89, 123 ; 97, 133 ; 100, 136 ; 286

Baldwine of Renault [Baldwin of Hai-
nault], traveller in the Mongol Em-
pire, contemporary of Carpini, 165,
210; 305, 320

Barchin [Karkin? city on Sjnr Daria?],
87, 121, 283

Bargenland, Blekingie, Meere, Eland
[Bornholm, Bleking, Moehre, Oe-
land], II, 240

Bartholomew of Cremona, Friar-tra-
velier, companion of Rubruquis, 146,
187, 308

Bathy, Baty, Baatu, Batu, Bati, son of
Thossut [Juji] and grandson of
Chingiz Khan, Tartar Prince and
General, and founder of the Western
sub-kingdom [Kipchak, Golden
Horde, etc.], 86, 120; 87, 121; 92,
127; 94-6, 130-2; 98,134; 99' 135;
106, 143; 146-7, 186-7; 148. 189;
152, 193; 157, 200; 162, 206-7;
166-7, 212-3; 169-174, 215-221;
177. 225; 178-9, 226-7; '282, 283,
288-9, 291. 325

Beau mont, Beaumont, John de, 172,
219 ; 326

Beda [the Venerable Bede], English
historian, 5, 6, 7, 236-7

Benedict, 'a Folonian,' the Polish com-
rade of Carpini, 75, 107, 270-1, 289,

309. 321, 325
Berca, Berta [Berke, Bereke], Tartar
Prince, brother of Batu, 86, 120;
169, 216 ; 282, 323

340

INDEX.

Bertus, Bert, Northumbrian General, 7
Biarmes, Biarmla [Biarmia, Permia],

people and country of White Sea

Basin, etc., 9, 238
Bisermini [mispronunciation of ' Musul-

man,' used for Moslems of Central

Asia in Carpini ; their language Ku-

man, or like Kuman], 87, i^i ; 97,

133; 271, 283
Bohemia, Bohemians, king, country,

and people of, 92, 127 ; 106, 143;

287
Bolac [Pulad or Bolo, near Lake

Sairam in Zungaria], 178, 226; 329
Boleslaus, Duke of Slesia, 92, 127; 287
Bracton, Henry, jurist, 34, 35, 247
Brutaches, Jewish Caucasian race, 97,

'33 ; ^90-'
Bulgaria Minor, Bulgarians, state and
people of Balkan Peninsula, 144-5,
184-5; 169, 215; 175, 223; 307,

3n. 328

Bulgaria Magna, Bulgarians, Byleri,
state and people of Volga Basin, near
modern Kazan, 88, 122; 97, 133
[Morduyni Byleri by mistake]; 153,
194 ; 164, 209 ; 170, 216 ; 171, 217 ;
175, 222-3; '85, 324

Burin, Hurin, Ban [Buri], Tartar Prince,
98, 133; 177-8,226; 329: see Hurin

Burithabeth, country and people of
Tibet, 84, 118; 182-3, '3'-3; 280-
I. 333

Cailac [Kayalik, near Kopal?], 178-9,
227-8 [merchants and idol temples
atj; 3.^0

Canow [Kanev on Dnyepr], 93, 1 28 ;
287

Canutus, Kanutus [Cnut], King of Eng-
land, 18, 19

Carpini, Johannes de Piano [Giovanni
del Pian di Carpine], Friar-traveller
'unto the northeast parts of the
world,' 42-106 [Latin texts]; 107-
144 [English version]; 249-295
[notes]: see esp. 270-1 ; 92, 127,
commencement of Carpini's journey

Carpini mentioned by Rubruquis, really
under name of John of Polycarp, 172,
218; 325. For certain special merits
of Carpini, see p. 328

Caspian Mts [Caucasus], 84-5, 1 18-19 »
170, 216

Caspian Sea : see Hircan Sea

Cathay : see Kythay

Cathes [Kakhetians], 97, 133; 290

Caucasus, 175, 223 ; 177, 226; 318, 329:
see Caspian Mts

Cave-men, defeat Tartars in legend, 85,

Chagatai : see Thiaday

Changlae, Cangle, 170, 216; 174, 222 ;

'75> 223; 324, 326 : see Kangittae
Chingay [Chinkai], chief secretary of

Kuyuk Khan, 102, 139; 104, 141 ;

'93. 294
Chingis, Cyngis [Chingiz, Jenghiz,
Ghenghiz], Great Khan of Tartars,
founder of Tartar or Mongol Empire,
80-6, 114-20; 87, 121 ; 89-90, 124-
5 ; 98, 134; 102, 138; 169, 214-5;
176,224-5; 182,232; 275,281,293,

Christina, 19

Circassi [Cherkesses, Circassians], 97,

1 33 ; 290 : see Kergis
Clito Edgar [Eadgar the ^Etheling], tS,

244
Coiat, Coiac, Nestorian courtier of

Sartach's, 165, 209; 166-7, ^12-3;

3'9

Colan [Kulan, wild ass of Central Asia],
177. 225, 328

Comania, land of the Comani, Coma-
nians [Komans or Kumans], 88, 122-
3; 94-7, 130-.^; 106, 143; 147, 1S7;
156, 199 ; t62, 206 [funeral cus-
toms of]; 158-201 ; people also called
Capthac [Kipchak] ; also Valani ' by
Dutch men,' and their land Valania,
or, in Isidore, Alania, 161, 205 ; 164,
209; 174, 221 \_Komanes on p 222
for Comanes\ ; Kuman language, 1 83,
233 ; also see pp. 288-9, '9i» S'Si
3'5. 326 .

Con Can, King of Karakitai, 'when the
Frenchmen tooke Antioch,' 168, 213
[Turks call upon him for aid against
Crusaders] ; 321

Conradus, Duke of Lautiscia [Lenczy],
92, 127 ; 2K7

Constantinople, 95, 1 30 [Bosphorus here
called Arm of St George], 145-6,
185-6; 159-202; 289, 308,314

Contonianni [mistake for Turcomanni],
197, 227

Corrensa [Korenza, Kurancha], Tartar
Prince and General, 86, 120; 94-5,
129-131 ; 96, 132; 106, 143; 281-2,
288

Cosmas, Russian goldsmith, 104, 141 ;
294

Cosmos [Kumiss] and Cara-Cosmos,
how made by Tartars, 15 1-2, 192-3 :
see also 12, 241, 310, 31 1, 314

Cracurim, Caracarum [Karakorum,
Kara-Kuren], Tartar capital, 75, 108;
168, 214; 180, 229; 182, 2.^2; 272

Cuyne, Cuynth, Ken Can [Kuyuk],
Great Khan of Tartars at time of
Carpini's visit, son of Okkodai, grand-
son of Chingiz, 86, 120; 96, 132 ; 98,
134; 99. '35-6; 100-105, 137-142;

INDEX.

341

168, 514; 171, 718; a8i, 192, 293,

Cyclopetles, Cyclopodes, fabulous race
near Armenia, 88-9, 123 ; 286

Cyrp<xlan [Charmaghan], 86, 120; 88,
123 ; 282, 286

Daniel [Danil], brother of ' Wasilico,'
Duke of Russia, 92, 127 ; 106, 143 ;

287. ^95

Danilon [Danilov in Ukraine], 92, 128;
287

Danubius, 145, 185; 147, 188; 161,
205

David, son of King of Georgia, 79, 112

Dee [Dr John], 12, 241-3

Denmark, Dacia, 2, 10, 11, 240

Derbent, Iron Gate of, 164, 209 ; 169,
216; 171, 217; 319: see Alexander

Deurum, land of Sultan of Rilm or
Iconium, 89, 123 ; 286, 292

Dog-shaped races of Monsters, repel
Tartars, 83-4, 11 7-8: a similar race
in Far IS'orth, 88, 122 ; 97, 133 ; 285

Don river, 95, 130; 284, 289-90: see
Tanais

Dopnald, son of Tade, 21, 246

Dubgal [Dufgall], son of Sumerled, 24,
246

Duina [Northern Dvina], river flowing
into White Sea, 8, 238

Dulgallus, Raignaldus, Engus, and
Olauus, sons of Olaf of Man, 23

Dunstan, Athelvvold [^^th-], and Os-
wald, bishops, 1 7

Dutch [i.e. Germans, Teutonici], 105,
142 ; 147, 187 ; 161, 205 ; 163, 208 ;
178, 226 [German captives, men-
tioned by Friar Andrew of Longu-
meau]; 316, 317, 329

Eastland, ' or Lithuania,' Easterlings
[Esthonia, Esthonians], 11, 12, 241

Eastmeere [Frisches Half], 11, 241

Ecfridus, ' King of Northumberland '
[Ecgfrith], 7

Edgar, ^dgarus [Eadgar], King of
England, 12-18, 241-3

Edric, Edricus, 19, 244

Edward, King of England [the Con-
fessor], 4, 19, 33, 34, 244

Edward and Edmund, sons of Edmund
Ironside, 18, 19, 244

Edward I, King of England, 33, 34, 35,
38

Edwin, 'the Saxon King of Northumber-
land ' [Eadwine], 5, 6, 236

Eldegay, 'agent' of Batu, 95, 131

Equius [near Kopal in Semiryechensk?],

178, 227 ; 330

Florentius * Wigomiensis ' [Florence of

Worcester], Early English chronicler,
12, 18, 241-2, 244
Fynnes, Terfynnes [Finns] , 8, 9, 10,
238-9

Galfridus Monumetensis, Geoffrey of
Monmouth, fabulist, i, 5, 235, 236-7

Gasaria, Gazaria, Cassaria, Caesaria,
Gasarians, Gazari [corruptions of
'Khazaria,' and 'Khazars,' used in
Rubruquis and Carpini for the
country and people of the Crimea
and neighbourhood], 87, 122 ; 97,
133 ; 144-5, 184-5 ; 161, 205 ; 180,
229; 290, 306, 315

Geoffrey of Monmouth : see Galfridus
Monumetensis

Georgia, land, people, and royal family
of, 77, no; 79, 112; 89, 123; 97,
133; 100. '36; 170. 217; 273-4,
291, 307 : see Ilieria

Ghenghiz Khan : see Chingis

Godred, son of Syrric, and his son
Fingal, 19 : see also 246

Godredus, Godred, surnamed 'Crouan,'
son of Harald the Black, 19, 20, 246

Godredus, son of Olauus [Olaf] of Man,
23-25, 246

Goset, Gosset, companion of Rubruquis,
146, 187 ; 173, 220 ; 308, 326

Gothes, 'who spake Dutch' [Germans
in Crimea], 147, 187 ; 308-9

Gotland, Gothland, Gotlandia, Gut-
landia, i, 2, 3, 4, 11, 240

Great Sea, Grecian Sea, Pontus [Euxine
or Black Sea], 95, 130-1 ; 144, 184 ;
163, 207 ; 164, 209 ; 289-90, 305

Greenland, Grenlandia, 3, 4

Grimislaua, Grimslaua [Gremislawa],
Duchess of Cracow, 92, 127 ; 287

Guydo of Trebizond, 145, 185 ; 307

Haco, King of the Islands, 29, 245
Haco, King of Norway, 29, 31
Harald [Harold], son of Godwine, 19,

32, 33. 246

Harald, 'Harfager,' 'Harfagre' [mis-
take for ' Hardrada '], King of Nor-
way, 19, 21, 244, 246

Haraldus, King of Man and the Islands,
30, 246

Haraldus, ' sonne of Godred Don,' King
of the Islands, 31, 246

Hebrides, ' Western Islands,' 7

Helgoland, Halgoland, Halogaland,
Northern district of Norway, 8, 10,

237-9

Henry III, King of England, 34, 35, 38

Hetha, ^Et-Haethum, 'which seemeth

to be Wismer, or Rostocke ' [really

Schleswig], 10, 11, 239-40

Hircan Sea, otherwise Caspian, 164,

342

INDEX.

209; 170, 216-7; 175, 312; 177,
226; 318, 324

Houeden [Roger Hoveden], Early Eng-
lish chronicler], 12, 242

Hubert of Borough [de Burgh], 38

Hubilai [Kublai], Tartar Prince, after-
wards Great Khan of Tartars, suc-
cessor of Mangu, 86, 120, 282

Hudirat [Voyrat, Oirat], 82, ir5, 277

Hugo, Earl in Anglesey, 22

Hungaria Magna, land of the Bastarci
[Bashkirs], in Volga Basin, 88, 122;
97> 13.^; otherwise called Pascatir,
153. 194; 175.. 2^2-3. ^85, 327

Hungary, Hungarians, 39,40; 86,120;
88, 122 ; 93, 129 ; 96, 131 ; 97, 133;
103, 140; 161, 205; 170,216; 174,
221 ; 175, 223 [identified with Pan-
nonia] : see also pp. 248, 284, 285,
290, 326

Hunnes, identified with Hungarians,

175. "3 ; 3'7

Hurin and Cadan [Burin and Kadan],
Tartar Princes and Generals, 86, 1 20 ;
98, 133 ; 282 : see Burin

Huyri, lugures [Uigurs], Nestorian
Christians, people of Central Asia,
82, 1 1 5 [misprinted Huynorum.Huini,
75, 108] ; taught art of writing to
Mongols, 82, 115; 179, 228; 181,
230; 182-3, 232-3; 271, 272, 277,
330-3

laec, Yaik, lagac [Ural river], 95, 130 ;
175, 222, 289-90, 327

lames of Galicia, St [the shrine at Com-
postella], 27, 42 [pilgrimages to, re-
corded], 245, 249

Iberia, Hiberia, Iberi, Hiberi [Georgia,
Georgians], 97, 133; 144, 184 ['a
province of Georgia']; 145, 185 ; 290:
see Georgia

leroslaus, lerozlaus, of Susdal or Soldal
[Yaroslav of Suzdal], Duke of Russia,
97. 133; 100, 136; 103, 140; 273,
294. 295

lerusalem, Hierusalem, 97, 133; 173,
220

Using, Ilfing [Elbing river], 11, 241

India Maior, ruled by Presbyter John,
83, 117, 278-80

India Minor, inhabited by Black Sara-
cens, called /Ethiopians, 83, 117, 278

Ingemundus, 21, 246

lohn [de] Curcy, 25, 26, 245

lohn, King of England, 26

Iraland, Hybemia [Ireland], i, 2, 3, 4,
5, 7, 20, 21, 22, 23

Isidore, St, of Seville, Father of the
Church and encyclopaedist, 88-9,
123; 161, 205; 170-1, 217; 175,
223; 286, 315, 324, 327

Island [Iceland], i, 2, 3, 4, 5
lutland [Jutland], 10, 239-40

Kadac [Kadak], ' principal agent ' of
Tartar Empire under Kuyuk Khan,
104. 141 ; 294

Kangittae [Kankli, Rubruquis' Chan-
glae], 97, 133, 291 : see Changlae

Karakitay, Karakitai, Karakytayans,
Black Kythayans, people and empire
of Central Asia, 81, 114; 98, 134;
168, 214 ; 276, 321, 330

Karanites [branch of Mongol race], 82,

115. 277
Kenchat [Kinchat, Kenjek], 177,225;

329. 330

Kergis, Kersis, Cergis, term used both
for Circassians and Kirghiz, and their
respective countries, 84, 118; 153,
194; 164, 209; 169, 215; 281, 286,
311, 318, 323

Kersoua [for Kersona, i.e. Kherson,
Cherson], the modern Sevastopol in
Crimea, traditional scene of martyr-
dom of St Clement, 145-6, 185-7;
306

Kherson : see Kersoua

Kiow, Kiouia [Kiev], 'chief city of
Russia,' 87, 122; 92, 127-8; 94,
130; 106, 143, 284

Kuyuk : see Cuyne

Kythay, Kitay, Cathay, Cataya, Kythay-
ans, country and people of North
China, 75, io8 ; 81-2, 115-6; 103,
'40; •53> 194 [trade in silk and
cloth from]; 169, 215; 180, 229;
183, 234; 271, 276-7,311, 331,334:
' Dukes of Kythayans,' 100, 136

L.ngman, Harald, and Olauus [Olaf],
sons of Godred 'Crouan,' 20 [see
also Olauus]

Lambard, Lambert [Lambarde],
William, historian and antiquary, 3,

33. 23.i-6, 247-8

Langland, Layland, Falster, and Sconie
[Langland, Laaiand,...Sconeg], ji,
240

Lesgi [I.azi?], Saracen race of Caucasia,
near Caspian in thirteenth century,
164, 209; 170, 216 ; 319

Lewis [Louis IX (St) of France], Ru-
bruquis' sovereign and patron, to
whom his narrative is addressed, 144,
184; 272, 305

Lituanians, Lithuanians, 92, 128 ; 287

Maeotis Fens, stretching to Northern
Ocean, 163, 207; 171, 217; 317

Magnus ['Barefoot'], King of Norway,
21-3, 246

INDEX.

343

Magnus, son of Olauus [Olaf], King of
Man and the Islands, 31, 246

Malcolm, King of Scots, 7c,

Maljjo, 'King of England,' 5, 336

Man, Isle of, 6

Mancherule [mistake for Onankerule,
i.e. the basins of the Onon and
Kerulen, head-streams of the Amur],
169, 215 ; 271, 323

Mangu : see Mengu

Margaret, Queen of Scots, 19

Maricandis [for Mare Tanais], 145,
185; 162, 206 [true reading], 307,
3«6, 317

Matriga, Materta[Taman or Phanagoria
in laman Peninsula, at entrance of
Sea of Azov], 145, iS.s, 307

Matlhaeus Westmonasteriensis, Mat-
thew of Westminster, Karly English
chronicler, 15, 241-3

Matthew Parise [ Paris], English chroni-
cler, 33, 39, 248

Melich, son of King of Georgia, 79,
112

Mengu, Mangu [Meungke], Great Khan
of Tartars at time of Rubruquis' visit,
son of Tuiui, and grandson of Chingiz,
86, 120; 156, 198; 168, 214; 170,
217; '73-4' 220-2; 177,225; 178-
9, 226-7; 180, 230; 272, 282, 313,

329

Merclas [for Merdas], Merdui, Mord-
vins : see Morduans

Merkat and Metrit, Mongol tribes ;
otherwise Merkit, Mekrit, Crit, Me-
crit, etc., 80-1, 114; 168,214; 271,
275. 322

Michaeas, Tartar Governor in Ukraine,
93, 128; 287

Mongols : see Tartars

Montij [Mauci], Tartar General, 86,
120; 95, 130; 96, 132; 106, 143;
282, 289

Morduans, Morduyni [Mordvins], Fin-
nish race in Volga Basin, 88, 122;

97. 133 ; 164, 208, 285, 290, 318

Mountaineirs [Montanorum, mistake for

Moravians, Moravorum], 93, 129 ;

288
Moxel, 153, 194; 164, 208; 318
Muc [tribe of Yunnan?], 183, 233; 334
Murecardus O-Brien, ' Murecard,' King

of Ireland, 20-t, 22 ; another, 24
Musihet [Mulihet], Land of Assassins,

to South of Caspian, 170, 216; 292,

324

Naimani, Naymani, Naimans, people
and country of North Central Asia,
75, 108; 81, 114; 98, 134; form
Yayman in Rubruquis, 168, 214: see
also 275, 276, 291-2, 321

Neper [Dnyepr river], 94, 130 ; 288-9,
earliest notices of Dnyepr, in Anony-
mous Geographer of Ravenna, etc.,
290

Nestorians, 168, 214 ; 169, 215-6 ; 173,
221 ; 179-80, 227-9; '^2, 232; 321,

323. 331-3

Nicolas, puer Ntcolaus, Rubruquis' ser-
vant, 146, 187

Norman, Normans, Northmen, Norway,
8, 10

Occoday, Okkodai, Ogodai, Great Khan
of Tartars, son of Chingiz, 81, 114;
his city of Chanyl in land of Kara-
kitai, 81, 114: see also 86, 120; 87,
121; 102, 138; 272, 276, 293 'fflp

Octher, Ohthere, Norse explorer of Far
North, narrative reported by Alfred
the Great, 8-1 1, 237-40

Olauus [Olaf of Man], son of Godredus
'Crouan,' 20, 21, 23. 246

Olauus, ' King and Martyr ' [St Olaf of
Norway], 21-2, 244

Olauus, King of Man and the Islands,

25-.W 245- 246
Ordu [Hordu], Tartar Prince and

General, 86, 120; 98, 134; 282
Organum, Organa [Principality forming

part of Mongol empire, in Semirye-

chensk], 179, 227-8, 330
Orna, Omas [city answering either to

Azov at mouth of Don or to point on

Lower Syr Daria near Otrar], 87, 122,

284
Osibel, 24
Othor and Macmaras, chieftains in Man,

21, 244

Parossits, fabulous people of Far North,

88, 122; 97, 133; 285
Paulinus, missionary, 6
Paye, Henry, English freebooter, 39
Persia [trade in silk and cloth from],

153, 194; 164, 209; 169, 216; 170,

216 ; 178, 227 ; 311
Phingola, 'daughter of Maclotlen, son

of Murkartac,' King of Ireland, 25
Pol, son of Boke, ' Vicount of Sky,' 27,

28, 245
Polonians, Polonia [Poles, Poland], 88,

122; 92, 127; 93, 129; ro6, 143;

161, 205
Presbyter [Prester] John, 83, 117 ; 168,

214; 182, 232 ; 278-80, 321
Prussia, conquered by ' Dutch knights

of the Order of Saint Maries hos-

pitall of lerusalem,' i6r, 205 ; 316 :

on the Old Prussians, see also 11,

12, 240-1

Queenes, Queeneland (Cwens, Owen-

344

INDEX.

land), shorelands of Gulf of Bothnia,
and tribes of these coasts, lo, 239

Ranulphus Cestrensis [Ranulf Higden],
Early English chronicler, 14, 242

Reginald, son of Olauus, King of Man
and the Islands, 31, 246

Reginaldus, Olauus, and Vuarus, sons of
Godred of Man, 25, 26-30, 245

Regnaldus, Lagmannus, and Haraldus,
sons of Olaf of Man, 23 ; Reginald,
25

Richard, Earl of Pembroke, 25

Rubruquis, Rubruk, William de [Guil-
laume de Rubrouck], Friar-traveller
'unto the East parts of the world,'
144-83 [Latin text]; 184-234 [Eng-
lish version] ; 295-334 [notes] : see
esp. 304, 305 : also 320 [on Rub.'s
knowledge of Eastern languages]

Russia, Great Duke and Dukes of, 77 ;
no; 78, in; 92. 127; 97, 133; 273;
clergy of, their legends, Carpini's in-
formants, 83, 117; 280 ; land of, 88,
122; 92, 127-8; 97, 133; 106, 143;
145. '85 ; ^f'i, 194; 161,205; 163,
207 ; 284, 306, 316 ; language of, 95,

131
Russians, Rutheni, 87, 132; 92, 128;
159-60, 202-4; 162, 207; 163, 208
[Russian dress, etc.] ; 169,215; 170,
216; 171, 217 ; 180, 229 [use of great
bells]; 315,317

Salomon, King of Hungary, 19, 244
Samogetae, Samoyedes of Far North,

88, 122 ; 97, 133; 285
Saracens : see Bisermini
Sarguit, city, 87, 121, 283
Sartach [Sartakh], Tartar Prince, son

of Bat u, 145-6, 186-7; >57-6o, 200-
■ 7, 204; 162, 206-7; 163-70, 172-3,

208-15, 218-21; 308, 319
Saruyur [Yellow Uigurs], 82, 115, 277.
Saxo Grammaticus, Danish historian,

3». 246
Scacati, Scacatai, Tartar Prince, kinsman

of Batu, 157-60, 200-4; 314 [same

as Cadan or Kadan ?]
Scirings hall, ' about Elsenborg,' 10,

II, 239-40
Sclauonia, Sclauonians, 175, 223: see

Vandals
Scythia, 97, 133; 147, 188
Sein [Seine] at Paris, compared to Don

or Tanais and to Volga or Etilia,

163, 207; 170, 216 ; 317, 323
Seroctan [Surukten], mother of Mangu

Khan, 86, 120; 282, 323
Siba, Syban [Shiban], Tartar Prince,

brother of Batu, 86, 120; 98, 133
Silland, Seland [Zealand], n, 240

Simon de Sanct. Quintin, Simon of
St Quentin, Friar-travelier, companion
of Friar Ascelin in mission to Tartars,
74. 75. 107. 267-70, 288, 292, 316,
3»5

Sogur, 152, 194

Solangi, people and country of Man-
churia and Korea, 75, 108; 100, 136;
102, 139; * Langa and Solanga,'
183 : see also 233; 271, 293, 333

Soldaia [Sudak], port in Crimea, Sol-
daians, 145-7, '85-8; 158-9, 200-2 ;
169, 215 ; 306, 308

Solonia [in Hak.'s original Solonoma,
perhaps mistake for Sclavonia], 145,
185, 307-8

Stephan [Stephen] Langton, Archbishop
of Canterbury, 38

Suevi, 145, 185 ; 307

Sumerledus, Sumeried [Somerled or
Somhairle], King of ' Argile' [Herer-
gaidel], 23, 24, 246

Su Mongal [Mongol], 'Water Mongols,'
80, 114 ; ^7'. ^75

Sweno, Swegen, Swend, King of Den-
mark, 32, 33

Swethland, Sweden, 10, 11, 239

Sybeday, Subutai, Subudai, Great Mon-
gol General and Prince, 86, 120, 282

Synopolis [Sinope], 144-5, '84-5 ; 305-6

Syra Orda, residence of Great Khan of
Tartars, 75, 108; 100, 137; 272-3

Talas [Aulie-Ata?], 177, 226; 329

Tanais [Don river], 145, 185 ; 146,
187; 161, 205; 162, 206 ['diuideth
Asia from Europa...as Nilus disioyn-
eth Asia from Africa']; 164,209; 171,
"7; 307. 3'5. 3'6. 3'8: see Don
and Maricandis

Tangut [Ilia; in modern Kansu and
N, Tibet], 182-3, 232-3 ; 333

Tartars, Mongols, Mongals, ' Moal,'
in wide sense the tribes that followed
Chingiz Khan, 39-42 [their attack on
Neustadt : description of their man-
ners, appearance, etc.]; 43, 107; 44-
74, 75-106, 108-143 ICarpini's ac-
count of, and journey in Empire of] ;
145. '85; 146-83, 186-234 [Rubru-
quis' account of, and journey in
Empire of]

Tartars, in narrower sense, equivalent
to Su Mongal or Water Mongols, 80,
114; river of same name, 80, 114;
language of, 95, 131 ; proper country
of, entered by Carpini, 99, 1 35 ;
Tartars distinguished by some from
Mongols, the origin of both described,
168-9, 2'.?-5J notes on Tartars or
Mongols, their empire. Khans, Princes,
customs, etc., 269-94 [Carpini]; 305-

INDEX.

345

33 [Rvibruquis] , esp. a?!-!, 322-3

[names of ' Mongol ' and ' Tartar ']
Tebet, Tibet : see Burithabeth
Thiaday, Thyaday [Chagatai], son of

Chingiz Khan, 86, 120; 98, 134;

281, 292
Thorfinus, son of Oter, 24
Thossut [Juji], son of Chingiz Khan,

83, 116; 86, 120; 278
Tirbon, Tartar General, 95, 130; 289
Trapesunda [Trebizond], 145, 185; 307
Trebizond : see Trapesunda.
Trusco ' about Dantzig,' Fruso [by

misprint ; really Truso on Lake Truso

or Drausen], 1 1
Turcomans : see Contomanni
Turgemannus, 'the man of God,' Rubru-

quis' dragoman, 146, 187; 308
Turkie, Turkes, 97, 133 ; 144-5, 184-5;

154, 196; 169, 216; 306, 321, 331

[Turkish Christians]; 183, 233, 333

[Turkish language]

Uigurs, lugures : see Huyri

Valakia, Blakia, ' the land of Assanus,'
Valachians, Blacians [' Wallachia,'
' Wallachians '], 145, 185; 169, 215;
175, 223; 307, 327, 328; Blac and
Ilac, 175, 223

Vandals, 175, 223 ['their language same
as Sclavonians'], 327

Vastacius [John Vataces, i.e. Batatzes],
145, 185; 307

Vincent of Beauvais, ' Vincentius Belu-
acensis,' historian, author ofiheSpecu-
lum historiale, in which is an abridg-
ment of Carpini, 74, 107

Vnc or Vut [Unc, Ung, Wang Khan],
168-9, 215; 182, 232; 322

Volga, river, otherwise Edil, Etilia, 95,
130; 161, 205; 164, 208-9; 167,
213; 170, 216; [compared to Nile],
171, 217; 175, 222; 177, 226; 178,
226 ; 289-90, 315, 318, 320-1, 324

Vortiporius, British Prince, 5, 236

Waldemarus, ' also called larislaus,'
King of Russia,' 32, 33 ['leruslaus,
Duke of Russia ' in title, 32]

Wasilico [Vasilko, Basil], Duke of
Russia, 92, 127; 106, 143 ; 287, 295

Wendels, Vandals, Wenedland 'or
Prussia,' country and people of the
Wends on S. Baltic coast, ri, 240: see
Vandals

William ' the Conquerour,' King of Eng-
land, 19, 33, 34, 244

William, King of Scotland, 27

Witland, ' apperteining to Easterlings '
[in East Prussia], 11, 241

Wixel, Wixelmouth [Vistula], 11, 240-1

Wolstan [Wulfstan], Norse explorer of
Baltic, narrative reported by Alfred
the Great, 11, 12, 240-1

Yeka Mongal [Great Mongols], 80, 114,
271, 274

Yuo [Ivo] of Narbonne, his letter to
Archbishop of ' Burdeaux ' [Bor-
deaux], describing the Tartars, 39
etc., 248-9

Zikia [region of Cis-Caucasia], 145, 185;
307

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

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Full text of "The texts and versions of John de Plano Carpini and William de Rubruquis, as printed for the first time by Hakluyt in 1598, together with some shorter pieces; edited by C. Raymond Beazley"

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